Ostava denara i antoninijana iz Donjeg Crniljeva:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Arheološki Inst. [u.a.]
2005
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Posebna izdanja / Arheološki Institut Beograd
43 Posebna izdanja / Narodni Muzej Šabac 2 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | PST: A hoard of denarii and antoninians from Donje Crniljevo. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Paralleltitel: A hoard of denarii and antoninians from Donje Crniljevo |
| Beschreibung: | 404 S. zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst. |
| ISBN: | 8683389049 8680093424 |
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| 500 | |a Paralleltitel: A hoard of denarii and antoninians from Donje Crniljevo | ||
| 610 | 2 | 4 | |a Narodni muzej Šabac |v Catalogs |
| 650 | 4 | |a Antoninianus (Coin) |z Croatia |z Dalmatia |v Catalogs | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Coin hoards |z Croatia |z Dalmatia |v Catalogs | |
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| 651 | 7 | |a Donje Crniljevo |0 (DE-588)7526324-5 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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|---|---|
| adam_text | SADRŽAJ
UVOD
Poglavlje
1
SASTAV OSTAVE
9
Poglavlje
2
GORDIJAN III
15
Poglavlje
3
FILIP
I
17
Poglavlje
4
TRAJAN
DECIJE
21
Poglavlje
5
TREBONIJAN GAL
25
Poglavlje
6
EMILU
AN
37
Poglavlje
7
VALERIJAN
I
41
Poglavlje
8
DATUM
ZAKOPAV
ANJA
OSTAVE
I
ISTORIJSKE
OKOLNOSTI
57
ZAKLJUČAK
63
SUMMARY
67
KATALOG NOVCA
81
BILIOGRAFUA
401
A HOARD OF DENARII AND ANTONINIANS FROM
DONJE
CRNILJEVO
Summary
On April
18, 1978,
a hoard of denarii and antoninians was unearthed in a field belonging
to
Zlatan Antić,
a farmer from
Donje Crniljevo.
The next day, on April
19, 1978,
a small plot
was excavated where the hoard had been discovered. A probe was opened, the size of
20
χ
3
m,
the longer sides of the probe being in the direction of the furrows made by the plough. During
the works and sifting the excavated soil,
557
more coins were found. Besides coins, parts of the
earthen pot were found, in which the hoard had been buried. The bottom of the pot was discov¬
ered at a depth of
0.35
m
below the surface of the soil. The pot had got caught in the plough, thus
dragging and scattering the coins in the direction of traction and the movement of the plough and
tractor. The number of coins from
Donje
Crniljevo, which are kept in the
Šabac
Museum consist
of
2,486
well preserved specimens and nine damaged and illegible coins, making a total of
2,495
coins.
The locality where the hoard was found is popularly known as
„Čardačine .
It is situated
about
1.5
km south east of the village, on the last slope of Mt.
Vlašić,
which descends from the
peak known as
„Jankov
vis
(447
m). The slope ends above the
Osečina - Donje
Crniljevo road
and the River Tamnava. The
„Čardačine
locality is located on a small, tongue-shaped promon¬
tory, which gently descends towards the said road and the river. There are fairly deep gullies on its
eastern and western sides, into which most of the cultural layer was washed away. Large, darker-
coloured zones were visible in the field, while remains of Roman ceramics were to be found on the
surface. On one of these dark patches, an archaeological probe of dimensions
3
x
3
m
was carried
out. At a depth of
0.40
m
beneath the surface of the soil, cobblestones appeared across the entire
surface of the probe. On removing the cobblestones, a layer of beaten earth, roughly
10
cm thick,
was to be seen, and below it was a layer of sand, which as five centimeters thick. Beneath the
cobblestones, a considerable number of ceramic fragments were discovered, in both layers. One
should not exclude the possibility that they were placed in the substructure of the cobblestones as
reinforcement. Ceramic fragments were also discovered in the layer above the cobblestones. One
may conclude therefore that this was the courtyard of a Roman farming estate (villa
rustica).
The
hoard of coins was buried directly beside the courtyard of the said villa. A larger probe did not
reveal a cultural layer, which means that it was washed away into the gully. According to the finds
on the locality, it is quite clear that the hoard belonged to the owner of the villa and comprised his
accumulated savings. Evidence of this can also be seen from the composition of the hoard, which
we shall discuss in greater detail.
In the Roman period, the locality where the hoard was found belonged to the province
of
Dalmaţia.
We do not have a sufficient number of hoards, dating from the same period, from
67
this province, to undertake a comparative analysis of their compositions*. Viewed on the whole,
the hoard from
Donje
Cmiljevo, both in terms of the number of coins (taking into
considération
those pieces that were scattered) and the content, is most similar to the hoard found in Gorsmm
(Tác
Hungary) in
Pannonia2,
which contains
3,134
coins. The Gorsium hoard begins with a com
belonging to Septimius Severus from the year
195,
whereas Cmiljevo begins with a specimen
belonging to Commodus, dating from the year
183/4.
Both hoards end at roughly the same date,
Gorsium in
258,
and Cmiljevo in the year
259/260.
Also, the proportion of coins, according to
rulers, between the first and the last date, is similar in both hoards, except that in the Cmiljevo
hoard, the coins of Valerian I and his family are much more frequent. Table
1
gives the entire
composition of the hoard, according to rulers and their co-rulers. In analysing Table
2
and Graph
1,
we notice very low frequencies and percentages between the years
183
and
238.
This distribu¬
tion can simply be interpreted as being the remains of earlier savings and that the principal part
of the hoard from
Donje
Cmiljevo began accumulating during the reign of
Gordian
III3. Anyway,
here too, one can notice the gradual growth of circulation between the years
183
and
222,
a sig¬
nificant decline between
223
and
227,
in the time of Alexander Severus, and later, an interruption
between
227
and
236.
This interruption may also be the exception in this hoard, because, in the
time of Alexander Severus, the Balkans were regularly supplied with fresh money. We would
like to note, however, that in the hoard from Gorsium, there is a hiatus between the years
227
and
230,
and between the years
232
and
235,
as well4. Since there are in the Gorsium hoard only
64
coins from Septimius Severus until Gordian s accession to power in the year
238,
these coins are
the remains of earlier savings and one cannot establish the trends in circulation, relying on them.
Nevertheless, one may assume that from the year
236,
in the time of
Maximinus
I, circulation
again began to grow until the year
253
and the time of the emperor, Emilianus, when it dropped
significantly once again, due no doubt to the brevity of his rule. The main part of the hoard was
formed in the time of Valerian I, between the years
253
and
259,
when it reached a percentage
of
41.30%.
We believe that the pieces that were scattered from this hoard would not essentially
change this picture. We find just about the same proportion in the hoard from Gorsium5, and in
the small hoard from Podastinje6, as well. A comparison of these three hoards clearly shows that
the circulation of money in
Pannonia
and
Dalmaţia
was uniform, despite constant upheaval within
the empire caused by the frequent changes of emperors and the conflicts they waged against each
other during the first half of the
Ш
century, as well as by the powerful onslaught by the Goths
against Lower Moesia and Thrace, during the rule of Traianus Decius, from
250-251.
Money
arrived regularly in commercial transactions (the sale of agricultural goods, for instance), even
in places that were distant from the large centres, such as the villa in
Donje
Cmiljevo must have
been, even though it must have been near the supposed route of the Roman road, to all appear¬
ances, close to the route of today s road that links Loznica, Valjevo and
Rudnik7.
■The only similar hoard from the province of
Dalmaţia
known to us was found in Podastinie (Foinica
Воѕша):
Derno
1982 387 sq.
The hoard contains
13
denarii and
148
antoninians
ľaľiľg
rom
SepümL
StľtltT hOard endS WÍth a hybrid °f Valerian
PaX AVGG VoéuLlZL
Roma
2Fitzl978,Teiin,685sq.
3
The same case as in Gorsium,
Fitz 1978,748
4 Fitz 1978,691 sq.
5 Fitz 1978,751.
6 Demo 1982, 391.
See map in
TIR L34,
in
which this route is indicated.
Donje Cmiljevo
is situated half way between
Valjevo
and Loznica, north of the road. It is possible that the present
dav
mJl
Γ Ί
,
u
Roman communication. present-day road lies along the route of the
68
The largest percentage of coins in the hoard was minted in Rome, which is quite normal.
The opening of the imperial mint in Viminacium, during the reign of Philipus I, largely met
the needs of the Balkans right until its closure in the time of Valerian I, in the year
257,
and its
transfer to
Colonia
Agrippinensis, which features with a very low percentage in this hoard. It is
interesting that Antioch, which was already operating in the time of Septimius
Severas,
is repre¬
sented by a very small number of coins. The mint in Cyzicus, which opened during the reign of
Valerian I, is represented, not by a large but a noteworthy percentage. One obtains a more precise
picture of the share of the individual mints in the hoard, when they are distributed according to
rulers. Both Tables
4
and
5
indicate a fairly even distribution of the mints. It is quite understand¬
able that the Roma mint was dominant in the Balkans, before the secondary imperial mint opened
in Viminacium. Due to the war with the Goths, the share of Roma was reduced during the reign
of Traianus Decius and Trebonianus
Gallus,
and the share of Viminacium largely increased,
providing nearby, logistic support to Lower Moesia and Thrace. Meanwhile, the participation of
Antioch was reduced, probably due to difficulties in the flow of money from this mint to the Bal¬
kans because of the military conflicts. During the reign of Valerian I, the share of Viminacium in
supplying the Balkan provinces with money continued to grow. The small percentage of
Colonia
Agrippinensis and Cyzicus was normal because those mints opened directly before the burial of
the hoard from
Donje Crniljevo
(the mint at Cyzicus opened in
255
and the mint in
Colonia
Agr¬
ippinensis, in the year
257).
An analysis of the coins of the individual rulers will confirm these
conclusions, even more clearly. Table
7
gives the annual coefficients and annual percentages.
From the annual percentages, it clearly proceeds that the supply of money was the smallest at the
beginning of
Gordian
s
rule, which would, to some extent, confirm the hypothesis that the villa
on the
„Čardačine
locality was built at that time. A slight decline occurred in circulation between
the years
241
and
244,
only for it to rise considerably again in the last year of Gordian s rule.
The chief supply of coins during the rule of
Gordian
III came from the Roma mint, while
Antioch was represented by a negligible figure, this being in the first and last years of Gordian s
rule. And in the analysis, too, it emerges that the smallest percentage was in the year
238/9,
which
again indicates that the hoard could have started being formed in the same year. Next, the per¬
centage increases in the year
240
and is evenly distributed till the year
244.
Only one coin, which
can be exactly dated to the year
241,
is in fact a denarius minted within the emission issued in
honour of the wedding of Gordianus III and
Tranquilina.
These pieces, though not rare, are not
to be found in any significant number in the
Danubian
hoards, which best illustrates how interest
had declined in saving denarii. That emission, in which denarii were minted, was the last in the
III century.
Table
9
gives the distribution of emissions and
officináé
of Philipus I, his wife Otacilia
Se¬
vera
and their son Philipus II. On that basis, one can calculate the other tables, which will help in
the analysis of the coins that feature from the reign of Philippus I. Table
10
gives the annual coef¬
ficients and annual percentages. The analysis of annual percentages indicates a relatively smooth
flow of money to the hoard. Minor oscillations in the years
247
and
248/9
are not so important,
although there is a certain decline in the supply, around the year
247.
In Table
11,
the coins are arranged according to mints. In the time of Philipus I, Vimina¬
cium was represented only during the years
246/7
with
3.7%
of all Philipus coins in the hoard
from
Donje
Crniljevo. Coins of the first and second emission appear, and these are six coins of
Philipus I, from the first, and four coins of Philipus II, from the second emission. Roma was still
the dominant mint with fairly uniform percentages, except for a very small percentage in the year
246,
right at the time when the supply began from the mint in Viminacium. The reason for the
lack of coins from the Roma mint in the year
249
is probably due to the rebellion and the usurper,
Pacatianus seizing power in Upper Moesia and Lower
Pannonia,
and the poorer supply of coins
69
from Roma to these provinces. Probably, the other provinces in the middle and lower
Danubian
territories, bordering on Upper Moesia, also suffered from a lack of fresh money. Among other
things, J. Fitz also concluded from the Gorsium hoard that circulation was similar in the years
248
and 2498. One should not forget the proclamation of Traianus Decius, when he was chosen
by the troops in
Pannónia.
