Ave Wilson: ZDA in prekrajanje Slovenije v Versaillesu 1919 - 1920
Gespeichert in:
1. Verfasser: | |
---|---|
Format: | Buch |
Sprache: | Slovenian English |
Veröffentlicht: |
Ljubljana
Založba Sophia
2003
|
Schriftenreihe: | Zbirka Spekter
2003,1 |
Schlagworte: | |
Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Ave Wilson: The USA and the partitioning of Slovenia at Versailles 1919-1920 |
Beschreibung: | VI, 395 S. Ill., Kt. |
ISBN: | 9616294466 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
_version_ | 1804133027947741184 |
---|---|
adam_text | Kazalo
Predgovor
Uvod
1.
2.
Obdobje ekspanzionizma
Obdobje idealističnega imperializma
3.
Osnove
Odtegnitev pomoči
Zaostritev odnosov z Japonsko.................................
Intervencije
Konflikt med zakonodajno
4.
Priprave na mirovno konferenco
Vprašanje tajnih sporazumov
Italija
Londonski pakt
ZDA
Vpliv londonskega pakta na mirovno konferenco
Wilsonov
Problem italijanskih
Vprašanje Avstro-Ogrske
Odzivi na
V
Wilson in
Wilson
5.
Vprašanje dnevnega reda
Organi
Informiranje javnosti
Položaj
Udeležba na
Metode
Neenotnost, spori, arbitrarne odločitve
nepristranskosti ameriške delegacije
Delovanje
Aktivnost (slovenske) delegacije
6.
Inquiry
Studiji
Studija Charlesa
Federalizirana Avstro-Ogrska
7.
8.
Boj za zahodne meje
Ameriški nacrti za določitev zahodnih
Diplomatska prizadevanja za zahodne meje
Diplomatska prizadevanja za
9.
10. Posledice
Zunanji
Notranji dejavniki
11.
12.
Slikovno gradivo
Opombe
Viri in
Summary
Imensko kazalo
VI
Summary
AVE
The USA and the partitioning of Slovenia
at Versailles
The first and second World Wars, the end of the Cold War and the re¬
sulting formation of new states in the heart of Europe were the four most
important political events to affect not only the history of international
order in the twentieth century, but also to have a profound effect on the
Slovene nation and its ambitions of statehood. The United States of Amer¬
ica played a critical role in all of these historical processes, having become
an integral part of the reality of European politics, ever since their involve¬
ment in the first World War. Woodrow Wilson, the twenty-eighth American
president, was the first of his position to place an emphasis on American
values in an international role. He embarked on providing Europe with its
own political and philosophical vision.
The aftermath of four different empires, all of which fell apart after
World War One, yielded numerous independent states. These nations, all
devoid of their own independent political entities, had earned themselves
the right to sovereignty or, as was in the Slovene case, to join a broader fed¬
eration state of Yugoslavia. That these radical changes were to ensue was
due to the victory of the Entente powers in
mentation of the right to self-determination. Woodrow Wilson is common¬
ly seen as the father of the self-determination principle, although Lenin had
previously declared it. This Wilsonian principle, which does not necessarily
include a nation s right to independence, conceals within itself opposing
elements of both natural and positive law, namely, the rights of the op-
385
pressed to revolt against authoritarian rule, and the rights of sovereign na¬
tions to uphold their established domestic and foreign policies. Wilson,
during the First World War, found this to be an especially perplexing dilem¬
ma. This is illustrated in a specific case. Wilson s belief in the so-called in¬
ternal self-determination of different Austro-Hungarian nations (com¬
prised of the rights to autonomy and self-rule) elicited his promise to the
freest opportunity of autonomous development of the peoples of Austria-
Hungary, but did not as yet envisage its destruction. He maintained this
view until the end of the war, when it had become clear that the separation
of Austria-Hungary from the German Empire, along with a separate Aus¬
tro-Hungarian peace treaty, was impossible. Only then did American politi¬
cians acknowledge (in this case) the link between domestic and internation¬
al self-determination, specifically democracy and the right to establish new
independent states.
The State Department took it upon themselves to organize the post-war
setup of Balkans early in
Putney (the head of the Middle East
Central Europe and the Balkans) conducted a study on the question of the
southern Slavic peoples, which had become the main concern of all the prob¬
lems surrounding the
resolve this issue was by the unification of all the Yugoslav people into one
single state, whether in the context of Austria-Hungary or separate of it. At
the time, official American policy was still in favor of the preservation of Aus¬
tria-Hungary, although to a smaller territorial size. American diplomats, in
the earliest versions of these plans, did not include Slovenia in this tentative
Yugoslav state, for they argued on the basis of geopolitics that due to its ex¬
tremely strategic location (Austria-Hungary s access to the sea) it should re¬
main apart of the
the break-up of Austria-Hungary, when the idea of a unified Yugoslav state
had become reality. Among the various scenarios presented to the American
delegation at the Versailles Peace Conference by the Inquiry Commission,
was also the suggestion to establish both a Yugoslav state and several inde¬
pendent states, among which Slovenia was included. Despite the fact that lat¬
er authors were against this option (they believed the new states would be too
weak to survive without considerable support), this scenario was nonetheless
the first official American verdict to acknowledge that many various political
situations were possible in the Balkans. Therefore, at the time of the Ver¬
sailles Peace Conference, there existed, at least a theorethical possibility that
Slovenia become independent state. Slovene politicians of the time did not
make use of this fact, for they were wholly unaware of it.
