Morphological metatheory /:
"The field of morphology is particularly heterogeneous. Investigators differ on key points at every level of theory. These divisions are not minor issues about technical implementation, but rather are foundational issues that mold the underlying anatomy of any theory. The field has developed ve...
Gespeichert in:
| Weitere Verfasser: | , |
|---|---|
| Format: | Elektronisch E-Book |
| Sprache: | English |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Amsterdam ; Philadelphia :
John Benjamins Publishing Company,
[2016]
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Linguistik aktuell ;
Bd. 229. |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Volltext |
| Zusammenfassung: | "The field of morphology is particularly heterogeneous. Investigators differ on key points at every level of theory. These divisions are not minor issues about technical implementation, but rather are foundational issues that mold the underlying anatomy of any theory. The field has developed very rapidly both theoretically and methodologically, giving rise to many competing theories and varied hypotheses. Many drastically different and often contradictory models and foundational hypotheses have been proposed. Theories diverge with respect to everything from foundational architectural assumptions to the specific combinatorial mechanisms used to derive complex words. Today these distinct models of word-formation largely exist in parallel, mostly without proponents confronting or discussing these differences in any major forum. After forty years of fast-paced growth in the field, morphologists are in need of a moment to take a breath and survey the drastically different points of view within the field. This volume provides such a moment."-- |
| Beschreibung: | 1 online resource |
| Bibliographie: | Includes bibliographical references and index. |
| ISBN: | 9789027267122 902726712X |
| ISSN: | 0166-0829 ; |
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| 245 | 0 | 0 | |a Morphological metatheory / |c edited by Daniel Siddiqi, Carleton University ; Heidi Harley, University of Arizona. |
| 264 | 1 | |a Amsterdam ; |a Philadelphia : |b John Benjamins Publishing Company, |c [2016] | |
| 300 | |a 1 online resource | ||
| 336 | |a text |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |a computer |b c |2 rdamedia | ||
| 338 | |a online resource |b cr |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 490 | 1 | |a Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (LA), |x 0166-0829 ; |v volume 229 | |
| 504 | |a Includes bibliographical references and index. | ||
| 588 | 0 | |a Print version record and CIP data provided by publisher. | |
| 505 | 0 | |a Intro -- Morphological Metatheory -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- About the Authors -- How are words related? -- 1. Introduction: Lexemes, word forms, paradigms -- 2. Why words and paradigms? -- 3. Denying morphology -- 4. Formal and semantic overlap reconsidered -- 5. Lexical representations -- 6. Lexical relatedness -- a rough sketch -- 7. Deverbal participles and lexical relatedness -- 8. The metatheoretical status of indexes -- 9. Concluding remarks -- References -- Paradigms at the interface of a lexeme's syntax and semantics with its inflectional morphology -- 1. Overview of Old English conjugation -- 1.1 Morphosyntactic properties -- 1.2 Strong verbs -- 1.3 Weak verbs -- 2. Content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation -- 2.1 Impoverishment in Old English conjugation -- 2.2 Enrichment in Old English conjugation -- 2.3 Dissonance in Old English conjugation -- 3. A theory of content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation -- 3.1 Content paradigms, form paradigms and their linkage -- 3.2 Paradigm function -- 3.3 Canonical paradigm linkage -- 3.4 Property mappings -- 3.5 Stems -- 3.6 Inflection classes -- 3.7 Form correspondents -- 3.8 Rules of exponence -- 3.9 Noncanonical paradigm linkage -- 4. Discussion and conclusions -- References -- A Postsyntactic Morphome Cookbook -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphomes as Parasitic Features in DM -- 2.1 Purely Parasitic Features -- 2.2 Semi-Parasitic Features -- 2.3 Summary -- 3. Habitats of Parasitic Features -- 3.1 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM: Decomposition -- 3.2 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM -- Meta-Features on Markedness -- 3.3 Parasitic Features in other Frameworks -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Morphomes in the Morphome Literature -- 4.1 Some Classical Morphomes -- 4.2 Deriving Restrictions on Morphomes -- 4.3 Summary. | |
| 505 | 8 | |a 5. Alternatives to Morphomes and Parasitic Features in DM -- 5.1 Morphomes as Elsewhere Syncretism -- 5.2 Morphomes as Homophony or Suppletion -- 5.3 Morphomes by Pure Impoverishment ('Carving') -- 5.4 Summary -- 6. Summary -- References -- Syncretism in Paradigm Function Morphology and Distributed Morphology* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Syncretism in DM -- 2.1 DM Basics -- 2.2 Shared- and Nonshared-Feature Syncretism in DM -- 2.3 Metasyncretisms in DM -- 2.4 Interim Summary: DM -- 3. Syncretism in PFM2 -- 3.1 PFM2 Basics -- Anchor 155 -- 3.2 Syncretism in PFM2 -- 3.3 Metasyncretism in PFM2 -- 3.4 Interim Summary: PFM2 -- 4. Comparing DM and PFM: Restrictiveness -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 DM and Restrictions on Syncretism -- 4.3 Are there Restrictions on Syncretism? -- 4.4 Conclusion -- References -- Phase domains at PF -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Domains -- 2.1 Phonological domains -- 2.1.1 Causatives and inner domains -- 2.1.2 Beyond causatives -- 2.2 Domains for suppletion -- 3. Domain mismatches -- 3.1 Tense domain mismatches -- 3.2 Phonological domains in comparatives -- 3.3 Domain suspension à la Bobaljik and Wurmbrand -- 3.4 Domain suspension revised: Feature Portage -- 4. Lower Heads -- 4.1 Yiddish predicate clefts -- 4.2 Compounds -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The Costs of Zero-Derived Causativity in English -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Levels of Complexity -- 1.2 Lexical Semantic Complexity in Processing -- 2. Deriving Behavioral Predictions -- 3. Experiment 1 -- 3.1 Methods -- 3.1.1 Participants -- 3.1.2 Stimuli -- 3.1.3 Procedure -- 3.1.4 Data Processing -- 3.1.5 Data Analysis -- 3.2 Results -- 3.3 Experiment 1 Discussion -- 4. Experiment 2 -- 4.1 Methods -- 4.1.1 Participants -- 4.1.2 Stimuli -- 4.1.3 Procedure -- 4.1.4 Data Processing -- 4.1.5 Data Analysis -- 4.2 Results -- 4.3 Experiment 2 Discussion -- 5. Self-Paced Reading Discussion. | |
| 505 | 8 | |a 6. Experiment 3 -- 6.1 Methods -- 6.1.1 Participants -- 6.1.2 Stimuli -- 6.1.3 Procedure -- 6.1.4 Data processing -- 6.1.5 Data analysis -- 6.2 Results -- 6.2.1 Fusiform Gyri -- 6.2.2 Left Posterior Temporal Lobe -- 6.2.3 Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus -- 6.2.4 Left Anterior Temporal Lobe -- 6.2.5 Medial Prefrontal Cortex -- 6.3 Discussion -- 7. General Discussion and Conclusion -- References -- Spans and words -- 1. Introduction: In search of the grammatical word -- 2. Proposal: Words are defined over spans -- 2.1 Portmanteaux -- 2.2 Syntactic Periphrasis -- 2.3 Mirror theory -- 2.4 Grammatical words -- 3. The X0 hypothesis -- 3.1 Phonologically and lexically driven periphrasis -- 3.2 Head movement -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Building words -- 1. Syntactic word formation: A Distributed Morphology perspective -- 2. Root suppletion -- 3. Building causatives and anticausatives -- 4. A complex syntax for word formation -- 4.1 Evidence for complexity in the causative alternation -- 4.2 Domains for root suppletion -- 4.3 Spans and extended projection -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Emergent Morphology -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphs and morphemes -- 3. Morph selection driven by morphosyntax -- 3.1 Top-down assessment: Manifest S-features -- 3.2 Bottom-up assessment: S-feature Congruence -- 3.3 Zero-morphs -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Defaults -- 4.1 A single default -- 4.2 Multiple defaults and shared features -- 4.3 Defaults are not underlying forms -- 4.3.1 High information content but low frequency -- 4.3.2 Abstract representations: A frequency of zero -- 4.4 Summary -- 5. Selecting a nondefault morph -- 5.1 Preferred morphs -- 5.1.1 Subregularities -- 5.1.2 Portmanteaux: A morpho-syntactic preference -- 5.1.3 Summary: Nonuniqueness of underlying representations -- 5.2 The role of phonology. | |