It is well known that Pacatianus minted antoninians in Viminacium9.
However, in the relatively numerous hoards from this period in Upper Moesia, there are no coins
belonging to Pacatianus, which is strange, because the mint in Viminacium produced antonin¬
ians in his name. The reason, of course, could be that most of the hoards did not arrive in the
museums intact, nor did the one from
Donje Crniljevo10.
Nevertheless, it is quite incredible that
not one single coin ever appeared in former Yugoslav territory after World War II11. In contrast,
four of Pacatianus antoninians were found in the Gorsium hoard, most of them originating from
the western provinces of the Roman Empire12.
Pegan
interpreted this with the confiscation of
the coins in the Viminacium mint at the beginning of the rule of Traianus Decius, when he used
Pacatianus coins for paying the troops at the time of his departure for Gaul, where he crushed
the rebellion before going on to Rome13. Be that as it may, evidently, events in Upper and Lower
Moesia and
Pannonia
had a significant influence on the regularity of the money supply. Probably,
the need for fresh money also increased because during the time of Pacatianus, the colonial mint
of bronzes in Viminacium was closed, therefore, not even those coins could meet local needs for
fresh money. In Table
12,
we displayed the coins of Philipus I, Otacilia, and Philipus II, accord¬
ing to mints. The general conclusion that would refer to the rule of Philipus I would be that the
flow and circulation of money in the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo was fairly uniform, except in the
times of crisis, in the years
248
and
249.
The coins of Traianus Decius and his family from the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard is shown in
Table
13.
In Table
14,
we examined the annual coefficients and percentages. It seems, at a first
glimpse, that circulation was erratic. However, as it is difficult to give the exact date of the types
of reverses on the coins, it is quite possible that the years
249
and
250
overlapped, as did the years
250
and
251;
thus, supply and circulation could have been more uniform and the high percentage
that we notice in the year
249/50,
perhaps, could be more evenly distributed to the end of the year
249
and the beginning of
250.
One can see this even more clearly in the analysis of the mints in
Table
15.
According to the distribution in this table, we see clearly that fresh money arrived in a
greater quantity from the Roma mint, at the end of the year
249
and beginning of the year
250.
The mint in Viminacium, at least regarding the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo, participated with
a very small percentage. The picture essentially changes in the year
250/51,
during the military
operations in Lower Moesia and Thrace, when the circulation of the Roma mint fell significantly,
and that of the Viminacium mint grew, in those years, taking over the principal burden of sup¬
plying fresh money in the
Danubian
provinces14. We have a similar picture in Table
16,
where
8
Fitz
1978, 762.
9
For further details, see
Pegan
1964, 204-213.
Iľhľľrd
f PaCah
íľ
Γ
all^edly f0Und
Ín
ШЄ
JabIanÍCa
and Belgrade hoards but disappeared before
üie
hoards reached the National Museum in Belgrade and the Belgrade City Museum
Pegan
1984
Jablanica
234; 238.
Belgrade,
229.
It is possible that coins of Pacatianus fmm thewlflnCoSL·
were found in Viminacium before World War
I. Pegan
1984 240
Collection
One specimen of an antoninian belonging to Pacatianus was found in the hoard from
Satnice
(near
Ituľinlg^^
12
Pegan
1984,225-227; 228-285.
13
Pegan
1984,174.
14
Compare also hoard from Gorsium, Fitz
1978,780 sqq.
70
we arranged the mints according to the co-rulers. The largest percentage of coins from the Roma
mint belongs to Decius, then to Etruscilla, and the coinage was equal for Herenius and Hostilia-
nus. In contrast to that, the smallest percentage of coins from the Viminacium mint was issued in
Decius name, and the coinage of Etruscilla and Herenius grew significantly, mainly during the
principal military operations against the Goths. Hostilianus coinage from the Viminacium mint is
not represented in the
Donje Crniljevo
hoard and, in the hoards from Upper Moesia, we find few
of Hostilianus coins from Viminacium. The hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo also contains six con-
secratory coins that Traianus Decius had minted in honour of the earlier, deified rulers. A broad
debate went on in scientific circles as to which mints produced these coins. Some scholars, like
Mattingly15, for instance, were inclined to attribute consecratory antoninians to the mint in Milan.
Others, such as J. Fitz16, for instance, considered that these coins were produced in Viminacium.
We accept the latter opinion.
The coinage of Trebonianus
Gallus
and his son, Volusianus, poses similar problems, like
the coinage of Traianus Decius. Here, too, we were confronted with difficulties in defining the
emissions, accurately. Consequently, in the catalogue, we retained the distribution that was given
in Roman Imperial Coinage IV/3. However, because there were indications for arranging the
coins in emissions, in the continuation of this text, we give tables in which we distributed the
coins of Trebonianus
Gallus
and Volusianus in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard, according to emis¬
sions. The arrangement was based on the one already proposed by Mattingly17, which was largely
accepted by Besly and Bland, in processing the Cunetio18 hoard. We wanted to draw attention
to the fact that despite Mattingly
s
outstanding contribution, on the one hand, and that of Besly
and Bland, on the other, the problems surrounding the coinage and emissions, during the rule of
Trebonianus
Gallus
from the year
251
to
253,
have not yet been solved. Not even on the basis of
the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo can one propose a better arrangement. For these reasons, we have
given the hitherto arrangement of the emissions from the Roma, Viminacium and Antioch mints.
A particular problem in the coinage of Trebonianus
Gallus
are hybrids. If the assumption is cor¬
rect that it was not until the beginning of the year
252
that Trebonianus
Gallus
and Volusianus
arrived in Rome, this would mean that after their proclamation as emperors, they spent half a year
in Lower and some time in Upper Moesia. Certainly, the mint at Viminacium must have produced
a large quantity of coins so that the army would receive regular wages. Similarly, the Roma and
Antioch mints had to operate for the same reasons. From that point of view, the Roma mint must
have started producing the new coins immediately after
Gallus
acceded to power. On one inscrip¬
tion from Roma, Decius and Herenius Etruscus are described as
divi
on June 2419. Probably, at
that time, the news must have arrived about the new emperor, Trebonianus
Gallus.
Considering
that
Gallus
did not sever relations with Hostilianus and Etruscilla, the Roma mint was immedi¬
ately able to start producing coins in his name and there is no need to contest this. The question
is why it was necessary for the dies with reverses from the Roma mint to be sent to Viminacium
when that mint was already perfectly capable of producing antoninians. A possible answer, if not
completely satisfactory, may be that it was necessary for the Viminacium mint to produce much
larger amounts of money, and the craftsmen in this mint were unable to make a sufficient number
of dies with types of reverses. The question was much more complicated regarding the types of
15
Mattingly
1934 -1936, 12-14. Id., 1949,77-78.
16 Fitz 1978, 643.
17
RIC
IV/3,
153 sq.
18
Besly, Bland
1983, 19 sqq.
19
CIL
VI
3743 = 31130 = 36760. Wittig,
col.
1252
consdiers that the news of the death of Decius and
Herenius arrived in Rome between June
9
and June
24.
71
reverses
of the Viminacium mint paired up with the obverse inscriptions of the Roma mint (IMP
CAE
С
VIB
)
This combination leads one rather to conclude that the dies were sent from Rome,
which is not unlikely, and which would indicate the central office in Rome from where the dies
for the moulds were sent to the secondary imperial mint in Viminacium. For the time being, this
question will have to remain open.
Table
17
gives the entire coinage of
Gallus
and Volusianus in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard.
Table
18
gives the coins of Trebonianus
Gallus
and Volusianus, arranged according to mints
and emissions, and for the mint in Antioch, according to the
officináé
that were marked on the
obverse and the reverse. Table
19
gives the annual coefficients and the annual percentages of
coins of Trebonianus
Gallus,
in the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo. The coins of Trebonianus
Gallus
feature in the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo in a similar percentage to those of previous rulers. One
notices a slight drop from the year
251
towards
252,
and another increase towards the year
253,
even though Emilianus seized the imperial throne, probably, in the middle of the year. According
to the coins from the Roma mint, one can see that supply was regular. We are confronted with
the problem of being unable to date the emissions from Viminacium and Antioch to the year, so
that all we can say is that in the period from
251
to
253,
their share was a significant percentage.
Tables
21
and
22
give the mints distributed according to emissions and rulers. From Table
21,
one can draw the conclusion that Trebonianus
Gallus
and Volusianus featured equally in all the
emissions from the Roma mint. This conclusion follows also from Table
22,
in which the percent¬
ages are given of the total number of coins of
Gallus
and Volusianus that appeared in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard. The coins of
Gallus
are almost twice as many, compared to Volusianus, in both
emissions from the Viminacium mint, which is also reflected in Table
22.
Gallus
again appears
significantly more in both emissions from the Antioch mint, which one can also observe from the
percentages in Table
22.
From all this data, one may draw the conclusion on the basis of the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard alone that the Roma mint produced just as many coins for both co-rulers, and that
most of those minted for
Gallus
came from Viminacium and Antioch. In order to test whether the
hypothesis was justified, in Tables
23
to
25,
we compared the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo with
the hoards from Belgrade and Gorsium, as well as with the hoards from the
Danubian
provinces,
analysed by Fitz. The percentages were calculated on the basis of all the mentioned hoards. The
analysis shows that the above conclusions were correct. It emerges that the Roma mint did in¬
deed produce an equal number of coins for
Gallus
and Volusianus, even though in the Gorsium
and other hoards that Fitz mentions, the coinage for Volusianus predominates slightly. As for
the mints in Viminacium and Antioch, it is clear that incomparably more coins were produced
for
Gallus
than for Volusianus. On the whole, the period of the rale of Trebonianus
Gallus
and
Volusianus indicates a uniform circulation as well as a uniform coinage in certain mints, with
Trebonianus
Gallus
slightly taking precedence.
The hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo contains eleven coins of Emilianus. In the hoard from
Dvorska
near Krapanj, which did not arrive intact at the National Museum in Belgrade, we find
14
corns belonging to this ruler», in the hoard from Podastinje* we find one, and in the hoard
from Gorsmm,
33
coins*. We may assume that such a small number of coins found in the hoards
S^ľľTS!
Of hE1UanUf brief
ш1е· ™е ^
from
Donje Cmiljevo
has two character-
Mmaľa
w
ľ Í
ь
^
°f
Trebonianus
Gallu* *nd Volusianus to the province of
Dalmaüa was
the lughest, percentage-wise, before the end of their rule. The second is that we do
20
Vasić
1972,63.
21
Demo
1982,490.
22
Fitz
1978,748.
72
not have Emilianus antoninians, which would have been minted in Viminacium, nor are they in
other hoards from the
Danubian
provinces. This finding is very unusual, if we assume that he was
not proclaimed emperor until the beginning of the year
253,
and that he also controlled Upper
Moesia. Certainly, he needed money to meet the needs of the troops, and he was unable to do so
with the bronze colonial Viminacium coins alone. We saw that Trebonianus
Gallus
immediately
continued minting antoninians in Viminacium, and this as we shall show, was also done by Va¬
lerian.
On Emilianus coins, we find two basic inscriptions on the obverse:
1.
Imp Aemilianus pius
fel aug
(Group
1),
2.
Imp
Caes
Aemilianus
p f
aug
(Group II),
both attributed to the Roma mint.
The obverse inscription Imp
M
Aemil Aemilianus
p f
aug
was attributed to an unspecified
mint.
Two more inscriptions are known: Imp
Caes
Aemilianus pius
aug (Rv. CONCORDIA
AUG
-
RIC IV/3,
No.
28 -
perhaps the reverse of Herenius Etruscus or Hostilianus) and Imp Ae¬
milianus
ρ
aug
(Rv.
SALUS
AUG
-
RIC IV/3, No.
29 -
the reverse of Trebonianus
Gallus).
What
strikes one first is the unusually large number of reverse inscriptions and devices, as well as the
number of inscriptions on the obverses of coinage that lasted for about three months. In that case,
should one attribute Group I and II only to the Roma mint, apart from the unspecified mint? When
one compares the coinage of antoninians and bronze coins, one notices that Group I and II of the
obverse inscriptions are equally represented, with just a few more types of reverse inscriptions in
Group II. This would favour the view that both groups were struck in the Roma mint, because, as
a rule, imperial bronzes were not produced in secondary mints. On the other hand, the inscription
on the obverse of the colonial coins from Viminacium was Imp
С
M
Aemil Aemilianus
aug23,
which is very close to the obverse inscription from the unspecified mint. Accordingly, we could
think of identifying the unspecified mint with Viminacium. However, not in one hoard from Nori-
cum, the
Pannonias,
Moesias and
Dalmaţia,
do we find a single coin that would belong to this
group. Therefore, the question of where this mint was opened remains unexplained.