386
At the end of World War One, the situation on Slovenian borders was
such that the aim of the most influential Slovene politicians was to estab¬
lish a broader unity with its southern neighbors. This was due to the fact
that Slovenia s western and northern neighbor states posed severe danger
to it. In the West, the Italian policy of imperialism demanded the territory
promised to them by the Allies in the Pact of London in
it seemed that the Allies would be willing to yield the Carinthian Slovenes
to the new Austrian republic, in recognition of systematic germanization ,
as had occurred in nineteenth century Carmthia.
Another question altogether has been, whether Slovenia was capable of
producing enough critical intellectual and overall energy needed to sustain
their struggle for independence. The presence of the Slovene delegation at
Versailles (in the context of the Yugoslav delegation) was the first impor¬
tant act in the international spotlight for this non-historic and non-inde¬
pendent nation. The Expert Inquiry at the peace conference lobbied for the
establishment of a block of strong countries to be formed out of the meag¬
er remains of the Austro-Hungarian Empire; the aim of this block was to
prevent German expansion to the east and south. In their view, Croatia, al¬
though larger than Slovenia, was also too weak a country to withstand Ger¬
man influence. Identical concerns stopped the Expert Inquiry from sup¬
porting the establishment of many smaller independent Yugoslav states, in
which Slovenia was to be included. The option decided upon by the Inquiry
was the establishment of a southern Yugoslav federation. One of the rea¬
sons behind this was also the support given by the strongest political pow¬
ers of the Yugoslav part of the former
bia, to the new Yugoslav state. After the
itself in the role of the liberator of the Yugoslavs, a kind of Balkan Pied¬
mont . In accordance with the American view were also Britain and France,
who agreed with such a post-war setup of the Balkans.
Although Slovenia appeared in American strategic plans for a new Cen¬
tral European and Balkan setup fairly late (in the first half of
even then in a very vague and insignificant way (as was shown from the doc¬
uments presented in this study), it was still significant enough to merit a
comment from American expert, Kerner. In one of his studies, he set the
thesis: As Austria is the real centre of the European question, so Slovenia
and Croatia represent the real centre of the Austrian question. American
experts therefore, did not treat Slovenia, despite its small size, as an insig¬
nificant peripheral territory. Together with Croatia, it was in the epicenter
of political activity and disputes at the Paris Peace Conference.
387
Old and new forms of diplomacy both faced several problems when
confronted with the questions of Slovenia and Croatia. This is confirmed
by the treatment of the American delegation towards the problems, namely
the split of the delegation into two sides. One side agreed with Yugoslav
and Slovene demands, the other (larger and more influential) sympathized
with Italian and Austrian pleas. The following examples speak for the above
fact: Wilson s confidante, Colonel House, who was a supporter of Italian
claims, allowed the Italian occupation of Yugoslav (Slovene) territory, in ac¬
cordance with the secret London Treaty of April
Wilson s knowledge, much less approval, as Wilson explicitly opposed the
validity of all secret treaties signed among the Entente powers during the
war. (House, on the other hand, during the Paris Peace Conference, warned
the delegation of Slovenian National Government of too big a plebiscite
area in Carinthia and suggested that implementation of the plebiscite be
limited to areas containing Slovene majorities. Slovene politicians, under
the influence of their dream of a Greater Slovenia, rejected this proposi¬
tion). The second case of the opinionated American delegation was Colonel
Miles intelligence mission in winter
vestigation was to discern the attitudes and general atmosphere between
the Slovene and German speaking populations living in the region. Despite
the fact that the above mentioned mission was performed independently of
the American delegation in Paris (as their permission was not obtained)
and that the research methods were controversial (a fact also admitted by
one of the members of the mission), the findings of this investigation were
one of the main reasons behind the holding of the
The Experts of the Inquiry, which were engaged in the peace conference,
foresaw the possibility of an independent Slovene state, as well as other
small sovereign states in southern Europe, although these possibilities were
generally theoretical in nature. An independent Slovenia could survive only
if various international guarantees were made to assure its security and sta¬
bility
guarantees at the time.
In their plan for the establishment of independent states in the Balkans,
American experts assumed that the weak states would be under interna¬
tional protection, functioning as protectorates. Macedonia, for example,
was fervently in favor of becoming an American protectorate. American
Secretary of State, Lansing, who foresaw America s movement into isola¬
tion with a good deal of intuition, was the main initiator of the concept of
surrounding Germany with strong states and thus preventing the return of
388
Prussian militarism. This is why Lansing was not inclined to agree with the
idea of the establishment of numerous mini states.