| 505 | 8 | |a 5.2.1 Phonological relations among morphs: Southern Min tone circle -- 5.2.2 Phonological selection: Yoruba tone -- 5.2.3 Morph-specific phonological selection: Kinande tone -- 5.2.4 Summary -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Morphology as an adaptive discriminative system -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The constructionist fallacy in morphology -- 1.2 Overview -- 2. The classical WP model -- 2.1 Uncertainty -- 2.2 Discriminability -- 3. Associative and discriminative strategies of correspondence -- 3.1 The logic of associative decomposition -- 3.2 The limits of association -- 3.2.1 The challenge of segmentation -- 3.2.2 Gestalt exponence -- 3.2.3 Sub-phonemic discrimination -- 3.3 Summary -- 4. Some challenges for making sense of morphology -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Readjustment -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A quick overview of readjustment rules in DM and beyond -- 2.1 Where do readjustment rules come from, and what were they supposed to do? -- 2.2 Where do readjustment rules apply? -- 2.3 Why are readjustment rules problematic? -- 3. Revisiting arguments in favor of readjustment rules -- 3.1 Readjustment as "secondary exponence" -- 3.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Uto-Aztecan: Hiaki (Yaqui) vs. Classical Nahuatl -- 3.2.1 Verb stem allomorphy in Hiaki -- 3.2.1.1 HTB on the Hiaki data -- 3.2.1.2 HTB on readjustment vs. stem listing -- 3.2.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Classical Nahuatl (CN) -- 3.2.2.1 The CN data -- 3.2.2.2 The CN analysis -- 3.2.3 Interim conclusion regarding Uto-Aztecan stem allomorphy -- 3.3 Verb stem allomorphy plus reduplication in Sye (Erromangan) -- 3.3.1 An analysis based on suppletive stems -- Inkelas and Zoll (2005) -- 3.3.2 Frampton's (2009) derivational account of modified forms from unmodified forms in Sye -- 3.3.3 Evaluation: Stem listing (suppletion) vs. readjustment in Sye -- 4. Conclusion -- References. | |
| 505 | 8 | |a Towards a Restricted Realization Theory -- 1. Introduction -- 2. On the preference of NTI and VIO models -- 3. Towards a VIO model: Non-locality -- 4. The monolistemic approach to stem allomorphy and strong/weak suppletion -- 4.1 Double Marking -- 4.1.1 The diachrony of double marking -- 4.1.2 Double marking and opacity -- 4.1.3 Triple marking -- 4.1.4 Borrowed affixation -- 4.2 Morphological creativity and the exclusion of unproductive forms -- 4.2.1 Where does all that listed morphology come from? -- 4.3 Productivity, listing, and double marking -- 5. Containment -- 5.1 Proposal I: Non-terminal insertion is limited to complex heads -- 5.2 Proposal II: Post-linearization spanning -- 4.2.1 English participle and past tense convergence -- 4.2.2 -ity vs.-abil-ity -- 4.2.3 Bracketing paradoxes -- 6. Towards a Vocabulary Insertion-Only model: Impoverishment -- 6.1 Siddiqi (2009) on feature blocking -- 7. Conclusions -- List of Abbreviations -- References -- We do not need structuralist morphemes, but we do need constituent structure -- 1. Introduction -- 2. We do not need structuralist morphemes: On stem storage -- 2.1 Stem storage avoids conspiratorial zeroes -- 2.2 Stem storage widens cyclic domains for allomorph selection just enough -- 2.2.1 Spanish third-conjugation verbs: Subcategorization and phonotactic optimization -- 2.2.2 Cyclic locality in the Spanish third-conjugation alternation -- 2.3 Stem storage maintains parallel cycles of phonological and semantic interpretation -- 2.3.1 The cyclic transmission of stress-induced hiatus in Spanish denominal derivatives -- 2.3.2 The parallel cyclic transmission of allomorphy and allosemy -- 3. We need constituent structure: On the diachronic interaction of computation and storage -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Inner and Outer morphology in Greek adjectival participles -- 1. Introduction. | |
| 520 | |a "The field of morphology is particularly heterogeneous. Investigators differ on key points at every level of theory. These divisions are not minor issues about technical implementation, but rather are foundational issues that mold the underlying anatomy of any theory. The field has developed very rapidly both theoretically and methodologically, giving rise to many competing theories and varied hypotheses. Many drastically different and often contradictory models and foundational hypotheses have been proposed. Theories diverge with respect to everything from foundational architectural assumptions to the specific combinatorial mechanisms used to derive complex words. Today these distinct models of word-formation largely exist in parallel, mostly without proponents confronting or discussing these differences in any major forum. After forty years of fast-paced growth in the field, morphologists are in need of a moment to take a breath and survey the drastically different points of view within the field. This volume provides such a moment."-- |c Provided by publisher | ||
| 650 | 0 | |a Morphology |x Theory. | |
| 650 | 0 | |a Metatheory. |0 http://id.loc.gov/authorities/subjects/sh85084300 | |
| 650 | 6 | |a Métathéorie. | |
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| 650 | 7 | |a LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES |x Linguistics |x Syntax. |2 bisacsh | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Metatheory |2 fast | |
| 700 | 1 | |a Siddiqi, Daniel, |e editor. | |
| 700 | 1 | |a Harley, Heidi, |e editor. | |
| 776 | 0 | 8 | |i Print version: |t Morphological metatheory. |d Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, [2016] |z 9789027257123 |w (DLC) 2016003593 |
| 830 | 0 | |a Linguistik aktuell ; |v Bd. 229. |0 http://id.loc.gov/authorities/names/n42035628 | |
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| contents | Intro -- Morphological Metatheory -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- About the Authors -- How are words related? -- 1. Introduction: Lexemes, word forms, paradigms -- 2. Why words and paradigms? -- 3. Denying morphology -- 4. Formal and semantic overlap reconsidered -- 5. Lexical representations -- 6. Lexical relatedness -- a rough sketch -- 7. Deverbal participles and lexical relatedness -- 8. The metatheoretical status of indexes -- 9. Concluding remarks -- References -- Paradigms at the interface of a lexeme's syntax and semantics with its inflectional morphology -- 1. Overview of Old English conjugation -- 1.1 Morphosyntactic properties -- 1.2 Strong verbs -- 1.3 Weak verbs -- 2. Content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation -- 2.1 Impoverishment in Old English conjugation -- 2.2 Enrichment in Old English conjugation -- 2.3 Dissonance in Old English conjugation -- 3. A theory of content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation -- 3.1 Content paradigms, form paradigms and their linkage -- 3.2 Paradigm function -- 3.3 Canonical paradigm linkage -- 3.4 Property mappings -- 3.5 Stems -- 3.6 Inflection classes -- 3.7 Form correspondents -- 3.8 Rules of exponence -- 3.9 Noncanonical paradigm linkage -- 4. Discussion and conclusions -- References -- A Postsyntactic Morphome Cookbook -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphomes as Parasitic Features in DM -- 2.1 Purely Parasitic Features -- 2.2 Semi-Parasitic Features -- 2.3 Summary -- 3. Habitats of Parasitic Features -- 3.1 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM: Decomposition -- 3.2 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM -- Meta-Features on Markedness -- 3.3 Parasitic Features in other Frameworks -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Morphomes in the Morphome Literature -- 4.1 Some Classical Morphomes -- 4.2 Deriving Restrictions on Morphomes -- 4.3 Summary. 