In the hoard from
Donje Crniljevo,
Group I features with eight coins and Group II, with
three. In the other hoards from the
Danubian
provinces, Group I has a much larger representa¬
tion24. In the
Korong
hoard, we find
14
coins from Group I and two coins from Group II25, and in
Gorsium, there are
31
coins from Group I and two coins from Group II26. However, in the hoard
from Smederevo, we have
22
coins only from Group I, and four coins in the Jablanica hoard,
again, only from Group I; Group
Π
was not represented.27 If we were to assume that one of these
groups may have been minted in Viminacium, it certainly could not have been Group II, because
we do not find it either in Smederevo or in Jablanica, the hoards nearest to Viminacium. All we
are able to conclude from this analysis is that Group I preceded Group II.
In spite of the fairly large number of types of reverses and two basic types of obverses, it
appears that Emilianus coinage was not prolific, judging by the representation of his coins in the
23
Aslo known is the inscription Imp
С
Aemil Aemilianus
aug:
В.
Borić
-
Brešković
1976, 104,
No.
1642
-1643.
24
Cf.
Fitz 1978,
tables on pp.
414 - 417;
group
Π
represented only by
7
specimens. Demo
1982 -
Oštra
Luka,
401:
group I
- 10
specimens, group
Π
-1
specimen; Otrovanec,
413:
group
1-2,
group II
- 1;
Kurilovac,
430:
group
1-4,
group II
- 1;
Garčin,
453:
group
1-1;
Satnica,
472:
group
1-1;
Podastinje,
493:
group
Π
- 1.
25 Fitz 1978, 417
26 Ibid., 729 - 730.
27 Ibid., 417.
73
published hoards, which additionally impedes their more precise arrangement according to emis¬
sions or mints. We stress, once again, that it is simply unbelievable that Emilianus did not produce
antoninians in Viminacium. Although this question must remain unexplained, Emilianus rule
clearly shows us that one mint could, in a short period of time, produce a rather large number of
moulds and mint a specific amount of coins. Meanwhile, we also point to the fact that, apart from
the imperial coinage in Rome and the colonial coinage in Viminacium, coins were produced for
Emilianus in the local mints in Syria and
Cilicia28,
and that the inscriptions and milestones were
well known throughout the empire29. The point is that when the emperor was acknowledged
throughout the empire, it was possible, very quickly, to produce coins and to set up signs and
milestones, which again demonstrated the emperor s concern about the road network. It is un¬
usual that coins were not struck in Alexandria, until the second year of Emilianus rule, as though
the news of the deaths of
Gallus
and Volusianus did not arrive there much sooner than August
28,
when the new minting year began. Here, we confront a situation contrary to the one mentioned a
little earlier: if coins were produced in Syria and
Cilicia,
and if milestones were set up in Numidia
and Sardinia, how was it possible that the news about the acknowledgement of Emilianus did not
reach Alexandria sooner? We shall encounter the same question when we discuss the capture and
death of Valerian I.
The coins of Valerian I and his family are represented in
55%
of the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo. As we shall demonstrate further on in the text, the hoard may have ended at the be¬
ginning of the year
260.
Thus, for the seven years of the joint rule of Valerian I and Gallienus,
the annual average30 would amounted to
171,
which is a high average (in Gorsium, it is 15631).
Evidently, for some unknown reason, a large number of coins reached this part of the province of
Dalmaţia,
during those years. We shall see in the further analysis that in the interval from
256
to
260,
the circulation of money varied but, in spite
ofthat,
the supply of money was plentiful during
Valerian s time. In the coinage of Valerian and his family, we confront a similar problem just as
we did with Traianus Decius and Trebonianus
Gallus,
and that is the still uncertain distribution
into emissions and
officináé.
Thus, the arrangement we give in this paper is, to a large extent,
arbitrary. We shall try in the commentary to give some clarification about each mint, based on
hitherto research. In Table
26,
we give the entire coinage of Valerian I and his family, represented
in the hoard.
The Roma mint in the time of Valerian I
The first serious attempt at systematising the emissions of Valerian I and his family, was
done by R.
GöbF,
and then by Gallwey, in his publication of the hoard from Gibraltar
J Lal-
lemand identified two initial emissions of antoninians in Rome, and showed that there
was
were six
Cf. Ruggiero
1886, 294.
Klebs,
col.
545.
CIL
ΠΙ
8270;
Donje Ljupče
near
Priština,
milestone,
Čerškov
1981,
-1—
--,
Petrović,
------------
X8011.
-
S4q. Numidia, ;
»
Number of specimens divided by number of years.
32
Gobi
1951.
33
Gallwey
1961,339 - 341.
74
officináé
operating in this mint, at the beginning of Valerian s34 reign. She ascribed the first emis¬
sion to the end of the year
253 (?) - 254,
and the second, to the year
255.
After these emissions, the
picture becomes confused. Around the year
255,
a different inscription appeared on the obverse
of the coins of Valerian and Gallienus: Imp
C P
Lic
-
p f
aug,
and some of the earlier types of
inscriptions for the reverse continued being minted over a longer period: APOLINI
CONSERVA,
FELICITAS
AUGG, VICTORIA AUGG (with a shield) and ORIENS AUGG (with a scourge).
The inscription on the obverse on Valerian s coin apparently remained unchanged over the next
four years. In addition to the aforesaid reverses, a small number of other reverses minted for
Gallienus can be included in some sequence, based on the evolution of the obverse inscriptions.
Besly and Bland gave the sequences of the introduction of the main reverse types on the basis of
evidence from the hoard35.
In the catalogue, we applied the sequence and dating of the emissions, given by Fitz36, and
Gobi s distribution. This order, however, raises the problem of when the hoard from
Donje Crnilje-
vo ended. The last coin in the hoard from the Roma mint is: Obv. Imp Valerianus
aug:
Rv. CON-
SERVT
AUG,
officina
Q (RIC
84). Fitz
placed this combination of obverse and reverse in emission
10
that should have been minted in the year 26037. In contrast to Fitz
s
sequence, Besly and Bland
placed this type in the second phase of the third series38, and ascribe it to the year 258/939, which
seems to us to be a more acceptable date. More will be said about this in the paper, later on. If we
were to accept this date, which Besly and Bland suggest, then the date of the
Donje Crniljevo
hoard s burial would be the year
259.
In any case, Valerian s entire coinage will, of course, have
to be analysed more precisely.
The Viminacium mint in the time of Valerian I
The production of coins one can attribute to the mint in Viminacium involves the same
problems as the coins of the Roma mint. Fitz published a system of coinage in six emissions40,
and we resorted to his system in the tables that follow. A basic remark would be that many types
were struck on a very small number of coins. Besly and Bland divided the Viminacium coinage
into three emissions, based on the evolution of the obverse inscriptions and busts. In the cata¬
logue, we applied this system. It is less favourable than Fitz
s
because in the Cunetio hoard, the
emissions were not precisely dated. We intentionally applied both systems, when publishing the
hoard from
Donje Crniljevo,
so as to make future analyses easier. J. Lallemand determined the
first two Viminacium emissions41. She dated the first emission to the year
253,
and the second, to
the year
253/4.
Viminacium stopped producing antoninians in the year
257,
or at the beginning of
258.
During the year
257,
half of the Viminacium mint was transferred to
Colonia Agrippinensis
so that the troops in that part of the limes could regularly receive their pay, particularly when
34
Lallemand
1972.
35
Besly, Bland
1983, 23.
36
Fitz
1978,
Gorsium,
730
sq. Tables of hoards,
420 - 543.
37
Fitz
1978, 432.
Gobi
1951, 24.
38
Besly, Bland
1983, 39,
No.
539.
39 Ibid., 23.
Though not conclusive, RIC V/l, also dates this type in the year
258.
40
Fitz
1978, 665 - 680.
41
Lallemand
1972, 18
sq.
75
Gallienus
left his son, Saloninus, to administer that part of the empire. The Viminacium colonial
mint is known to have been shut down in the 16th year of the local era, that is to say, in the year
25542, whereas bronze coins were produced for the province of
Dacia in
the year
256.
The failure
to profit from producing these coins forced Gallienus and Valerian to shut down the local mints of
bronze coins43. The mint of antoninians had to continue operating in Viminacium so as to make it
possible for the military troops to receive their pay as regularly as possible, in the provinces along
the Middle and Lower Danube, commanded by Gallienus other son, Valerian II. He was killed in
the first half of the year
258,
and then the Viminacium mint definitely ceased to function.
Fitz showed that the mint in Viminacium was still operating even in the year
257,
by com¬
paring the reverses on which there is mention of the victory of Valerian I over the Parths44. Thus,
we find these reverses in Viminacium
s
sixth emission (the beginning of 25745), Antioch s fifth
emission (also at the beginning of 25746), and in the later stage of the fourth emission from the
Colonia
Agrippinensis mint (at the beginning of the year 25847). Therefore, if the mint in Cologne
opened in the year
257,
after the transfer from the Viminacium mint, then it could have been only
part of the mint, because we see that there was a parallel production of coins in Viminacium
s
sixth emission, and in the later stage of the fourth emission in Cologne.
Colonia
Agrippinensis in the time of Valerian I.
As we have already said,
Colonia
Agrippinensis began producing coins during the year
25748. The sixth, last emission from this mint was produced at the beginning of the year
259,
and
the next one, during the time of Postumus, in the spring of 26049. We would like to note that in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard, there is a coin of Valerian s, ORIENS AUGG (RIC
18),
which, accord¬
ing to Gobi s distribution, belonged to the sixth emission, in other words, probably the beginning
of the year
259.
Besides Valerian s coin from the tenth emission from the Roma mint, this piece
would be the latest in the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo.
The Antioch mint in the time of Valerian I
The coins minted in Antioch and Cyzicus are distributed according to the emissions estab¬
lished by Carson, in his publication of the hoard from
Hama50.
This distribution was generally
accepted. In Table
27,
we give the annual coefficients and annual percentages. According to the
annual percentages, the circulation of the coins in the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo was fairly ir¬
regular during the time of Valerian I. There are very low percentages to start with, in the year
253-
254,
at the time of Valerian s accession to the imperial throne. It was not until
254
that circulation
42
B.
Borić-Brešković
1976, 8
sq
43
Callu
1969,14
sq.
44
Fitz
1966,30.
45
Gobi
1951,29.
46 Ibid., 39.
47 Ibid., 33.
48
Gobi
1951, 30.
49 Fite 1966,22.
50
Carson
1968.
76
ostensibly grew, with a mild decline following in the interval from
254-256,
and another increase
in the year
256.
At the end of
256
and beginning of
257,
there was a serious drop in circulation,
only to pick up substantially at the end of
257
and in the course of
258.
An enormous shortage
of coins was recorded for the period
259-260,
and the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo ends with that
period.
Tables
28
and
29
give the frequency and percentage of coins from the hoard, distributed ac¬
cording to mints and according to years, in which certain emissions were produced. These tables
clearly indicate that in the time of Valerian I, the money supply predominantly came from the
Viminacium mint. The flow of money from the Roma mint was cut by half. The percentages from
the other mints were far lower, Antioch slightly higher, Cyzicus less, while the percentage from
Colonia Agrippinensis
and the mints in Gaul were very small.
Valerian s rule began with a modest percentage from the Viminacium mint, in the year
253.