Independent Slovenia would, in the best-case scenario, be a small tam¬
pon state around the capital city of Ljubljana, namely a puppet to be ma¬
nipulated in the hands of Italian Fascism and German Nazism. Tampon
states, as was shown in the case of the Baltic states that gained independ¬
ence after World War One, were
state, either by way of a Croatian confederation or on its own, it would be
nothing more than an Italian and German vassal country. Regardless of
this, documents showing that high-ranked American politicians were will¬
ing to acknowledge this possibility, if only theoretically, gives Slovenia a
greater historical legitimacy. At the end of the First World War, it was clear
to unorthodox American experts and political leaders that the Kingdom of
Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs territorial did not have high chances for surviv¬
al. They knew that nearby Italian imperialism and disputes with neighbor¬
ing countries, as well as internal disagreement
Hungarian Yugoslavs opposed the notion of the new state becoming Great¬
er Serbia) would lead to hardship, namely, would cause unfavorable long-
term conditions for survival. This belief led them to the concepts of sepa¬
rate sovereign states. This idea, at the time purely theoretical and feasible
only on paper, became a reality, more then eighty years later, when Slovenia
amidst deep and long-term political crisises of the Yugoslav federation, de¬
clared its independence. In conclusion, it can be seen that the most signifi¬
cant historical fact is the following: the concept of an independent Slovene
state first took form in the plans of free minded American geostrategists
after World War One, before it was realized by the loosely laided plans of
Slovene politicians of the time. This is one of the basic facts deducted from
this study, which was based primarily on many unpublished documents
from numerous US archives.
389
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era | Geschichte 1919-1920 gnd |
era_facet | Geschichte 1919-1920 |
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series2 | Zbirka Spekter |
spelling | Lipušček, Uroš Verfasser aut Ave Wilson ZDA in prekrajanje Slovenije v Versaillesu 1919 - 1920 Uroš Lipušček Ljubljana Založba Sophia 2003 VI, 395 S. Ill., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zbirka Spekter 2003,1 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Ave Wilson: The USA and the partitioning of Slovenia at Versailles 1919-1920 Versailler Vertrag 1919 Juni 28 (DE-588)4063141-2 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1919-1920 gnd rswk-swf Teilung (DE-588)4200719-7 gnd rswk-swf Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd rswk-swf USA (DE-588)4078704-7 gnd rswk-swf Slowenien (DE-588)4055302-4 gnd rswk-swf USA (DE-588)4078704-7 g Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 s Versailler Vertrag 1919 Juni 28 (DE-588)4063141-2 u Teilung (DE-588)4200719-7 s Slowenien (DE-588)4055302-4 g Geschichte 1919-1920 z DE-604 Zbirka Spekter 2003,1 (DE-604)BV010944783 2003,1 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=012980669&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=012980669&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
spellingShingle | Lipušček, Uroš Ave Wilson ZDA in prekrajanje Slovenije v Versaillesu 1919 - 1920 Zbirka Spekter Versailler Vertrag 1919 Juni 28 (DE-588)4063141-2 gnd Teilung (DE-588)4200719-7 gnd Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd |
subject_GND | (DE-588)4063141-2 (DE-588)4200719-7 (DE-588)4003846-4 (DE-588)4078704-7 (DE-588)4055302-4 |
title | Ave Wilson ZDA in prekrajanje Slovenije v Versaillesu 1919 - 1920 |
title_auth | Ave Wilson ZDA in prekrajanje Slovenije v Versaillesu 1919 - 1920 |
title_exact_search | Ave Wilson ZDA in prekrajanje Slovenije v Versaillesu 1919 - 1920 |
title_full | Ave Wilson ZDA in prekrajanje Slovenije v Versaillesu 1919 - 1920 Uroš Lipušček |
title_fullStr | Ave Wilson ZDA in prekrajanje Slovenije v Versaillesu 1919 - 1920 Uroš Lipušček |
title_full_unstemmed | Ave Wilson ZDA in prekrajanje Slovenije v Versaillesu 1919 - 1920 Uroš Lipušček |
title_short | Ave Wilson |
title_sort | ave wilson zda in prekrajanje slovenije v versaillesu 1919 1920 |
title_sub | ZDA in prekrajanje Slovenije v Versaillesu 1919 - 1920 |
topic | Versailler Vertrag 1919 Juni 28 (DE-588)4063141-2 gnd Teilung (DE-588)4200719-7 gnd Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd |
topic_facet | Versailler Vertrag 1919 Juni 28 Teilung Außenpolitik USA Slowenien |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=012980669&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=012980669&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
volume_link | (DE-604)BV010944783 |
work_keys_str_mv | AT lipuscekuros avewilsonzdainprekrajanjeslovenijevversaillesu19191920 |