5. Alternatives to Morphomes and Parasitic Features in DM -- 5.1 Morphomes as Elsewhere Syncretism -- 5.2 Morphomes as Homophony or Suppletion -- 5.3 Morphomes by Pure Impoverishment ('Carving') -- 5.4 Summary -- 6. Summary -- References -- Syncretism in Paradigm Function Morphology and Distributed Morphology* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Syncretism in DM -- 2.1 DM Basics -- 2.2 Shared- and Nonshared-Feature Syncretism in DM -- 2.3 Metasyncretisms in DM -- 2.4 Interim Summary: DM -- 3. Syncretism in PFM2 -- 3.1 PFM2 Basics -- Anchor 155 -- 3.2 Syncretism in PFM2 -- 3.3 Metasyncretism in PFM2 -- 3.4 Interim Summary: PFM2 -- 4. Comparing DM and PFM: Restrictiveness -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 DM and Restrictions on Syncretism -- 4.3 Are there Restrictions on Syncretism? -- 4.4 Conclusion -- References -- Phase domains at PF -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Domains -- 2.1 Phonological domains -- 2.1.1 Causatives and inner domains -- 2.1.2 Beyond causatives -- 2.2 Domains for suppletion -- 3. Domain mismatches -- 3.1 Tense domain mismatches -- 3.2 Phonological domains in comparatives -- 3.3 Domain suspension à la Bobaljik and Wurmbrand -- 3.4 Domain suspension revised: Feature Portage -- 4. Lower Heads -- 4.1 Yiddish predicate clefts -- 4.2 Compounds -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The Costs of Zero-Derived Causativity in English -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Levels of Complexity -- 1.2 Lexical Semantic Complexity in Processing -- 2. Deriving Behavioral Predictions -- 3. Experiment 1 -- 3.1 Methods -- 3.1.1 Participants -- 3.1.2 Stimuli -- 3.1.3 Procedure -- 3.1.4 Data Processing -- 3.1.5 Data Analysis -- 3.2 Results -- 3.3 Experiment 1 Discussion -- 4. Experiment 2 -- 4.1 Methods -- 4.1.1 Participants -- 4.1.2 Stimuli -- 4.1.3 Procedure -- 4.1.4 Data Processing -- 4.1.5 Data Analysis -- 4.2 Results -- 4.3 Experiment 2 Discussion -- 5. Self-Paced Reading Discussion. 6. Experiment 3 -- 6.1 Methods -- 6.1.1 Participants -- 6.1.2 Stimuli -- 6.1.3 Procedure -- 6.1.4 Data processing -- 6.1.5 Data analysis -- 6.2 Results -- 6.2.1 Fusiform Gyri -- 6.2.2 Left Posterior Temporal Lobe -- 6.2.3 Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus -- 6.2.4 Left Anterior Temporal Lobe -- 6.2.5 Medial Prefrontal Cortex -- 6.3 Discussion -- 7. General Discussion and Conclusion -- References -- Spans and words -- 1. Introduction: In search of the grammatical word -- 2. Proposal: Words are defined over spans -- 2.1 Portmanteaux -- 2.2 Syntactic Periphrasis -- 2.3 Mirror theory -- 2.4 Grammatical words -- 3. The X0 hypothesis -- 3.1 Phonologically and lexically driven periphrasis -- 3.2 Head movement -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Building words -- 1. Syntactic word formation: A Distributed Morphology perspective -- 2. Root suppletion -- 3. Building causatives and anticausatives -- 4. A complex syntax for word formation -- 4.1 Evidence for complexity in the causative alternation -- 4.2 Domains for root suppletion -- 4.3 Spans and extended projection -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Emergent Morphology -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphs and morphemes -- 3. Morph selection driven by morphosyntax -- 3.1 Top-down assessment: Manifest S-features -- 3.2 Bottom-up assessment: S-feature Congruence -- 3.3 Zero-morphs -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Defaults -- 4.1 A single default -- 4.2 Multiple defaults and shared features -- 4.3 Defaults are not underlying forms -- 4.3.1 High information content but low frequency -- 4.3.2 Abstract representations: A frequency of zero -- 4.4 Summary -- 5. Selecting a nondefault morph -- 5.1 Preferred morphs -- 5.1.1 Subregularities -- 5.1.2 Portmanteaux: A morpho-syntactic preference -- 5.1.3 Summary: Nonuniqueness of underlying representations -- 5.2 The role of phonology. 5.2.1 Phonological relations among morphs: Southern Min tone circle -- 5.2.2 Phonological selection: Yoruba tone -- 5.2.3 Morph-specific phonological selection: Kinande tone -- 5.2.4 Summary -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Morphology as an adaptive discriminative system -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The constructionist fallacy in morphology -- 1.2 Overview -- 2. The classical WP model -- 2.1 Uncertainty -- 2.2 Discriminability -- 3. Associative and discriminative strategies of correspondence -- 3.1 The logic of associative decomposition -- 3.2 The limits of association -- 3.2.1 The challenge of segmentation -- 3.2.2 Gestalt exponence -- 3.2.3 Sub-phonemic discrimination -- 3.3 Summary -- 4. Some challenges for making sense of morphology -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Readjustment -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A quick overview of readjustment rules in DM and beyond -- 2.1 Where do readjustment rules come from, and what were they supposed to do? -- 2.2 Where do readjustment rules apply? -- 2.3 Why are readjustment rules problematic? -- 3. Revisiting arguments in favor of readjustment rules -- 3.1 Readjustment as "secondary exponence" -- 3.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Uto-Aztecan: Hiaki (Yaqui) vs. Classical Nahuatl -- 3.2.1 Verb stem allomorphy in Hiaki -- 3.2.1.1 HTB on the Hiaki data -- 3.2.1.2 HTB on readjustment vs. stem listing -- 3.2.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Classical Nahuatl (CN) -- 3.2.2.1 The CN data -- 3.2.2.2 The CN analysis -- 3.2.3 Interim conclusion regarding Uto-Aztecan stem allomorphy -- 3.3 Verb stem allomorphy plus reduplication in Sye (Erromangan) -- 3.3.1 An analysis based on suppletive stems -- Inkelas and Zoll (2005) -- 3.3.2 Frampton's (2009) derivational account of modified forms from unmodified forms in Sye -- 3.3.3 Evaluation: Stem listing (suppletion) vs. readjustment in Sye -- 4. Conclusion -- References. Towards a Restricted Realization Theory -- 1. Introduction -- 2. On the preference of NTI and VIO models -- 3. Towards a VIO model: Non-locality -- 4. The monolistemic approach to stem allomorphy and strong/weak suppletion -- 4.1 Double Marking -- 4.1.1 The diachrony of double marking -- 4.1.2 Double marking and opacity -- 4.1.3 Triple marking -- 4.1.4 Borrowed affixation -- 4.2 Morphological creativity and the exclusion of unproductive forms -- 4.2.1 Where does all that listed morphology come from? -- 4.3 Productivity, listing, and double marking -- 5. Containment -- 5.1 Proposal I: Non-terminal insertion is limited to complex heads -- 5.2 Proposal II: Post-linearization spanning -- 4.2.1 English participle and past tense convergence -- 4.2.2 -ity vs.-abil-ity -- 4.2.3 Bracketing paradoxes -- 6. Towards a Vocabulary Insertion-Only model: Impoverishment -- 6.1 Siddiqi (2009) on feature blocking -- 7. Conclusions -- List of Abbreviations -- References -- We do not need structuralist morphemes, but we do need constituent structure -- 1. Introduction -- 2. We do not need structuralist morphemes: On stem storage -- 2.1 Stem storage avoids conspiratorial zeroes -- 2.2 Stem storage widens cyclic domains for allomorph selection just enough -- 2.2.1 Spanish third-conjugation verbs: Subcategorization and phonotactic optimization -- 2.2.2 Cyclic locality in the Spanish third-conjugation alternation -- 2.3 Stem storage maintains parallel cycles of phonological and semantic interpretation -- 2.3.1 The cyclic transmission of stress-induced hiatus in Spanish denominal derivatives -- 2.3.2 The parallel cyclic transmission of allomorphy and allosemy -- 3. We need constituent structure: On the diachronic interaction of computation and storage -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Inner and Outer morphology in Greek adjectival participles -- 1. Introduction. |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)944958041 |
| dewey-full | 415/.901 |
| dewey-hundreds | 400 - Language |
| dewey-ones | 415 - Grammar |
| dewey-raw | 415/.901 |
| dewey-search | 415/.901 |
| dewey-sort | 3415 3901 |
| dewey-tens | 410 - Linguistics |
| discipline | Sprachwissenschaft |
| format | Electronic eBook |