The Balkan provinces were generally supplied from Viminacium, at that point in time. At
the very end of the year
253
and the beginning of
254,
the Roma mint increased its supply to the
Balkans so that during the year
254,
its percentage in circulation was the highest. In the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard, Viminacium retains approximately the same level of supply in the year
254
as
in the year
253,
and the coins from Antioch also occur in circulation in roughly the same percent¬
age as those from Viminacium. In the interval from
254
to
256,
the supply of money from Rome
declined slightly, but the supply from Viminacium significantly increased. And then, in the year
255,
money arrived from Antioch and Cyzicus in smaller, roughly the same percentages. In the
year
256,
the mint in Viminacium features with the most coins in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard, true,
with a slightly smaller percentage than in the previous interval, while the supply from Rome and
Antioch, significantly fell. At the end of
256
and the beginning of
257,
the hoard contained a very
small percentage (below
2%)
of coins from the mints in Rome, Gaul, Antioch and Cyzicus. In this
interval, Viminacium did not participate in the supply. In contrast to this, in the period from the
end of
257
to the beginning of
258,
the percentage of the Viminacium mint in the
Donje
Crniljevo
hoard was the highest, and apart from this mint, coins from
Colonia
Agrippinensis were also
represented, but only with
0.15%.
As we saw earlier on, during the year
258,
the mints in Vimi¬
nacium, Antioch and Cyzicus were closed so that supply to the Balkans between
258
and
260
was
directed from the Roma and Cologne mints, but, the money arrived in small quantities, which is
reflected in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard.
The oscillations in the supply of coins from individual mints between the years
253
and
258
and, as one can also see from Table
27,
to all intents and purposes, they occurred for purely eco¬
nomic reasons because in that interval, there was no serious upheaval in the Roman empire that
might have been caused by external or internal pressure. Trouble did break out in the empire from
the year
258,
which will be discussed further in the following chapter. These events certainly af¬
fected the circulation of money and, probably, were the reason for the burial of the hoard in the
villa in
Donje
Crniljevo. In Table
30,
we give the percentages of the representation of the rulers
and members of their families in the mints we find in
Donje
Crniljevo.
During this paper, it was said on several occasions that the latest coins of Valerian I in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard were from the tenth emission of the Roma mint dated in the year
260,
and
the sixth emission of the Cologne mint dated in the year
259.
We have seen that Viminacium
ceased production in
257
(or at the beginning of the year
258,
at the latest) and in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard, we do not have coins from the Antioch and Cyzicus mints after the year
257.
Emission
8
from the Roma mint and emission
5
from the
Colonia
Agrippinensis mint are parallel
and can be dated in the year
258,
because they contain the type CONSECRATIO, produced after
the death of Valerian II in the year
258.
The Roma emission
9,
ascribed to the year
258 - 259,
is
77
not represented in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard. Emissions
9
and
10
of the Roma mint are character¬
istic because of the markings of the
officináé
in the exergue on the reverses. But the inscriptions
on their reverses differ. The question is, however, whether the ninth emission truly encompasses
part of the year
258
and most of
259,
or whether it lasted much shorter, so that emission
10
could
be ascribed to the year
259,
and not to
260.
When we summarise the events between the years
258
and
260,
we get the following sequence:
1.
Valerian s defeat at Edessa and his capture can be ascribed to the year
258.
The news of
his capture reached Rome at the beginning of
259.
Antioch was seized in
258
and its mint
ceased to function.
2.
During the year
258,
Valerian II was murdered, and Ingenuus was chosen as emperor in
Sirmium, probably, at the end of the year. To all intents and purposes, he was defeated at
the beginning of
259.
3.
After defeat of Ingenuus at the beginning of
259,
Gallienus arrived in
Pannonia
and
settled the situation by the middle
ofthat
year, when he was again faced with an incursion
into Italy by the Alamans.
4.
After the departure of Gallienus, Regalianus launched a new rebellion and was pro¬
claimed emperor in Sirmium, some time between the end of July and December
9,
in the
year
259.
At roughly the same time, Postumus was proclaimed emperor in Gaul.
5.
Probably in the spring of
260,
the Roxolani attacked Lower
Pannonia,
Regalianus was
killed, and the barbarian tribes took Sirmium. Gallienus sent vexillaries against them and,
later, he himself arrived in the territory around the Danube.
According to this sequence of events, coins could have been minted in the Roma and Co¬
logne mints for Valerian I at the beginning of
259,
when it was officially confirmed that Valerian
had been captured. The assumption that emission
10
from the Roma mint was produced in
260
is
improbable, and this is more likely to have been in
259,
perhaps by the middle of the year. It could
also have been the terminus post
quem
of the burial of the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard.
Firstly, the usurpations of Ingenuus and then, of Regalianus, must have certainly led to an
extremely scarce supply from the Roma and Cologne mints, primarily in
Pannonia,
and in the
other
Danubian
provinces. The powerful incursion by the Alamans into Italy, certainly, contrib¬
uted to this state of affairs, as well.
On the other hand, the incursion by the Roxolani into Lower
Pannonia
and the capture of
Sirmium must have caused anxiety in the neighbouring provinces, especially the north-eastern
part of
Dalmaţia,
the nearest to Lower
Pannonia,
which was where the villa in
Donje
Crniljevo
was located. Although this incursion probably took place in the spring of
260,
one should not
exclude it as the reason for the burial of the hoard. Given the low circulation of money in the year
259,
the span of time that elapsed between the last coins in the hoard and the incursion by the
Roxolani, do not rule out this assumption. Nevertheless, considering the general situation in these
parts, from the end of the year
258
already, the real reason for the burial of the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo remains in the realm of a hypothesis that is impossible to prove.
Conclusion
The discovery of the hoard in
Donje
Crniljevo is valuable, above all, for the analysis of
purely
«ШШЙС
questions, such as the types of obverses and reverses, mints, emissions and of-
ficmae. It alsoprovuies material for the examination of historical circumstances and, for example,
econonuc relations
m
the eastern part of the province of
Dalmaţia,
particularly, as we do not have
78
a large number of hoards of mid-Ill century antoninians from the interior of this province. In con¬
cluding the analysis of the hoard from Crniljevo, it is for this reason that we shall compare this
hoard with two others from the province of
Dalmaţia,
the dates of which are approximately the
same. From this part of
Dalmaţia,
geographically speaking, the closest is the hoard of antoninians
from
Dvorska
near Krupanj, which is situated south-west of Crniljevo. As we already mentioned,
this hoard was not published as a whole, except for giving the content as it had arrived in the Na¬
tional Museum in Belgrade51. The hoard begins with coins of Septimius
Severas
and ends with
the first emissions of Valerian. The other, chronologically close hoard is from Podastinje, near
Fojnica, not far from the Roman mansio, Stanecli52. We examined the composition of Crniljevo,
Dvorska
and Podastinje from the years
222
to
254.
We took this span of time into consideration
because
Dvorska
began to accumulate in the time of Alexander
Severas,
and ended with the first
emissions of Valerian I and Gallienus. We give the analysis in Table
31
and Graph
2.
It emerges
clearly from the table and graph that, in terms of percentages, the circulation in the interval stud¬
ied in all three hoards was very close. This leads one to conclude that the supply of money to this
province was constant, with no large oscillations. It also indicates the economic importance of
the eastern and central part of the province of
Dalmaţia
(present-day central Bosnia and western
Serbia) not only as a mining but as an agricultural region, as well. As we have shown, the hoard
from Crniljevo, clearly, must have been the savings of the owner of the villa. Its remains were es¬
tablished, after organising a probe on the
„Čardačine
locality. We do not have data for
Dvorska,
about the state in which it was found, but its content indicates successive savings over a longer
span of time, and this also applied to Podastinje. On the other hand, the size of the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo enabled us, at least in the briefest contours, to examine the scale of coinage from
Gordian
III to Valerian I. This refers in particular to the circulation of coins in separate periods
and the representation of the mints under certain rulers. Undoubtedly, in the time from the year
238
to
259/260,
this part of
Dalmaţia
was mostly supplied with coins from the Roma mint. By
the reign of Philipus I, however, when the mint of antoninians opened in Viminacium, that mint
became increasingly important for supplying coins to the
Danubian
provinces. Antioch partici¬
pated in the general circulation, but, understandably, with a much lower percentage, like the mint
in Cyzicus, on the one hand, and Cologne, on the other, in the time of Valerian I.
The question of the precise determination of the emissions and the
officináé
from Traianus
Decius to Valerian, on which we placed special emphasis in the paper, remains unsolved. This
question requires a different methodological approach and, that is to carefully analyse the dies of
the obverses and reverses, which is very difficult in the case of the Roma mint, due to the abun¬
dance of material. Perhaps, the antoninians from the Viminacium mint would be more suitable
for such an analysis, and a good part of the material can be found in the museums in our country.
For this reason, in the catalogue, we gave photographs of all the coins, and we hope this will
help gradually resolve those problems in further research. This paper does not deal with another,
important, numismatic question that refers to the metrology of the antoninians. We believe that
such an analysis should be done on a larger number of hoards so as to obtain as high a statistical
threshold as possible, which would bring more definite results than the partial ones they would be
if obtained only on the basis of this hoard. That would have to be the theme of a separate paper.
The time of the burial of the hoard was determined by two of Valerian s coins, one from
the Roma mint, dated with the year
260,
and the other, from the colonial mint, dated with the year
259.
The traditional date of the Battle of Edessa, in which the Persians captured Valerian I, and
51
Vasić
1972, 62 sqq.
52 Demo 1982, 387-391
79
which is accepted in historical science, is the year
260.
Some scholars, however, gave a different
view in the
1960s,
according to which they ascribed the capture of Valerian to the year
258,
or
259
at the latest. We tried once again to check the different arguments, and it seems to us that Valerian
could indeed have been captured in the year
258,
but the news of this did not reach Rome until
some time in the year
259,
and in some parts of the empire, possibly, even later. For these reasons,
it is quite plausible that coins were produced in his name in
Colonia Agrippinensis
and Rome
even at the beginning of
259,
but certainly not in
260.
Therefore, this would be the time when new
coins no longer arrived in the hoard in
Donje Crniljevo,
in other words, the supply of money was
no longer regular. We stressed that an unstable situation arose in the Balkan provinces in the year
259,
first caused by the usurpation of Ingenuus, and then, Regalianus. Apart from that, incursions
by the Roxolani, during which Regalianus, too, lost his life, must have affected the circulation of
money and led to the burial of the savings at the end of
259
and beginning of
260,
and flight from
the estate at that time, for any one of these reasons. One of them, indeed, forced the owner of the
villa situated in
Donje
Crniljevo, to abandon his estate and never again return to collect part of the
wealth contained in the hoard of coins that remained undiscovered till the present day.
80
|
| adam_txt |
SADRŽAJ
UVOD
Poglavlje
1
SASTAV OSTAVE
9
Poglavlje
2
GORDIJAN III
15
Poglavlje
3
FILIP
I
17
Poglavlje
4
TRAJAN
DECIJE
21
Poglavlje
5
TREBONIJAN GAL
25
Poglavlje
6
EMILU
AN
37
Poglavlje
7
VALERIJAN
I
41
Poglavlje
8
DATUM
ZAKOPAV
ANJA
OSTAVE
I
ISTORIJSKE
OKOLNOSTI
57
ZAKLJUČAK
63
SUMMARY
67
KATALOG NOVCA
81
BILIOGRAFUA
401
A HOARD OF DENARII AND ANTONINIANS FROM
DONJE
CRNILJEVO
Summary
On April
18, 1978,
a hoard of denarii and antoninians was unearthed in a field belonging
to
Zlatan Antić,
a farmer from
Donje Crniljevo.
The next day, on April
19, 1978,
a small plot
was excavated where the hoard had been discovered. A probe was opened, the size of
20
χ
3
m,
the longer sides of the probe being in the direction of the furrows made by the plough. During
the works and sifting the excavated soil,
557
more coins were found. Besides coins, parts of the
earthen pot were found, in which the hoard had been buried. The bottom of the pot was discov¬
ered at a depth of
0.35
m
below the surface of the soil. The pot had got caught in the plough, thus
dragging and scattering the coins in the direction of traction and the movement of the plough and
tractor. The number of coins from
Donje
Crniljevo, which are kept in the
Šabac
Museum consist
of
2,486
well preserved specimens and nine damaged and illegible coins, making a total of
2,495
coins.
The locality where the hoard was found is popularly known as
„Čardačine".
It is situated
about
1.5
km south east of the village, on the last slope of Mt.
Vlašić,
which descends from the
peak known as
„Jankov
vis"
(447
m). The slope ends above the
Osečina - Donje
Crniljevo road
and the River Tamnava. The
„Čardačine"
locality is located on a small, tongue-shaped promon¬
tory, which gently descends towards the said road and the river. There are fairly deep gullies on its
eastern and western sides, into which most of the cultural layer was washed away. Large, darker-
coloured zones were visible in the field, while remains of Roman ceramics were to be found on the
surface. On one of these dark patches, an archaeological probe of dimensions
3
x
3
m
was carried
out. At a depth of
0.40
m
beneath the surface of the soil, cobblestones appeared across the entire
surface of the probe. On removing the cobblestones, a layer of beaten earth, roughly
10
cm thick,
was to be seen, and below it was a layer of sand, which as five centimeters thick. Beneath the
cobblestones, a considerable number of ceramic fragments were discovered, in both layers. One
should not exclude the possibility that they were placed in the substructure of the cobblestones as
reinforcement. Ceramic fragments were also discovered in the layer above the cobblestones. One
may conclude therefore that this was the courtyard of a Roman farming estate (villa
rustica).
The
hoard of coins was buried directly beside the courtyard of the said villa. A larger probe did not
reveal a cultural layer, which means that it was washed away into the gully. According to the finds
on the locality, it is quite clear that the hoard belonged to the owner of the villa and comprised his
accumulated savings. Evidence of this can also be seen from the composition of the hoard, which
we shall discuss in greater detail.
In the Roman period, the locality where the hoard was found belonged to the province
of
Dalmaţia.
We do not have a sufficient number of hoards, dating from the same period, from
67
this province, to undertake a comparative analysis of their compositions*. Viewed on the whole,
the hoard from
Donje
Cmiljevo, both in terms of the number of coins (taking into
considération
those pieces that were scattered) and the content, is most similar to the hoard found in Gorsmm
(Tác
Hungary) in
Pannonia2,
which contains
3,134
coins. The Gorsium hoard begins with a com
belonging to Septimius Severus from the year
195,
whereas Cmiljevo begins with a specimen
belonging to Commodus, dating from the year
183/4.
Both hoards end at roughly the same date,
Gorsium in
258,
and Cmiljevo in the year
259/260.
Also, the proportion of coins, according to
rulers, between the first and the last date, is similar in both hoards, except that in the Cmiljevo
hoard, the coins of Valerian I and his family are much more frequent. Table
1
gives the entire
composition of the hoard, according to rulers and their co-rulers. In analysing Table
2
and Graph
1,
we notice very low frequencies and percentages between the years
183
and
238.
This distribu¬
tion can simply be interpreted as being the remains of earlier savings and that the principal part
of the hoard from
Donje
Cmiljevo began accumulating during the reign of
Gordian
III3. Anyway,
here too, one can notice the gradual growth of circulation between the years
183
and
222,
a sig¬
nificant decline between
223
and
227,
in the time of Alexander Severus, and later, an interruption
between
227
and
236.
This interruption may also be the exception in this hoard, because, in the
time of Alexander Severus, the Balkans were regularly supplied with fresh money. We would
like to note, however, that in the hoard from Gorsium, there is a hiatus between the years
227
and
230,
and between the years
232
and
235,
as well4. Since there are in the Gorsium hoard only
64
coins from Septimius Severus until Gordian's accession to power in the year
238,
these coins are
the remains of earlier savings and one cannot establish the trends in circulation, relying on them.
Nevertheless, one may assume that from the year
236,
in the time of
Maximinus
I, circulation
again began to grow until the year
253
and the time of the emperor, Emilianus, when it dropped
significantly once again, due no doubt to the brevity of his rule. The main part of the hoard was
formed in the time of Valerian I, between the years
253
and
259,
when it reached a percentage
of
41.30%.
We believe that the pieces that were scattered from this hoard would not essentially
change this picture. We find just about the same proportion in the hoard from Gorsium5, and in
the small hoard from Podastinje6, as well. A comparison of these three hoards clearly shows that
the circulation of money in
Pannonia
and
Dalmaţia
was uniform, despite constant upheaval within
the empire caused by the frequent changes of emperors and the conflicts they waged against each
other during the first half of the
Ш
century, as well as by the powerful onslaught by the Goths
against Lower Moesia and Thrace, during the rule of Traianus Decius, from
250-251.
Money
arrived regularly in commercial transactions (the sale of agricultural goods, for instance), even
in places that were distant from the large centres, such as the villa in
Donje
Cmiljevo must have
been, even though it must have been near the supposed route of the Roman road, to all appear¬
ances, close to the route of today's road that links Loznica, Valjevo and
Rudnik7.
■The only similar hoard from the province of
Dalmaţia
known to us was found in Podastinie (Foinica
Воѕша):
Derno
1982 387 sq.
The hoard contains
13
denarii and
148
antoninians
ľaľiľg
rom
SepümL
StľtltT hOard endS WÍth a hybrid °f Valerian
'
PaX AVGG' VoéuLlZL
Roma
2Fitzl978,Teiin,685sq.
3
The same case as in Gorsium,
Fitz 1978,748
4 Fitz 1978,691 sq.
5 Fitz 1978,751.
6 Demo 1982, 391.
'See map in
TIR L34,
in
which this route is indicated.
Donje Cmiljevo
is situated half way between
Valjevo
and Loznica, north of the road. It is possible that the present
dav
mJl
Γ Ί
,
u
Roman communication. present-day road lies along the route of the
68
The largest percentage of coins in the hoard was minted in Rome, which is quite normal.
The opening of the imperial mint in Viminacium, during the reign of Philipus I, largely met
the needs of the Balkans right until its closure in the time of Valerian I, in the year
257,
and its
transfer to
Colonia
Agrippinensis, which features with a very low percentage in this hoard. It is
interesting that Antioch, which was already operating in the time of Septimius
Severas,
is repre¬
sented by a very small number of coins. The mint in Cyzicus, which opened during the reign of
Valerian I, is represented, not by a large but a noteworthy percentage. One obtains a more precise
picture of the share of the individual mints in the hoard, when they are distributed according to
rulers. Both Tables
4
and
5
indicate a fairly even distribution of the mints. It is quite understand¬
able that the Roma mint was dominant in the Balkans, before the secondary imperial mint opened
in Viminacium. Due to the war with the Goths, the share of Roma was reduced during the reign
of Traianus Decius and Trebonianus
Gallus,
and the share of Viminacium largely increased,
providing nearby, logistic support to Lower Moesia and Thrace. Meanwhile, the participation of
Antioch was reduced, probably due to difficulties in the flow of money from this mint to the Bal¬
kans because of the military conflicts. During the reign of Valerian I, the share of Viminacium in
supplying the Balkan provinces with money continued to grow. The small percentage of
Colonia
Agrippinensis and Cyzicus was normal because those mints opened directly before the burial of
the hoard from
Donje Crniljevo
(the mint at Cyzicus opened in
255
and the mint in
Colonia
Agr¬
ippinensis, in the year
257).
An analysis of the coins of the individual rulers will confirm these
conclusions, even more clearly. Table
7
gives the annual coefficients and annual percentages.
From the annual percentages, it clearly proceeds that the supply of money was the smallest at the
beginning of
Gordian'
s
rule, which would, to some extent, confirm the hypothesis that the villa
on the
„Čardačine"
locality was built at that time. A slight decline occurred in circulation between
the years
241
and
244,
only for it to rise considerably again in the last year of Gordian's rule.
The chief supply of coins during the rule of
Gordian
III came from the Roma mint, while
Antioch was represented by a negligible figure, this being in the first and last years of Gordian's
rule. And in the analysis, too, it emerges that the smallest percentage was in the year
238/9,
which
again indicates that the hoard could have started being formed in the same year. Next, the per¬
centage increases in the year
240
and is evenly distributed till the year
244.
Only one coin, which
can be exactly dated to the year
241,
is in fact a denarius minted within the emission issued in
honour of the wedding of Gordianus III and
Tranquilina.
These pieces, though not rare, are not
to be found in any significant number in the
Danubian
hoards, which best illustrates how interest
had declined in saving denarii. That emission, in which denarii were minted, was the last in the
III century.
Table
9
gives the distribution of emissions and
officináé
of Philipus I, his wife Otacilia
Se¬
vera
and their son Philipus II. On that basis, one can calculate the other tables, which will help in
the analysis of the coins that feature from the reign of Philippus I. Table
10
gives the annual coef¬
ficients and annual percentages. The analysis of annual percentages indicates a relatively smooth
flow of money to the hoard. Minor oscillations in the years
247
and
248/9
are not so important,
although there is a certain decline in the supply, around the year
247.
In Table
11,
the coins are arranged according to mints. In the time of Philipus I, Vimina¬
cium was represented only during the years
246/7
with
3.7%
of all Philipus' coins in the hoard
from
Donje
Crniljevo. Coins of the first and second emission appear, and these are six coins of
Philipus I, from the first, and four coins of Philipus II, from the second emission. Roma was still
the dominant mint with fairly uniform percentages, except for a very small percentage in the year
246,
right at the time when the supply began from the mint in Viminacium. The reason for the
lack of coins from the Roma mint in the year
249
is probably due to the rebellion and the usurper,
Pacatianus seizing power in Upper Moesia and Lower
Pannonia,
and the poorer supply of coins
69
from Roma to these provinces. Probably, the other provinces in the middle and lower
Danubian
territories, bordering on Upper Moesia, also suffered from a lack of fresh money. Among other
things, J. Fitz also concluded from the Gorsium hoard that circulation was similar in the years
248
and 2498. One should not forget the proclamation of Traianus Decius, when he was chosen
by the troops in
Pannónia.
It is well known that Pacatianus minted antoninians in Viminacium9.
However, in the relatively numerous hoards from this period in Upper Moesia, there are no coins
belonging to Pacatianus, which is strange, because the mint in Viminacium produced antonin¬
ians in his name. The reason, of course, could be that most of the hoards did not arrive in the
museums intact, nor did the one from
Donje Crniljevo10.
Nevertheless, it is quite incredible that
not one single coin ever appeared in former Yugoslav territory after World War II11. In contrast,
four of Pacatianus' antoninians were found in the Gorsium hoard, most of them originating from
the western provinces of the Roman Empire12.
Pegan
interpreted this with the confiscation of
the coins in the Viminacium mint at the beginning of the rule of Traianus Decius, when he used
Pacatianus' coins for paying the troops at the time of his departure for Gaul, where he crushed
the rebellion before going on to Rome13. Be that as it may, evidently, events in Upper and Lower
Moesia and
Pannonia
had a significant influence on the regularity of the money supply. Probably,
the need for fresh money also increased because during the time of Pacatianus, the colonial mint
of bronzes in Viminacium was closed, therefore, not even those coins could meet local needs for
fresh money. In Table
12,
we displayed the coins of Philipus I, Otacilia, and Philipus II, accord¬
ing to mints. The general conclusion that would refer to the rule of Philipus I would be that the
flow and circulation of money in the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo was fairly uniform, except in the
times of crisis, in the years
248
and
249.
The coins of Traianus Decius and his family from the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard is shown in
Table
13.
In Table
14,
we examined the annual coefficients and percentages. It seems, at a first
glimpse, that circulation was erratic. However, as it is difficult to give the exact date of the types
of reverses on the coins, it is quite possible that the years
249
and
250
overlapped, as did the years
250
and
251;
thus, supply and circulation could have been more uniform and the high percentage
that we notice in the year
249/50,
perhaps, could be more evenly distributed to the end of the year
249
and the beginning of
250.
One can see this even more clearly in the analysis of the mints in
Table
15.
According to the distribution in this table, we see clearly that fresh money arrived in a
greater quantity from the Roma mint, at the end of the year
249
and beginning of the year
250.
The mint in Viminacium, at least regarding the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo, participated with
a very small percentage. The picture essentially changes in the year
250/51,
during the military
operations in Lower Moesia and Thrace, when the circulation of the Roma mint fell significantly,
and that of the Viminacium mint grew, in those years, taking over the principal burden of sup¬
plying fresh money in the
Danubian
provinces14. We have a similar picture in Table
16,
where
8
Fitz
1978, 762.
9
For further details, see
Pegan
1964, 204-213.
Iľhľľrd
f PaCah
íľ
Γ"
all^edly f0Und
Ín
ШЄ
JabIanÍCa
and Belgrade hoards but disappeared before
üie
hoards reached the National Museum in Belgrade and the Belgrade City Museum
Pegan
1984
Jablanica
234; 238.
Belgrade,
229.
It is possible that coins of Pacatianus fmm thewlflnCoSL·
were found in Viminacium before World War
I. Pegan
1984 240
Collection
''One specimen of an antoninian belonging to Pacatianus was found in the hoard from
Satnice
(near
Ituľinlg^^
12
Pegan
1984,225-227; 228-285.