| fullrecord | <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><collection xmlns="http://www.loc.gov/MARC21/slim"><record><leader>12918cam a2200637 i 4500</leader><controlfield tag="001">ZDB-4-EBA-ocn944958041</controlfield><controlfield tag="003">OCoLC</controlfield><controlfield tag="005">20241004212047.0</controlfield><controlfield tag="006">m o d </controlfield><controlfield tag="007">cr |||||||||||</controlfield><controlfield tag="008">160315s2016 ne ob 001 0 eng </controlfield><datafield tag="010" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a"> 2016012868</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="040" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DLC</subfield><subfield code="b">eng</subfield><subfield code="e">rda</subfield><subfield code="e">pn</subfield><subfield code="c">DLC</subfield><subfield code="d">YDX</subfield><subfield code="d">N$T</subfield><subfield code="d">YDXCP</subfield><subfield code="d">IDEBK</subfield><subfield code="d">EBLCP</subfield><subfield code="d">OCLCQ</subfield><subfield code="d">U3W</subfield><subfield code="d">OCLCF</subfield><subfield code="d">G3B</subfield><subfield code="d">IGB</subfield><subfield code="d">STF</subfield><subfield code="d">UKAHL</subfield><subfield code="d">OCLCQ</subfield><subfield code="d">SFB</subfield><subfield code="d">K6U</subfield><subfield code="d">OCLCO</subfield><subfield code="d">OCLCQ</subfield><subfield code="d">OCLCO</subfield><subfield code="d">OCLCL</subfield><subfield code="d">SXB</subfield><subfield code="d">OCLCQ</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="019" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">960737033</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="020" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">9789027267122</subfield><subfield code="q">(pdf)</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="020" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">902726712X</subfield><subfield code="q">(pdf)</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="020" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="z">9789027257123</subfield><subfield code="q">(hb ;</subfield><subfield code="q">alk. paper)</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(OCoLC)944958041</subfield><subfield code="z">(OCoLC)960737033</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="042" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">pcc</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="050" ind1="0" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">P242</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="072" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">LAN</subfield><subfield code="x">006000</subfield><subfield code="2">bisacsh</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="072" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">LAN</subfield><subfield code="x">009060</subfield><subfield code="2">bisacsh</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="082" ind1="7" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">415/.901</subfield><subfield code="2">23</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="049" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">MAIN</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="245" ind1="0" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Morphological metatheory /</subfield><subfield code="c">edited by Daniel Siddiqi, Carleton University ; Heidi Harley, University of Arizona.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="264" ind1=" " ind2="1"><subfield code="a">Amsterdam ;</subfield><subfield code="a">Philadelphia :</subfield><subfield code="b">John Benjamins Publishing Company,</subfield><subfield code="c">[2016]</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="300" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">1 online resource</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="336" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">text</subfield><subfield code="b">txt</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacontent</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="337" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">computer</subfield><subfield code="b">c</subfield><subfield code="2">rdamedia</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="338" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">online resource</subfield><subfield code="b">cr</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacarrier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="490" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (LA),</subfield><subfield code="x">0166-0829 ;</subfield><subfield code="v">volume 229</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="504" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Includes bibliographical references and index.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="588" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Print version record and CIP data provided by publisher.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="505" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Intro -- Morphological Metatheory -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- About the Authors -- How are words related? -- 1. Introduction: Lexemes, word forms, paradigms -- 2. Why words and paradigms? -- 3. Denying morphology -- 4. Formal and semantic overlap reconsidered -- 5. Lexical representations -- 6. Lexical relatedness -- a rough sketch -- 7. Deverbal participles and lexical relatedness -- 8. The metatheoretical status of indexes -- 9. Concluding remarks -- References -- Paradigms at the interface of a lexeme's syntax and semantics with its inflectional morphology -- 1. Overview of Old English conjugation -- 1.1 Morphosyntactic properties -- 1.2 Strong verbs -- 1.3 Weak verbs -- 2. Content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation -- 2.1 Impoverishment in Old English conjugation -- 2.2 Enrichment in Old English conjugation -- 2.3 Dissonance in Old English conjugation -- 3. A theory of content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation -- 3.1 Content paradigms, form paradigms and their linkage -- 3.2 Paradigm function -- 3.3 Canonical paradigm linkage -- 3.4 Property mappings -- 3.5 Stems -- 3.6 Inflection classes -- 3.7 Form correspondents -- 3.8 Rules of exponence -- 3.9 Noncanonical paradigm linkage -- 4. Discussion and conclusions -- References -- A Postsyntactic Morphome Cookbook -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphomes as Parasitic Features in DM -- 2.1 Purely Parasitic Features -- 2.2 Semi-Parasitic Features -- 2.3 Summary -- 3. Habitats of Parasitic Features -- 3.1 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM: Decomposition -- 3.2 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM -- Meta-Features on Markedness -- 3.3 Parasitic Features in other Frameworks -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Morphomes in the Morphome Literature -- 4.1 Some Classical Morphomes -- 4.2 Deriving Restrictions on Morphomes -- 4.3 Summary.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="505" ind1="8" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">5. Alternatives to Morphomes and Parasitic Features in DM -- 5.1 Morphomes as Elsewhere Syncretism -- 5.2 Morphomes as Homophony or Suppletion -- 5.3 Morphomes by Pure Impoverishment ('Carving') -- 5.4 Summary -- 6. Summary -- References -- Syncretism in Paradigm Function Morphology and Distributed Morphology* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Syncretism in DM -- 2.1 DM Basics -- 2.2 Shared- and Nonshared-Feature Syncretism in DM -- 2.3 Metasyncretisms in DM -- 2.4 Interim Summary: DM -- 3. Syncretism in PFM2 -- 3.1 PFM2 Basics -- Anchor 155 -- 3.2 Syncretism in PFM2 -- 3.3 Metasyncretism in PFM2 -- 3.4 Interim Summary: PFM2 -- 4. Comparing DM and PFM: Restrictiveness -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 DM and Restrictions on Syncretism -- 4.3 Are there Restrictions on Syncretism? -- 4.4 Conclusion -- References -- Phase domains at PF -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Domains -- 2.1 Phonological domains -- 2.1.1 Causatives and inner domains -- 2.1.2 Beyond causatives -- 2.2 Domains for suppletion -- 3. Domain mismatches -- 3.1 Tense domain mismatches -- 3.2 Phonological domains in comparatives -- 3.3 Domain suspension à la Bobaljik and Wurmbrand -- 3.4 Domain suspension revised: Feature Portage -- 4. Lower Heads -- 4.1 Yiddish predicate clefts -- 4.2 Compounds -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The Costs of Zero-Derived Causativity in English -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Levels of Complexity -- 1.2 Lexical Semantic Complexity in Processing -- 2. Deriving Behavioral Predictions -- 3. Experiment 1 -- 3.1 Methods -- 3.1.1 Participants -- 3.1.2 Stimuli -- 3.1.3 Procedure -- 3.1.4 Data Processing -- 3.1.5 Data Analysis -- 3.2 Results -- 3.3 Experiment 1 Discussion -- 4. Experiment 2 -- 4.1 Methods -- 4.1.1 Participants -- 4.1.2 Stimuli -- 4.1.3 Procedure -- 4.1.4 Data Processing -- 4.1.5 Data Analysis -- 4.2 Results -- 4.3 Experiment 2 Discussion -- 5. Self-Paced Reading Discussion.