13
Pegan
1984,174.
14
Compare also hoard from Gorsium, Fitz
1978,780 sqq.
70
we arranged the mints according to the co-rulers. The largest percentage of coins from the Roma
mint belongs to Decius, then to Etruscilla, and the coinage was equal for Herenius and Hostilia-
nus. In contrast to that, the smallest percentage of coins from the Viminacium mint was issued in
Decius' name, and the coinage of Etruscilla and Herenius grew significantly, mainly during the
principal military operations against the Goths. Hostilianus' coinage from the Viminacium mint is
not represented in the
Donje Crniljevo
hoard and, in the hoards from Upper Moesia, we find few
of Hostilianus' coins from Viminacium. The hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo also contains six con-
secratory coins that Traianus Decius had minted in honour of the earlier, deified rulers. A broad
debate went on in scientific circles as to which mints produced these coins. Some scholars, like
Mattingly15, for instance, were inclined to attribute consecratory antoninians to the mint in Milan.
Others, such as J. Fitz16, for instance, considered that these coins were produced in Viminacium.
We accept the latter opinion.
The coinage of Trebonianus
Gallus
and his son, Volusianus, poses similar problems, like
the coinage of Traianus Decius. Here, too, we were confronted with difficulties in defining the
emissions, accurately. Consequently, in the catalogue, we retained the distribution that was given
in Roman Imperial Coinage IV/3. However, because there were indications for arranging the
coins in emissions, in the continuation of this text, we give tables in which we distributed the
coins of Trebonianus
Gallus
and Volusianus in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard, according to emis¬
sions. The arrangement was based on the one already proposed by Mattingly17, which was largely
accepted by Besly and Bland, in processing the Cunetio18 hoard. We wanted to draw attention
to the fact that despite Mattingly'
s
outstanding contribution, on the one hand, and that of Besly
and Bland, on the other, the problems surrounding the coinage and emissions, during the rule of
Trebonianus
Gallus
from the year
251
to
253,
have not yet been solved. Not even on the basis of
the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo can one propose a better arrangement. For these reasons, we have
given the hitherto arrangement of the emissions from the Roma, Viminacium and Antioch mints.
A particular problem in the coinage of Trebonianus
Gallus
are hybrids. If the assumption is cor¬
rect that it was not until the beginning of the year
252
that Trebonianus
Gallus
and Volusianus
arrived in Rome, this would mean that after their proclamation as emperors, they spent half a year
in Lower and some time in Upper Moesia. Certainly, the mint at Viminacium must have produced
a large quantity of coins so that the army would receive regular wages. Similarly, the Roma and
Antioch mints had to operate for the same reasons. From that point of view, the Roma mint must
have started producing the new coins immediately after
Gallus
acceded to power. On one inscrip¬
tion from Roma, Decius and Herenius Etruscus are described as
divi
on June 2419. Probably, at
that time, the news must have arrived about the new emperor, Trebonianus
Gallus.
Considering
that
Gallus
did not sever relations with Hostilianus and Etruscilla, the Roma mint was immedi¬
ately able to start producing coins in his name and there is no need to contest this. The question
is why it was necessary for the dies with reverses from the Roma mint to be sent to Viminacium
when that mint was already perfectly capable of producing antoninians. A possible answer, if not
completely satisfactory, may be that it was necessary for the Viminacium mint to produce much
larger amounts of money, and the craftsmen in this mint were unable to make a sufficient number
of dies with types of reverses. The question was much more complicated regarding the types of
15
Mattingly
1934 -1936, 12-14. Id., 1949,77-78.
16 Fitz 1978, 643.
17
RIC
IV/3,
153 sq.
18
Besly, Bland
1983, 19 sqq.
19
CIL
VI
3743 = 31130 = 36760. Wittig,
col.
1252
consdiers that the news of the death of Decius and
Herenius arrived in Rome between June
9
and June
24.
71
reverses
of the Viminacium mint paired up with the obverse inscriptions of the Roma mint (IMP
CAE
С
VIB
)
This combination leads one rather to conclude that the dies were sent from Rome,
which is not unlikely, and which would indicate the central office in Rome from where the dies
for the moulds were sent to the secondary imperial mint in Viminacium. For the time being, this
question will have to remain open.
Table
17
gives the entire coinage of
Gallus
and Volusianus in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard.
Table
18
gives the coins of Trebonianus
Gallus
and Volusianus, arranged according to mints
and emissions, and for the mint in Antioch, according to the
officináé
that were marked on the
obverse and the reverse. Table
19
gives the annual coefficients and the annual percentages of
coins of Trebonianus
Gallus,
in the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo. The coins of Trebonianus
Gallus
feature in the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo in a similar percentage to those of previous rulers. One
notices a slight drop from the year
251
towards
252,
and another increase towards the year
253,
even though Emilianus seized the imperial throne, probably, in the middle of the year. According
to the coins from the Roma mint, one can see that supply was regular. We are confronted with
the problem of being unable to date the emissions from Viminacium and Antioch to the year, so
that all we can say is that in the period from
251
to
253,
their share was a significant percentage.
Tables
21
and
22
give the mints distributed according to emissions and rulers. From Table
21,
one can draw the conclusion that Trebonianus
Gallus
and Volusianus featured equally in all the
emissions from the Roma mint. This conclusion follows also from Table
22,
in which the percent¬
ages are given of the total number of coins of
Gallus
and Volusianus that appeared in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard. The coins of
Gallus
are almost twice as many, compared to Volusianus, in both
emissions from the Viminacium mint, which is also reflected in Table
22.
Gallus
again appears
significantly more in both emissions from the Antioch mint, which one can also observe from the
percentages in Table
22.
From all this data, one may draw the conclusion on the basis of the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard alone that the Roma mint produced just as many coins for both co-rulers, and that
most of those minted for
Gallus
came from Viminacium and Antioch. In order to test whether the
hypothesis was justified, in Tables
23
to
25,
we compared the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo with
the hoards from Belgrade and Gorsium, as well as with the hoards from the
Danubian
provinces,
analysed by Fitz. The percentages were calculated on the basis of all the mentioned hoards. The
analysis shows that the above conclusions were correct. It emerges that the Roma mint did in¬
deed produce an equal number of coins for
Gallus
and Volusianus, even though in the Gorsium
and other hoards that Fitz mentions, the coinage for Volusianus predominates slightly. As for
the mints in Viminacium and Antioch, it is clear that incomparably more coins were produced
for
Gallus
than for Volusianus. On the whole, the period of the rale of Trebonianus
Gallus
and
Volusianus indicates a uniform circulation as well as a uniform coinage in certain mints, with
Trebonianus
Gallus
slightly taking precedence.
The hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo contains eleven coins of Emilianus. In the hoard from
Dvorska
near Krapanj, which did not arrive intact at the National Museum in Belgrade, we find
14
corns belonging to this ruler», in the hoard from Podastinje* we find one, and in the hoard
from Gorsmm,
33
coins*. We may assume that such a small number of coins found in the hoards
S^ľľTS!
Of hE1UanUf brief
ш1е· ™е ^
from
Donje Cmiljevo
has two character-
Mmaľa
w
ľ Í
ь
^
°f
Trebonianus
Gallu* *nd Volusianus to the province of
Dalmaüa was
the lughest, percentage-wise, before the end of their rule. The second is that we do
20
Vasić
1972,63.
21
Demo
1982,490.
22
Fitz
1978,748.
72
not have Emilianus' antoninians, which would have been minted in Viminacium, nor are they in
other hoards from the
Danubian
provinces. This finding is very unusual, if we assume that he was
not proclaimed emperor until the beginning of the year
253,
and that he also controlled Upper
Moesia. Certainly, he needed money to meet the needs of the troops, and he was unable to do so
with the bronze colonial Viminacium coins alone. We saw that Trebonianus
Gallus
immediately
continued minting antoninians in Viminacium, and this as we shall show, was also done by Va¬
lerian.
On Emilianus' coins, we find two basic inscriptions on the obverse:
1.
Imp Aemilianus pius
fel aug
(Group
1),
2.
Imp
Caes
Aemilianus
p f
aug
(Group II),
both attributed to the Roma mint.
The obverse inscription Imp
M
Aemil Aemilianus
p f
aug
was attributed to an unspecified
mint.
Two more inscriptions are known: Imp
Caes
Aemilianus pius
aug (Rv. CONCORDIA
AUG
-
RIC IV/3,
No.
28 -
perhaps the reverse of Herenius Etruscus or Hostilianus) and Imp Ae¬
milianus
ρ
aug
(Rv.
SALUS
AUG
-
RIC IV/3, No.
29 -
the reverse of Trebonianus
Gallus).
What
strikes one first is the unusually large number of reverse inscriptions and devices, as well as the
number of inscriptions on the obverses of coinage that lasted for about three months. In that case,
should one attribute Group I and II only to the Roma mint, apart from the unspecified mint? When
one compares the coinage of antoninians and bronze coins, one notices that Group I and II of the
obverse inscriptions are equally represented, with just a few more types of reverse inscriptions in
Group II. This would favour the view that both groups were struck in the Roma mint, because, as
a rule, imperial bronzes were not produced in secondary mints. On the other hand, the inscription
on the obverse of the colonial coins from Viminacium was Imp
С
M
Aemil Aemilianus
aug23,
which is very close to the obverse inscription from the unspecified mint. Accordingly, we could
think of identifying the unspecified mint with Viminacium. However, not in one hoard from Nori-
cum, the
Pannonias,
Moesias and
Dalmaţia,
do we find a single coin that would belong to this
group. Therefore, the question of where this mint was opened remains unexplained.
In the hoard from
Donje Crniljevo,
Group I features with eight coins and Group II, with
three. In the other hoards from the
Danubian
provinces, Group I has a much larger representa¬
tion24. In the
Korong
hoard, we find
14
coins from Group I and two coins from Group II25, and in
Gorsium, there are
31
coins from Group I and two coins from Group II26. However, in the hoard
from Smederevo, we have
22
coins only from Group I, and four coins in the Jablanica hoard,
again, only from Group I; Group
Π
was not represented.27 If we were to assume that one of these
groups may have been minted in Viminacium, it certainly could not have been Group II, because
we do not find it either in Smederevo or in Jablanica, the hoards nearest to Viminacium. All we
are able to conclude from this analysis is that Group I preceded Group II.
In spite of the fairly large number of types of reverses and two basic types of obverses, it
appears that Emilianus' coinage was not prolific, judging by the representation of his coins in the
23
Aslo known is the inscription Imp
С
Aemil Aemilianus
aug:
В.
Borić
-
Brešković
1976, 104,
No.
1642
-1643.
24
Cf.
Fitz 1978,
tables on pp.
414 - 417;
group
Π
represented only by
7
specimens. Demo
1982 -
Oštra
Luka,
401:
group I
- 10
specimens, group
Π
-1
specimen; Otrovanec,
413:
group
1-2,
group II
- 1;
Kurilovac,
430:
group
1-4,
group II
- 1;
Garčin,
453:
group
1-1;
Satnica,
472:
group
1-1;
Podastinje,
493:
group
Π
- 1.
25 Fitz 1978, 417
26 Ibid., 729 - 730.
27 Ibid., 417.
73
published hoards, which additionally impedes their more precise arrangement according to emis¬
sions or mints. We stress, once again, that it is simply unbelievable that Emilianus did not produce
antoninians in Viminacium. Although this question must remain unexplained, Emilianus' rule
clearly shows us that one mint could, in a short period of time, produce a rather large number of
moulds and mint a specific amount of coins. Meanwhile, we also point to the fact that, apart from
the imperial coinage in Rome and the colonial coinage in Viminacium, coins were produced for
Emilianus in the local mints in Syria and
Cilicia28,
and that the inscriptions and milestones were
well known throughout the empire29. The point is that when the emperor was acknowledged
throughout the empire, it was possible, very quickly, to produce coins and to set up signs and
milestones, which again demonstrated the emperor's concern about the road network. It is un¬
usual that coins were not struck in Alexandria, until the second year of Emilianus' rule, as though
the news of the deaths of
Gallus
and Volusianus did not arrive there much sooner than August
28,
when the new minting year began. Here, we confront a situation contrary to the one mentioned a
little earlier: if coins were produced in Syria and
Cilicia,
and if milestones were set up in Numidia
and Sardinia, how was it possible that the news about the acknowledgement of Emilianus did not
reach Alexandria sooner? We shall encounter the same question when we discuss the capture and
death of Valerian I.