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="505" ind1="8" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">6. Experiment 3 -- 6.1 Methods -- 6.1.1 Participants -- 6.1.2 Stimuli -- 6.1.3 Procedure -- 6.1.4 Data processing -- 6.1.5 Data analysis -- 6.2 Results -- 6.2.1 Fusiform Gyri -- 6.2.2 Left Posterior Temporal Lobe -- 6.2.3 Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus -- 6.2.4 Left Anterior Temporal Lobe -- 6.2.5 Medial Prefrontal Cortex -- 6.3 Discussion -- 7. General Discussion and Conclusion -- References -- Spans and words -- 1. Introduction: In search of the grammatical word -- 2. Proposal: Words are defined over spans -- 2.1 Portmanteaux -- 2.2 Syntactic Periphrasis -- 2.3 Mirror theory -- 2.4 Grammatical words -- 3. The X0 hypothesis -- 3.1 Phonologically and lexically driven periphrasis -- 3.2 Head movement -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Building words -- 1. Syntactic word formation: A Distributed Morphology perspective -- 2. Root suppletion -- 3. Building causatives and anticausatives -- 4. A complex syntax for word formation -- 4.1 Evidence for complexity in the causative alternation -- 4.2 Domains for root suppletion -- 4.3 Spans and extended projection -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Emergent Morphology -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphs and morphemes -- 3. Morph selection driven by morphosyntax -- 3.1 Top-down assessment: Manifest S-features -- 3.2 Bottom-up assessment: S-feature Congruence -- 3.3 Zero-morphs -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Defaults -- 4.1 A single default -- 4.2 Multiple defaults and shared features -- 4.3 Defaults are not underlying forms -- 4.3.1 High information content but low frequency -- 4.3.2 Abstract representations: A frequency of zero -- 4.4 Summary -- 5. Selecting a nondefault morph -- 5.1 Preferred morphs -- 5.1.1 Subregularities -- 5.1.2 Portmanteaux: A morpho-syntactic preference -- 5.1.3 Summary: Nonuniqueness of underlying representations -- 5.2 The role of phonology.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="505" ind1="8" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">5.2.1 Phonological relations among morphs: Southern Min tone circle -- 5.2.2 Phonological selection: Yoruba tone -- 5.2.3 Morph-specific phonological selection: Kinande tone -- 5.2.4 Summary -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Morphology as an adaptive discriminative system -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The constructionist fallacy in morphology -- 1.2 Overview -- 2. The classical WP model -- 2.1 Uncertainty -- 2.2 Discriminability -- 3. Associative and discriminative strategies of correspondence -- 3.1 The logic of associative decomposition -- 3.2 The limits of association -- 3.2.1 The challenge of segmentation -- 3.2.2 Gestalt exponence -- 3.2.3 Sub-phonemic discrimination -- 3.3 Summary -- 4. Some challenges for making sense of morphology -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Readjustment -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A quick overview of readjustment rules in DM and beyond -- 2.1 Where do readjustment rules come from, and what were they supposed to do? -- 2.2 Where do readjustment rules apply? -- 2.3 Why are readjustment rules problematic? -- 3. Revisiting arguments in favor of readjustment rules -- 3.1 Readjustment as "secondary exponence" -- 3.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Uto-Aztecan: Hiaki (Yaqui) vs. Classical Nahuatl -- 3.2.1 Verb stem allomorphy in Hiaki -- 3.2.1.1 HTB on the Hiaki data -- 3.2.1.2 HTB on readjustment vs. stem listing -- 3.2.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Classical Nahuatl (CN) -- 3.2.2.1 The CN data -- 3.2.2.2 The CN analysis -- 3.2.3 Interim conclusion regarding Uto-Aztecan stem allomorphy -- 3.3 Verb stem allomorphy plus reduplication in Sye (Erromangan) -- 3.3.1 An analysis based on suppletive stems -- Inkelas and Zoll (2005) -- 3.3.2 Frampton's (2009) derivational account of modified forms from unmodified forms in Sye -- 3.3.3 Evaluation: Stem listing (suppletion) vs. readjustment in Sye -- 4. Conclusion -- References.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="505" ind1="8" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Towards a Restricted Realization Theory -- 1. Introduction -- 2. On the preference of NTI and VIO models -- 3. Towards a VIO model: Non-locality -- 4. The monolistemic approach to stem allomorphy and strong/weak suppletion -- 4.1 Double Marking -- 4.1.1 The diachrony of double marking -- 4.1.2 Double marking and opacity -- 4.1.3 Triple marking -- 4.1.4 Borrowed affixation -- 4.2 Morphological creativity and the exclusion of unproductive forms -- 4.2.1 Where does all that listed morphology come from? -- 4.3 Productivity, listing, and double marking -- 5. Containment -- 5.1 Proposal I: Non-terminal insertion is limited to complex heads -- 5.2 Proposal II: Post-linearization spanning -- 4.2.1 English participle and past tense convergence -- 4.2.2 -ity vs.-abil-ity -- 4.2.3 Bracketing paradoxes -- 6. Towards a Vocabulary Insertion-Only model: Impoverishment -- 6.1 Siddiqi (2009) on feature blocking -- 7. Conclusions -- List of Abbreviations -- References -- We do not need structuralist morphemes, but we do need constituent structure -- 1. Introduction -- 2. We do not need structuralist morphemes: On stem storage -- 2.1 Stem storage avoids conspiratorial zeroes -- 2.2 Stem storage widens cyclic domains for allomorph selection just enough -- 2.2.1 Spanish third-conjugation verbs: Subcategorization and phonotactic optimization -- 2.2.2 Cyclic locality in the Spanish third-conjugation alternation -- 2.3 Stem storage maintains parallel cycles of phonological and semantic interpretation -- 2.3.1 The cyclic transmission of stress-induced hiatus in Spanish denominal derivatives -- 2.3.2 The parallel cyclic transmission of allomorphy and allosemy -- 3. We need constituent structure: On the diachronic interaction of computation and storage -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Inner and Outer morphology in Greek adjectival participles -- 1. Introduction.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="520" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">"The field of morphology is particularly heterogeneous. Investigators differ on key points at every level of theory. These divisions are not minor issues about technical implementation, but rather are foundational issues that mold the underlying anatomy of any theory. The field has developed very rapidly both theoretically and methodologically, giving rise to many competing theories and varied hypotheses. Many drastically different and often contradictory models and foundational hypotheses have been proposed. Theories diverge with respect to everything from foundational architectural assumptions to the specific combinatorial mechanisms used to derive complex words. Today these distinct models of word-formation largely exist in parallel, mostly without proponents confronting or discussing these differences in any major forum. After forty years of fast-paced growth in the field, morphologists are in need of a moment to take a breath and survey the drastically different points of view within the field. This volume provides such a moment."--</subfield><subfield code="c">Provided by publisher</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Morphology</subfield><subfield code="x">Theory.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Metatheory.</subfield><subfield code="0">http://id.loc.gov/authorities/subjects/sh85084300</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="6"><subfield code="a">Métathéorie.