The coins of Valerian I and his family are represented in
55%
of the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo. As we shall demonstrate further on in the text, the hoard may have ended at the be¬
ginning of the year
260.
Thus, for the seven years of the joint rule of Valerian I and Gallienus,
the annual average30 would amounted to
171,
which is a high average (in Gorsium, it is 15631).
Evidently, for some unknown reason, a large number of coins reached this part of the province of
Dalmaţia,
during those years. We shall see in the further analysis that in the interval from
256
to
260,
the circulation of money varied but, in spite
ofthat,
the supply of money was plentiful during
Valerian's time. In the coinage of Valerian and his family, we confront a similar problem just as
we did with Traianus Decius and Trebonianus
Gallus,
and that is the still uncertain distribution
into emissions and
officináé.
Thus, the arrangement we give in this paper is, to a large extent,
arbitrary. We shall try in the commentary to give some clarification about each mint, based on
hitherto research. In Table
26,
we give the entire coinage of Valerian I and his family, represented
in the hoard.
The Roma mint in the time of Valerian I
The first serious attempt at systematising the emissions of Valerian I and his family, was
done by R.
GöbF,
and then by Gallwey, in his publication of the hoard from Gibraltar"
J Lal-
lemand identified two initial emissions of antoninians in Rome, and showed that there
was
were six
Cf. Ruggiero
1886, 294.
Klebs,
col.
545.
CIL
ΠΙ
8270;
Donje Ljupče
near
Priština,
milestone,
Čerškov
1981,
'-1—
'--,
Petrović,
------------
X8011.
-
S4q. Numidia, ;
»
Number of specimens divided by number of years.
32
Gobi
1951.
33
Gallwey
1961,339 - 341.
74
officináé
operating in this mint, at the beginning of Valerian's34 reign. She ascribed the first emis¬
sion to the end of the year
253 (?) - 254,
and the second, to the year
255.
After these emissions, the
picture becomes confused. Around the year
255,
a different inscription appeared on the obverse
of the coins of Valerian and Gallienus: Imp
C P
Lic
-
p f
aug,
and some of the earlier types of
inscriptions for the reverse continued being minted over a longer period: APOLINI
CONSERVA,
FELICITAS
AUGG, VICTORIA AUGG (with a shield) and ORIENS AUGG (with a scourge).
The inscription on the obverse on Valerian's coin apparently remained unchanged over the next
four years. In addition to the aforesaid reverses, a small number of other reverses minted for
Gallienus can be included in some sequence, based on the evolution of the obverse inscriptions.
Besly and Bland gave the sequences of the introduction of the main reverse types on the basis of
evidence from the hoard35.
In the catalogue, we applied the sequence and dating of the emissions, given by Fitz36, and
Gobi's distribution. This order, however, raises the problem of when the hoard from
Donje Crnilje-
vo ended. The last coin in the hoard from the Roma mint is: Obv. Imp Valerianus
aug:
Rv. CON-
SERVT
AUG,
officina
Q (RIC
84). Fitz
placed this combination of obverse and reverse in emission
10
that should have been minted in the year 26037. In contrast to Fitz'
s
sequence, Besly and Bland
placed this type in the second phase of the third series38, and ascribe it to the year 258/939, which
seems to us to be a more acceptable date. More will be said about this in the paper, later on. If we
were to accept this date, which Besly and Bland suggest, then the date of the
Donje Crniljevo
hoard's burial would be the year
259.
In any case, Valerian's entire coinage will, of course, have
to be analysed more precisely.
The Viminacium mint in the time of Valerian I
The production of coins one can attribute to the mint in Viminacium involves the same
problems as the coins of the Roma mint. Fitz published a system of coinage in six emissions40,
and we resorted to his system in the tables that follow. A basic remark would be that many types
were struck on a very small number of coins. Besly and Bland divided the Viminacium coinage
into three emissions, based on the evolution of the obverse inscriptions and busts. In the cata¬
logue, we applied this system. It is less favourable than Fitz'
s
because in the Cunetio hoard, the
emissions were not precisely dated. We intentionally applied both systems, when publishing the
hoard from
Donje Crniljevo,
so as to make future analyses easier. J. Lallemand determined the
first two Viminacium emissions41. She dated the first emission to the year
253,
and the second, to
the year
253/4.
Viminacium stopped producing antoninians in the year
257,
or at the beginning of
258.
During the year
257,
half of the Viminacium mint was transferred to
Colonia Agrippinensis
so that the troops in that part of the limes could regularly receive their pay, particularly when
34
Lallemand
1972.
35
Besly, Bland
1983, 23.
36
Fitz
1978,
Gorsium,
730
sq. Tables of hoards,
420 - 543.
37
Fitz
1978, 432.
Gobi
1951, 24.
38
Besly, Bland
1983, 39,
No.
539.
39 Ibid., 23.
Though not conclusive, RIC V/l, also dates this type in the year
258.
40
Fitz
1978, 665 - 680.
41
Lallemand
1972, 18
sq.
75
Gallienus
left his son, Saloninus, to administer that part of the empire. The Viminacium colonial
mint is known to have been shut down in the 16th year of the local era, that is to say, in the year
25542, whereas bronze coins were produced for the province of
Dacia in
the year
256.
The failure
to profit from producing these coins forced Gallienus and Valerian to shut down the local mints of
bronze coins43. The mint of antoninians had to continue operating in Viminacium so as to make it
possible for the military troops to receive their pay as regularly as possible, in the provinces along
the Middle and Lower Danube, commanded by Gallienus' other son, Valerian II. He was killed in
the first half of the year
258,
and then the Viminacium mint definitely ceased to function.
Fitz showed that the mint in Viminacium was still operating even in the year
257,
by com¬
paring the reverses on which there is mention of the victory of Valerian I over the Parths44. Thus,
we find these reverses in Viminacium'
s
sixth emission (the beginning of 25745), Antioch's fifth
emission (also at the beginning of 25746), and in the later stage of the fourth emission from the
Colonia
Agrippinensis mint (at the beginning of the year 25847). Therefore, if the mint in Cologne
opened in the year
257,
after the transfer from the Viminacium mint, then it could have been only
part of the mint, because we see that there was a parallel production of coins in Viminacium'
s
sixth emission, and in the later stage of the fourth emission in Cologne.
Colonia
Agrippinensis in the time of Valerian I.
As we have already said,
Colonia
Agrippinensis began producing coins during the year
25748. The sixth, last emission from this mint was produced at the beginning of the year
259,
and
the next one, during the time of Postumus, in the spring of 26049. We would like to note that in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard, there is a coin of Valerian's, ORIENS AUGG (RIC
18),
which, accord¬
ing to Gobi's distribution, belonged to the sixth emission, in other words, probably the beginning
of the year
259.
Besides Valerian's coin from the tenth emission from the Roma mint, this piece
would be the latest in the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo.
The Antioch mint in the time of Valerian I
The coins minted in Antioch and Cyzicus are distributed according to the emissions estab¬
lished by Carson, in his publication of the hoard from
Hama50.
This distribution was generally
accepted. In Table
27,
we give the annual coefficients and annual percentages. According to the
annual percentages, the circulation of the coins in the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo was fairly ir¬
regular during the time of Valerian I. There are very low percentages to start with, in the year
253-
254,
at the time of Valerian's accession to the imperial throne. It was not until
254
that circulation
42
B.
Borić-Brešković
1976, 8
sq
43
Callu
1969,14
sq.
44
Fitz
1966,30.
45
Gobi
1951,29.
46 Ibid., 39.
47 Ibid., 33.
48
Gobi
1951, 30.
49 Fite 1966,22.
50
Carson
1968.
76
ostensibly grew, with a mild decline following in the interval from
254-256,
and another increase
in the year
256.
At the end of
256
and beginning of
257,
there was a serious drop in circulation,
only to pick up substantially at the end of
257
and in the course of
258.
An enormous shortage
of coins was recorded for the period
259-260,
and the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo ends with that
period.
Tables
28
and
29
give the frequency and percentage of coins from the hoard, distributed ac¬
cording to mints and according to years, in which certain emissions were produced. These tables
clearly indicate that in the time of Valerian I, the money supply predominantly came from the
Viminacium mint. The flow of money from the Roma mint was cut by half. The percentages from
the other mints were far lower, Antioch slightly higher, Cyzicus less, while the percentage from
Colonia Agrippinensis
and the mints in Gaul were very small.
Valerian's rule began with a modest percentage from the Viminacium mint, in the year
253.
The Balkan provinces were generally supplied from Viminacium, at that point in time. At
the very end of the year
253
and the beginning of
254,
the Roma mint increased its supply to the
Balkans so that during the year
254,
its percentage in circulation was the highest. In the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard, Viminacium retains approximately the same level of supply in the year
254
as
in the year
253,
and the coins from Antioch also occur in circulation in roughly the same percent¬
age as those from Viminacium. In the interval from
254
to
256,
the supply of money from Rome
declined slightly, but the supply from Viminacium significantly increased. And then, in the year
255,
money arrived from Antioch and Cyzicus in smaller, roughly the same percentages. In the
year
256,
the mint in Viminacium features with the most coins in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard, true,
with a slightly smaller percentage than in the previous interval, while the supply from Rome and
Antioch, significantly fell. At the end of
256
and the beginning of
257,
the hoard contained a very
small percentage (below
2%)
of coins from the mints in Rome, Gaul, Antioch and Cyzicus. In this
interval, Viminacium did not participate in the supply. In contrast to this, in the period from the
end of
257
to the beginning of
258,
the percentage of the Viminacium mint in the
Donje
Crniljevo
hoard was the highest, and apart from this mint, coins from
Colonia
Agrippinensis were also
represented, but only with
0.15%.
As we saw earlier on, during the year
258,
the mints in Vimi¬
nacium, Antioch and Cyzicus were closed so that supply to the Balkans between
258
and
260
was
directed from the Roma and Cologne mints, but, the money arrived in small quantities, which is
reflected in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard.
The oscillations in the supply of coins from individual mints between the years
253
and
258
and, as one can also see from Table
27,
to all intents and purposes, they occurred for purely eco¬
nomic reasons because in that interval, there was no serious upheaval in the Roman empire that
might have been caused by external or internal pressure. Trouble did break out in the empire from
the year
258,
which will be discussed further in the following chapter. These events certainly af¬
fected the circulation of money and, probably, were the reason for the burial of the hoard in the
villa in
Donje
Crniljevo. In Table
30,
we give the percentages of the representation of the rulers
and members of their families in the mints we find in
Donje
Crniljevo.
During this paper, it was said on several occasions that the latest coins of Valerian I in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard were from the tenth emission of the Roma mint dated in the year
260,
and
the sixth emission of the Cologne mint dated in the year
259.
We have seen that Viminacium
ceased production in
257
(or at the beginning of the year
258,
at the latest) and in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard, we do not have coins from the Antioch and Cyzicus mints after the year
257.
Emission
8
from the Roma mint and emission
5
from the
Colonia
Agrippinensis mint are parallel
and can be dated in the year
258,
because they contain the type CONSECRATIO, produced after
the death of Valerian II in the year
258.
The Roma emission
9,
ascribed to the year
258 - 259,
is
77
not represented in the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard. Emissions
9
and
10
of the Roma mint are character¬
istic because of the markings of the
officináé
in the exergue on the reverses. But the inscriptions
on their reverses differ. The question is, however, whether the ninth emission truly encompasses
part of the year
258
and most of
259,
or whether it lasted much shorter, so that emission
10
could
be ascribed to the year
259,
and not to
260.
When we summarise the events between the years
258
and
260,
we get the following sequence:
1.
Valerian's defeat at Edessa and his capture can be ascribed to the year
258.
The news of
his capture reached Rome at the beginning of
259.
Antioch was seized in
258
and its mint
ceased to function.
2.
During the year
258,
Valerian II was murdered, and Ingenuus was chosen as emperor in
Sirmium, probably, at the end of the year. To all intents and purposes, he was defeated at
the beginning of
259.
3.
After defeat of Ingenuus at the beginning of
259,
Gallienus arrived in
Pannonia
and
settled the situation by the middle
ofthat
year, when he was again faced with an incursion
into Italy by the Alamans.