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES</subfield><subfield code="x">Grammar & Punctuation.</subfield><subfield code="2">bisacsh</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES</subfield><subfield code="x">Linguistics</subfield><subfield code="x">Syntax.</subfield><subfield code="2">bisacsh</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Metatheory</subfield><subfield code="2">fast</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="700" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Siddiqi, Daniel,</subfield><subfield code="e">editor.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="700" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Harley, Heidi,</subfield><subfield code="e">editor.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="776" ind1="0" ind2="8"><subfield code="i">Print version:</subfield><subfield code="t">Morphological metatheory.</subfield><subfield code="d">Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, [2016]</subfield><subfield code="z">9789027257123</subfield><subfield code="w">(DLC) 2016003593</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="830" ind1=" " ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Linguistik aktuell ;</subfield><subfield code="v">Bd. 229.</subfield><subfield code="0">http://id.loc.gov/authorities/names/n42035628</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="0"><subfield code="l">FWS01</subfield><subfield code="p">ZDB-4-EBA</subfield><subfield code="q">FWS_PDA_EBA</subfield><subfield code="u">https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&AN=1258954</subfield><subfield code="3">Volltext</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="938" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Askews and Holts Library Services</subfield><subfield code="b">ASKH</subfield><subfield code="n">AH30463275</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="938" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">ProQuest Ebook Central</subfield><subfield code="b">EBLB</subfield><subfield code="n">EBL4570670</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="938" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">EBSCOhost</subfield><subfield code="b">EBSC</subfield><subfield code="n">1258954</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="938" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">ProQuest MyiLibrary Digital eBook Collection</subfield><subfield code="b">IDEB</subfield><subfield code="n">cis33590778</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="938" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">YBP Library Services</subfield><subfield code="b">YANK</subfield><subfield code="n">13050993</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="994" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">92</subfield><subfield code="b">GEBAY</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="912" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">ZDB-4-EBA</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="049" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-863</subfield></datafield></record></collection> |
| id | ZDB-4-EBA-ocn944958041 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-11-27T13:27:06Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789027267122 902726712X |
| issn | 0166-0829 ; |
| language | English |
| lccn | 2016012868 |
| oclc_num | 944958041 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | MAIN DE-863 DE-BY-FWS |
| owner_facet | MAIN DE-863 DE-BY-FWS |
| physical | 1 online resource |
| psigel | ZDB-4-EBA |
| publishDate | 2016 |
| publishDateSearch | 2016 |
| publishDateSort | 2016 |
| publisher | John Benjamins Publishing Company, |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Linguistik aktuell ; |
| series2 | Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (LA), |
| spelling | Morphological metatheory / edited by Daniel Siddiqi, Carleton University ; Heidi Harley, University of Arizona. Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, [2016] 1 online resource text txt rdacontent computer c rdamedia online resource cr rdacarrier Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (LA), 0166-0829 ; volume 229 Includes bibliographical references and index. Print version record and CIP data provided by publisher. Intro -- Morphological Metatheory -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- About the Authors -- How are words related? -- 1. Introduction: Lexemes, word forms, paradigms -- 2. Why words and paradigms? -- 3. Denying morphology -- 4. Formal and semantic overlap reconsidered -- 5. Lexical representations -- 6. Lexical relatedness -- a rough sketch -- 7. Deverbal participles and lexical relatedness -- 8. The metatheoretical status of indexes -- 9. Concluding remarks -- References -- Paradigms at the interface of a lexeme's syntax and semantics with its inflectional morphology -- 1. Overview of Old English conjugation -- 1.1 Morphosyntactic properties -- 1.2 Strong verbs -- 1.3 Weak verbs -- 2. Content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation -- 2.1 Impoverishment in Old English conjugation -- 2.2 Enrichment in Old English conjugation -- 2.3 Dissonance in Old English conjugation -- 3. A theory of content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation -- 3.1 Content paradigms, form paradigms and their linkage -- 3.2 Paradigm function -- 3.3 Canonical paradigm linkage -- 3.4 Property mappings -- 3.5 Stems -- 3.6 Inflection classes -- 3.7 Form correspondents -- 3.8 Rules of exponence -- 3.9 Noncanonical paradigm linkage -- 4. Discussion and conclusions -- References -- A Postsyntactic Morphome Cookbook -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphomes as Parasitic Features in DM -- 2.1 Purely Parasitic Features -- 2.2 Semi-Parasitic Features -- 2.3 Summary -- 3. Habitats of Parasitic Features -- 3.1 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM: Decomposition -- 3.2 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM -- Meta-Features on Markedness -- 3.3 Parasitic Features in other Frameworks -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Morphomes in the Morphome Literature -- 4.1 Some Classical Morphomes -- 4.2 Deriving Restrictions on Morphomes -- 4.3 Summary. 5. Alternatives to Morphomes and Parasitic Features in DM -- 5.1 Morphomes as Elsewhere Syncretism -- 5.2 Morphomes as Homophony or Suppletion -- 5.3 Morphomes by Pure Impoverishment ('Carving') -- 5.4 Summary -- 6. Summary -- References -- Syncretism in Paradigm Function Morphology and Distributed Morphology* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Syncretism in DM -- 2.1 DM Basics -- 2.2 Shared- and Nonshared-Feature Syncretism in DM -- 2.3 Metasyncretisms in DM -- 2.4 Interim Summary: DM -- 3. Syncretism in PFM2 -- 3.1 PFM2 Basics -- Anchor 155 -- 3.2 Syncretism in PFM2 -- 3.3 Metasyncretism in PFM2 -- 3.4 Interim Summary: PFM2 -- 4. Comparing DM and PFM: Restrictiveness -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 DM and Restrictions on Syncretism -- 4.3 Are there Restrictions on Syncretism? -- 4.4 Conclusion -- References -- Phase domains at PF -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Domains -- 2.1 Phonological domains -- 2.1.1 Causatives and inner domains -- 2.1.2 Beyond causatives -- 2.2 Domains for suppletion -- 3. Domain mismatches -- 3.1 Tense domain mismatches -- 3.2 Phonological domains in comparatives -- 3.3 Domain suspension à la Bobaljik and Wurmbrand -- 3.4 Domain suspension revised: Feature Portage -- 4. Lower Heads -- 4.1 Yiddish predicate clefts -- 4.2 Compounds -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The Costs of Zero-Derived Causativity in English -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Levels of Complexity -- 1.2 Lexical Semantic Complexity in Processing -- 2. Deriving Behavioral Predictions -- 3. Experiment 1 -- 3.1 Methods -- 3.1.1 Participants -- 3.1.2 Stimuli -- 3.1.3 Procedure -- 3.1.4 Data Processing -- 3.1.5 Data Analysis -- 3.2 Results -- 3.3 Experiment 1 Discussion -- 4. Experiment 2 -- 4.1 Methods -- 4.1.1 Participants -- 4.1.2 Stimuli -- 4.1.3 Procedure -- 4.1.4 Data Processing -- 4.1.5 Data Analysis -- 4.2 Results -- 4.3 Experiment 2 Discussion -- 5. Self-Paced Reading Discussion. 