4.
After the departure of Gallienus, Regalianus launched a new rebellion and was pro¬
claimed emperor in Sirmium, some time between the end of July and December
9,
in the
year
259.
At roughly the same time, Postumus was proclaimed emperor in Gaul.
5.
Probably in the spring of
260,
the Roxolani attacked Lower
Pannonia,
Regalianus was
killed, and the barbarian tribes took Sirmium. Gallienus sent vexillaries against them and,
later, he himself arrived in the territory around the Danube.
According to this sequence of events, coins could have been minted in the Roma and Co¬
logne mints for Valerian I at the beginning of
259,
when it was officially confirmed that Valerian
had been captured. The assumption that emission
10
from the Roma mint was produced in
260
is
improbable, and this is more likely to have been in
259,
perhaps by the middle of the year. It could
also have been the terminus post
quem
of the burial of the
Donje
Crniljevo hoard.
Firstly, the usurpations of Ingenuus and then, of Regalianus, must have certainly led to an
extremely scarce supply from the Roma and Cologne mints, primarily in
Pannonia,
and in the
other
Danubian
provinces. The powerful incursion by the Alamans into Italy, certainly, contrib¬
uted to this state of affairs, as well.
On the other hand, the incursion by the Roxolani into Lower
Pannonia
and the capture of
Sirmium must have caused anxiety in the neighbouring provinces, especially the north-eastern
part of
Dalmaţia,
the nearest to Lower
Pannonia,
which was where the villa in
Donje
Crniljevo
was located. Although this incursion probably took place in the spring of
260,
one should not
exclude it as the reason for the burial of the hoard. Given the low circulation of money in the year
259,
the span of time that elapsed between the last coins in the hoard and the incursion by the
Roxolani, do not rule out this assumption. Nevertheless, considering the general situation in these
parts, from the end of the year
258
already, the real reason for the burial of the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo remains in the realm of a hypothesis that is impossible to prove.
Conclusion
The discovery of the hoard in
Donje
Crniljevo is valuable, above all, for the analysis of
purely
«ШШЙС
questions, such as the types of obverses and reverses, mints, emissions and of-
ficmae. It alsoprovuies material for the examination of historical circumstances and, for example,
econonuc relations
m
the eastern part of the province of
Dalmaţia,
particularly, as we do not have
78
a large number of hoards of mid-Ill century antoninians from the interior of this province. In con¬
cluding the analysis of the hoard from Crniljevo, it is for this reason that we shall compare this
hoard with two others from the province of
Dalmaţia,
the dates of which are approximately the
same. From this part of
Dalmaţia,
geographically speaking, the closest is the hoard of antoninians
from
Dvorska
near Krupanj, which is situated south-west of Crniljevo. As we already mentioned,
this hoard was not published as a whole, except for giving the content as it had arrived in the Na¬
tional Museum in Belgrade51. The hoard begins with coins of Septimius
Severas
and ends with
the first emissions of Valerian. The other, chronologically close hoard is from Podastinje, near
Fojnica, not far from the Roman mansio, Stanecli52. We examined the composition of Crniljevo,
Dvorska
and Podastinje from the years
222
to
254.
We took this span of time into consideration
because
Dvorska
began to accumulate in the time of Alexander
Severas,
and ended with the first
emissions of Valerian I and Gallienus. We give the analysis in Table
31
and Graph
2.
It emerges
clearly from the table and graph that, in terms of percentages, the circulation in the interval stud¬
ied in all three hoards was very close. This leads one to conclude that the supply of money to this
province was constant, with no large oscillations. It also indicates the economic importance of
the eastern and central part of the province of
Dalmaţia
(present-day central Bosnia and western
Serbia) not only as a mining but as an agricultural region, as well. As we have shown, the hoard
from Crniljevo, clearly, must have been the savings of the owner of the villa. Its remains were es¬
tablished, after organising a probe on the
„Čardačine"
locality. We do not have data for
Dvorska,
about the state in which it was found, but its content indicates successive savings over a longer
span of time, and this also applied to Podastinje. On the other hand, the size of the hoard from
Donje
Crniljevo enabled us, at least in the briefest contours, to examine the scale of coinage from
Gordian
III to Valerian I. This refers in particular to the circulation of coins in separate periods
and the representation of the mints under certain rulers. Undoubtedly, in the time from the year
238
to
259/260,
this part of
Dalmaţia
was mostly supplied with coins from the Roma mint. By
the reign of Philipus I, however, when the mint of antoninians opened in Viminacium, that mint
became increasingly important for supplying coins to the
Danubian
provinces. Antioch partici¬
pated in the general circulation, but, understandably, with a much lower percentage, like the mint
in Cyzicus, on the one hand, and Cologne, on the other, in the time of Valerian I.
The question of the precise determination of the emissions and the
officináé
from Traianus
Decius to Valerian, on which we placed special emphasis in the paper, remains unsolved. This
question requires a different methodological approach and, that is to carefully analyse the dies of
the obverses and reverses, which is very difficult in the case of the Roma mint, due to the abun¬
dance of material. Perhaps, the antoninians from the Viminacium mint would be more suitable
for such an analysis, and a good part of the material can be found in the museums in our country.
For this reason, in the catalogue, we gave photographs of all the coins, and we hope this will
help gradually resolve those problems in further research. This paper does not deal with another,
important, numismatic question that refers to the metrology of the antoninians. We believe that
such an analysis should be done on a larger number of hoards so as to obtain as high a statistical
threshold as possible, which would bring more definite results than the partial ones they would be
if obtained only on the basis of this hoard. That would have to be the theme of a separate paper.
The time of the burial of the hoard was determined by two of Valerian's coins, one from
the Roma mint, dated with the year
260,
and the other, from the colonial mint, dated with the year
259.
The traditional date of the Battle of Edessa, in which the Persians captured Valerian I, and
51
Vasić
1972, 62 sqq.
52 Demo 1982, 387-391
79
which is accepted in historical science, is the year
260.
Some scholars, however, gave a different
view in the
1960s,
according to which they ascribed the capture of Valerian to the year
258,
or
259
at the latest. We tried once again to check the different arguments, and it seems to us that Valerian
could indeed have been captured in the year
258,
but the news of this did not reach Rome until
some time in the year
259,
and in some parts of the empire, possibly, even later. For these reasons,
it is quite plausible that coins were produced in his name in
Colonia Agrippinensis
and Rome
even at the beginning of
259,
but certainly not in
260.
Therefore, this would be the time when new
coins no longer arrived in the hoard in
Donje Crniljevo,
in other words, the supply of money was
no longer regular. We stressed that an unstable situation arose in the Balkan provinces in the year
259,
first caused by the usurpation of Ingenuus, and then, Regalianus. Apart from that, incursions
by the Roxolani, during which Regalianus, too, lost his life, must have affected the circulation of
money and led to the burial of the savings at the end of
259
and beginning of
260,
and flight from
the estate at that time, for any one of these reasons. One of them, indeed, forced the owner of the
villa situated in
Donje
Crniljevo, to abandon his estate and never again return to collect part of the
wealth contained in the hoard of coins that remained undiscovered till the present day.
80 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Vasić, Miloje 1940- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)113568376X |
| author_facet | Vasić, Miloje 1940- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Vasić, Miloje 1940- |
| author_variant | m v mv |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV021512209 |
| callnumber-first | C - Historical Sciences |
| callnumber-label | CJ1109 |
| callnumber-raw | CJ1109 |
| callnumber-search | CJ1109 |
| callnumber-sort | CJ 41109 |
| callnumber-subject | CJ - Numismatics |
| classification_rvk | LG 6100 ND 6300 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)77626209 (DE-599)BVBBV021512209 |
| discipline | Geschichte Klassische Archäologie |
| discipline_str_mv | Geschichte Klassische Archäologie |
| format | Book |
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| genre | (DE-588)4163417-2 Katalog gnd-content |
| genre_facet | Katalog |
| geographic | Donje Crniljevo (DE-588)7526324-5 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Donje Crniljevo |
| id | DE-604.BV021512209 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T14:19:14Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T20:37:30Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 8683389049 8680093424 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-014728812 |
| oclc_num | 77626209 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-19 DE-BY-UBM DE-M157 DE-M491 DE-188 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR DE-739 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-19 DE-BY-UBM DE-M157 DE-M491 DE-188 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR DE-739 |
| physical | 404 S. zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst. |
| psigel | gbd_AEK |
| publishDate | 2005 |
| publishDateSearch | 2005 |
| publishDateSort | 2005 |
| publisher | Arheološki Inst. [u.a.] |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Posebna izdanja / Arheološki Institut Beograd Posebna izdanja / Narodni Muzej Šabac |
| spelling | Vasić, Miloje 1940- Verfasser (DE-588)113568376X aut Ostava denara i antoninijana iz Donjeg Crniljeva Miloje Vasić A hoard of denarii and antoninians from Donje Crniljevo Beograd Arheološki Inst. [u.a.] 2005 404 S. zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Posebna izdanja / Arheološki Institut Beograd 43 Posebna izdanja / Narodni Muzej Šabac 2 PST: A hoard of denarii and antoninians from Donje Crniljevo. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Paralleltitel: A hoard of denarii and antoninians from Donje Crniljevo Narodni muzej Šabac Catalogs Antoninianus (Coin) Croatia Dalmatia Catalogs Coin hoards Croatia Dalmatia Catalogs Denarius (Coin) Croatia Dalmatia Catalogs Numismatics Serbia Catalogs Römerzeit (DE-588)4076769-3 gnd rswk-swf Münzfund (DE-588)4126078-8 gnd rswk-swf Donje Crniljevo (DE-588)7526324-5 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4163417-2 Katalog gnd-content Donje Crniljevo (DE-588)7526324-5 g Römerzeit (DE-588)4076769-3 s Münzfund (DE-588)4126078-8 s DE-604 Arheološki Institut Beograd Posebna izdanja 43 (DE-604)BV039717423 43 Narodni Muzej Šabac Posebna izdanja 2 (DE-604)BV021512196 2 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=014728812&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=014728812&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Vasić, Miloje 1940- Ostava denara i antoninijana iz Donjeg Crniljeva Narodni muzej Šabac Catalogs Antoninianus (Coin) Croatia Dalmatia Catalogs Coin hoards Croatia Dalmatia Catalogs Denarius (Coin) Croatia Dalmatia Catalogs Numismatics Serbia Catalogs Römerzeit (DE-588)4076769-3 gnd Münzfund (DE-588)4126078-8 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4076769-3 (DE-588)4126078-8 (DE-588)7526324-5 (DE-588)4163417-2 |
| title | Ostava denara i antoninijana iz Donjeg Crniljeva |
| title_alt | A hoard of denarii and antoninians from Donje Crniljevo |
| title_auth | Ostava denara i antoninijana iz Donjeg Crniljeva |
| title_exact_search | Ostava denara i antoninijana iz Donjeg Crniljeva |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Ostava denara i antoninijana iz Donjeg Crniljeva |
| title_full | Ostava denara i antoninijana iz Donjeg Crniljeva Miloje Vasić |
| title_fullStr | Ostava denara i antoninijana iz Donjeg Crniljeva Miloje Vasić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Ostava denara i antoninijana iz Donjeg Crniljeva Miloje Vasić |
| title_short | Ostava denara i antoninijana iz Donjeg Crniljeva |
| title_sort | ostava denara i antoninijana iz donjeg crniljeva |
| topic | Narodni muzej Šabac Catalogs Antoninianus (Coin) Croatia Dalmatia Catalogs Coin hoards Croatia Dalmatia Catalogs Denarius (Coin) Croatia Dalmatia Catalogs Numismatics Serbia Catalogs Römerzeit (DE-588)4076769-3 gnd Münzfund (DE-588)4126078-8 gnd |
| topic_facet | Narodni muzej Šabac Catalogs Antoninianus (Coin) Croatia Dalmatia Catalogs Coin hoards Croatia Dalmatia Catalogs Denarius (Coin) Croatia Dalmatia Catalogs Numismatics Serbia Catalogs Römerzeit Münzfund Donje Crniljevo Katalog |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=014728812&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=014728812&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV039717423 (DE-604)BV021512196 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT vasicmiloje ostavadenaraiantoninijanaizdonjegcrniljeva AT vasicmiloje ahoardofdenariiandantoniniansfromdonjecrniljevo |