6. Experiment 3 -- 6.1 Methods -- 6.1.1 Participants -- 6.1.2 Stimuli -- 6.1.3 Procedure -- 6.1.4 Data processing -- 6.1.5 Data analysis -- 6.2 Results -- 6.2.1 Fusiform Gyri -- 6.2.2 Left Posterior Temporal Lobe -- 6.2.3 Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus -- 6.2.4 Left Anterior Temporal Lobe -- 6.2.5 Medial Prefrontal Cortex -- 6.3 Discussion -- 7. General Discussion and Conclusion -- References -- Spans and words -- 1. Introduction: In search of the grammatical word -- 2. Proposal: Words are defined over spans -- 2.1 Portmanteaux -- 2.2 Syntactic Periphrasis -- 2.3 Mirror theory -- 2.4 Grammatical words -- 3. The X0 hypothesis -- 3.1 Phonologically and lexically driven periphrasis -- 3.2 Head movement -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Building words -- 1. Syntactic word formation: A Distributed Morphology perspective -- 2. Root suppletion -- 3. Building causatives and anticausatives -- 4. A complex syntax for word formation -- 4.1 Evidence for complexity in the causative alternation -- 4.2 Domains for root suppletion -- 4.3 Spans and extended projection -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Emergent Morphology -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphs and morphemes -- 3. Morph selection driven by morphosyntax -- 3.1 Top-down assessment: Manifest S-features -- 3.2 Bottom-up assessment: S-feature Congruence -- 3.3 Zero-morphs -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Defaults -- 4.1 A single default -- 4.2 Multiple defaults and shared features -- 4.3 Defaults are not underlying forms -- 4.3.1 High information content but low frequency -- 4.3.2 Abstract representations: A frequency of zero -- 4.4 Summary -- 5. Selecting a nondefault morph -- 5.1 Preferred morphs -- 5.1.1 Subregularities -- 5.1.2 Portmanteaux: A morpho-syntactic preference -- 5.1.3 Summary: Nonuniqueness of underlying representations -- 5.2 The role of phonology. 5.2.1 Phonological relations among morphs: Southern Min tone circle -- 5.2.2 Phonological selection: Yoruba tone -- 5.2.3 Morph-specific phonological selection: Kinande tone -- 5.2.4 Summary -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Morphology as an adaptive discriminative system -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The constructionist fallacy in morphology -- 1.2 Overview -- 2. The classical WP model -- 2.1 Uncertainty -- 2.2 Discriminability -- 3. Associative and discriminative strategies of correspondence -- 3.1 The logic of associative decomposition -- 3.2 The limits of association -- 3.2.1 The challenge of segmentation -- 3.2.2 Gestalt exponence -- 3.2.3 Sub-phonemic discrimination -- 3.3 Summary -- 4. Some challenges for making sense of morphology -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Readjustment -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A quick overview of readjustment rules in DM and beyond -- 2.1 Where do readjustment rules come from, and what were they supposed to do? -- 2.2 Where do readjustment rules apply? -- 2.3 Why are readjustment rules problematic? -- 3. Revisiting arguments in favor of readjustment rules -- 3.1 Readjustment as "secondary exponence" -- 3.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Uto-Aztecan: Hiaki (Yaqui) vs. Classical Nahuatl -- 3.2.1 Verb stem allomorphy in Hiaki -- 3.2.1.1 HTB on the Hiaki data -- 3.2.1.2 HTB on readjustment vs. stem listing -- 3.2.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Classical Nahuatl (CN) -- 3.2.2.1 The CN data -- 3.2.2.2 The CN analysis -- 3.2.3 Interim conclusion regarding Uto-Aztecan stem allomorphy -- 3.3 Verb stem allomorphy plus reduplication in Sye (Erromangan) -- 3.3.1 An analysis based on suppletive stems -- Inkelas and Zoll (2005) -- 3.3.2 Frampton's (2009) derivational account of modified forms from unmodified forms in Sye -- 3.3.3 Evaluation: Stem listing (suppletion) vs. readjustment in Sye -- 4. Conclusion -- References. Towards a Restricted Realization Theory -- 1. Introduction -- 2. On the preference of NTI and VIO models -- 3. Towards a VIO model: Non-locality -- 4. The monolistemic approach to stem allomorphy and strong/weak suppletion -- 4.1 Double Marking -- 4.1.1 The diachrony of double marking -- 4.1.2 Double marking and opacity -- 4.1.3 Triple marking -- 4.1.4 Borrowed affixation -- 4.2 Morphological creativity and the exclusion of unproductive forms -- 4.2.1 Where does all that listed morphology come from? -- 4.3 Productivity, listing, and double marking -- 5. Containment -- 5.1 Proposal I: Non-terminal insertion is limited to complex heads -- 5.2 Proposal II: Post-linearization spanning -- 4.2.1 English participle and past tense convergence -- 4.2.2 -ity vs.-abil-ity -- 4.2.3 Bracketing paradoxes -- 6. Towards a Vocabulary Insertion-Only model: Impoverishment -- 6.1 Siddiqi (2009) on feature blocking -- 7. Conclusions -- List of Abbreviations -- References -- We do not need structuralist morphemes, but we do need constituent structure -- 1. Introduction -- 2. We do not need structuralist morphemes: On stem storage -- 2.1 Stem storage avoids conspiratorial zeroes -- 2.2 Stem storage widens cyclic domains for allomorph selection just enough -- 2.2.1 Spanish third-conjugation verbs: Subcategorization and phonotactic optimization -- 2.2.2 Cyclic locality in the Spanish third-conjugation alternation -- 2.3 Stem storage maintains parallel cycles of phonological and semantic interpretation -- 2.3.1 The cyclic transmission of stress-induced hiatus in Spanish denominal derivatives -- 2.3.2 The parallel cyclic transmission of allomorphy and allosemy -- 3. We need constituent structure: On the diachronic interaction of computation and storage -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Inner and Outer morphology in Greek adjectival participles -- 1. Introduction. "The field of morphology is particularly heterogeneous. Investigators differ on key points at every level of theory. These divisions are not minor issues about technical implementation, but rather are foundational issues that mold the underlying anatomy of any theory. The field has developed very rapidly both theoretically and methodologically, giving rise to many competing theories and varied hypotheses. Many drastically different and often contradictory models and foundational hypotheses have been proposed. Theories diverge with respect to everything from foundational architectural assumptions to the specific combinatorial mechanisms used to derive complex words. Today these distinct models of word-formation largely exist in parallel, mostly without proponents confronting or discussing these differences in any major forum. After forty years of fast-paced growth in the field, morphologists are in need of a moment to take a breath and survey the drastically different points of view within the field. This volume provides such a moment."-- Provided by publisher Morphology Theory. Metatheory. http://id.loc.gov/authorities/subjects/sh85084300 Métathéorie. LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES Grammar & Punctuation. bisacsh LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES Linguistics Syntax. bisacsh Metatheory fast Siddiqi, Daniel, editor. Harley, Heidi, editor. Print version: Morphological metatheory. Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, [2016] 9789027257123 (DLC) 2016003593 Linguistik aktuell ; Bd. 229. http://id.loc.gov/authorities/names/n42035628 FWS01 ZDB-4-EBA FWS_PDA_EBA https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&AN=1258954 Volltext |
| spellingShingle | Morphological metatheory / Linguistik aktuell ; Intro -- Morphological Metatheory -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- About the Authors -- How are words related? -- 1. Introduction: Lexemes, word forms, paradigms -- 2. Why words and paradigms? -- 3. Denying morphology -- 4. Formal and semantic overlap reconsidered -- 5. Lexical representations -- 6. Lexical relatedness -- a rough sketch -- 7. Deverbal participles and lexical relatedness -- 8. The metatheoretical status of indexes -- 9. Concluding remarks -- References -- Paradigms at the interface of a lexeme's syntax and semantics with its inflectional morphology -- 1. Overview of Old English conjugation -- 1.1 Morphosyntactic properties -- 1.2 Strong verbs -- 1.3 Weak verbs -- 2. Content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation -- 2.1 Impoverishment in Old English conjugation -- 2.2 Enrichment in Old English conjugation -- 2.3 Dissonance in Old English conjugation -- 3. A theory of content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation -- 3.1 Content paradigms, form paradigms and their linkage -- 3.2 Paradigm function -- 3.3 Canonical paradigm linkage -- 3.4 Property mappings -- 3.5 Stems -- 3.6 Inflection classes -- 3.7 Form correspondents -- 3.8 Rules of exponence -- 3.9 Noncanonical paradigm linkage -- 4. Discussion and conclusions -- References -- A Postsyntactic Morphome Cookbook -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphomes as Parasitic Features in DM -- 2.1 Purely Parasitic Features -- 2.2 Semi-Parasitic Features -- 2.3 Summary -- 3. Habitats of Parasitic Features -- 3.1 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM: Decomposition -- 3.2 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM -- Meta-Features on Markedness -- 3.3 Parasitic Features in other Frameworks -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Morphomes in the Morphome Literature -- 4.1 Some Classical Morphomes -- 4.2 Deriving Restrictions on Morphomes -- 4.3 Summary. 5. Alternatives to Morphomes and Parasitic Features in DM -- 5.1 Morphomes as Elsewhere Syncretism -- 5.2 Morphomes as Homophony or Suppletion -- 5.3 Morphomes by Pure Impoverishment ('Carving') -- 5.4 Summary -- 6. Summary -- References -- Syncretism in Paradigm Function Morphology and Distributed Morphology* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Syncretism in DM -- 2.1 DM Basics -- 2.2 Shared- and Nonshared-Feature Syncretism in DM -- 2.3 Metasyncretisms in DM -- 2.4 Interim Summary: DM -- 3. Syncretism in PFM2 -- 3.1 PFM2 Basics -- Anchor 155 -- 3.2 Syncretism in PFM2 -- 3.3 Metasyncretism in PFM2 -- 3.4 Interim Summary: PFM2 -- 4. Comparing DM and PFM: Restrictiveness -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 DM and Restrictions on Syncretism -- 4.3 Are there Restrictions on Syncretism? -- 4.4 Conclusion -- References -- Phase domains at PF -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Domains -- 2.1 Phonological domains -- 2.1.1 Causatives and inner domains -- 2.1.2 Beyond causatives -- 2.2 Domains for suppletion -- 3. Domain mismatches -- 3.1 Tense domain mismatches -- 3.2 Phonological domains in comparatives -- 3.3 Domain suspension à la Bobaljik and Wurmbrand -- 3.4 Domain suspension revised: Feature Portage -- 4. Lower Heads -- 4.1 Yiddish predicate clefts -- 4.2 Compounds -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The Costs of Zero-Derived Causativity in English -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Levels of Complexity -- 1.2 Lexical Semantic Complexity in Processing -- 2. Deriving Behavioral Predictions -- 3. Experiment 1 -- 3.1 Methods -- 3.1.1 Participants -- 3.1.2 Stimuli -- 3.1.3 Procedure -- 3.1.4 Data Processing -- 3.1.5 Data Analysis -- 3.2 Results -- 3.3 Experiment 1 Discussion -- 4. Experiment 2 -- 4.1 Methods -- 4.1.1 Participants -- 4.1.2 Stimuli -- 4.1.3 Procedure -- 4.1.4 Data Processing -- 4.1.5 Data Analysis -- 4.2 Results -- 4.3 Experiment 2 Discussion -- 5. Self-Paced Reading Discussion. 6. Experiment 3 -- 6.1 Methods -- 6.1.1 Participants -- 6.1.2 Stimuli -- 6.1.3 Procedure -- 6.1.4 Data processing -- 6.1.5 Data analysis -- 6.2 Results -- 6.2.1 Fusiform Gyri -- 6.2.2 Left Posterior Temporal Lobe -- 6.2.3 Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus -- 6.2.4 Left Anterior Temporal Lobe -- 6.2.5 Medial Prefrontal Cortex -- 6.3 Discussion -- 7. General Discussion and Conclusion -- References -- Spans and words -- 1. Introduction: In search of the grammatical word -- 2. Proposal: Words are defined over spans -- 2.1 Portmanteaux -- 2.2 Syntactic Periphrasis -- 2.3 Mirror theory -- 2.4 Grammatical words -- 3. The X0 hypothesis -- 3.1 Phonologically and lexically driven periphrasis -- 3.2 Head movement -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Building words -- 1. Syntactic word formation: A Distributed Morphology perspective -- 2. Root suppletion -- 3. Building causatives and anticausatives -- 4. A complex syntax for word formation -- 4.1 Evidence for complexity in the causative alternation -- 4.2 Domains for root suppletion -- 4.3 Spans and extended projection -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Emergent Morphology -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphs and morphemes -- 3. Morph selection driven by morphosyntax -- 3.1 Top-down assessment: Manifest S-features -- 3.2 Bottom-up assessment: S-feature Congruence -- 3.3 Zero-morphs -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Defaults -- 4.1 A single default -- 4.2 Multiple defaults and shared features -- 4.3 Defaults are not underlying forms -- 4.3.1 High information content but low frequency -- 4.3.2 Abstract representations: A frequency of zero -- 4.4 Summary -- 5. Selecting a nondefault morph -- 5.1 Preferred morphs -- 5.1.1 Subregularities -- 5.1.2 Portmanteaux: A morpho-syntactic preference -- 5.1.3 Summary: Nonuniqueness of underlying representations -- 5.2 The role of phonology. 5.2.1 Phonological relations among morphs: Southern Min tone circle -- 5.2.2 Phonological selection: Yoruba tone -- 5.2.3 Morph-specific phonological selection: Kinande tone -- 5.2.4 Summary -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Morphology as an adaptive discriminative system -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The constructionist fallacy in morphology -- 1.2 Overview -- 2. The classical WP model -- 2.1 Uncertainty -- 2.2 Discriminability -- 3. Associative and discriminative strategies of correspondence -- 3.1 The logic of associative decomposition -- 3.2 The limits of association -- 3.2.1 The challenge of segmentation -- 3.2.2 Gestalt exponence -- 3.2.3 Sub-phonemic discrimination -- 3.3 Summary -- 4. Some challenges for making sense of morphology -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Readjustment -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A quick overview of readjustment rules in DM and beyond -- 2.1 Where do readjustment rules come from, and what were they supposed to do? -- 2.2 Where do readjustment rules apply? -- 2.3 Why are readjustment rules problematic? -- 3. Revisiting arguments in favor of readjustment rules -- 3.1 Readjustment as "secondary exponence" -- 3.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Uto-Aztecan: Hiaki (Yaqui) vs. Classical Nahuatl -- 3.2.1 Verb stem allomorphy in Hiaki -- 3.2.1.1 HTB on the Hiaki data -- 3.2.1.2 HTB on readjustment vs. stem listing -- 3.2.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Classical Nahuatl (CN) -- 3.2.2.1 The CN data -- 3.2.2.2 The CN analysis -- 3.2.3 Interim conclusion regarding Uto-Aztecan stem allomorphy -- 3.3 Verb stem allomorphy plus reduplication in Sye (Erromangan) -- 3.3.1 An analysis based on suppletive stems -- Inkelas and Zoll (2005) -- 3.3.2 Frampton's (2009) derivational account of modified forms from unmodified forms in Sye -- 3.3.3 Evaluation: Stem listing (suppletion) vs. readjustment in Sye -- 4. Conclusion -- References. Towards a Restricted Realization Theory -- 1. Introduction -- 2. On the preference of NTI and VIO models -- 3. Towards a VIO model: Non-locality -- 4. The monolistemic approach to stem allomorphy and strong/weak suppletion -- 4.1 Double Marking -- 4.1.1 The diachrony of double marking -- 4.1.2 Double marking and opacity -- 4.1.3 Triple marking -- 4.1.4 Borrowed affixation -- 4.2 Morphological creativity and the exclusion of unproductive forms -- 4.2.1 Where does all that listed morphology come from? -- 4.3 Productivity, listing, and double marking -- 5. Containment -- 5.1 Proposal I: Non-terminal insertion is limited to complex heads -- 5.2 Proposal II: Post-linearization spanning -- 4.2.1 English participle and past tense convergence -- 4.2.2 -ity vs.-abil-ity -- 4.2.3 Bracketing paradoxes -- 6. Towards a Vocabulary Insertion-Only model: Impoverishment -- 6.1 Siddiqi (2009) on feature blocking -- 7. Conclusions -- List of Abbreviations -- References -- We do not need structuralist morphemes, but we do need constituent structure -- 1. Introduction -- 2. We do not need structuralist morphemes: On stem storage -- 2.1 Stem storage avoids conspiratorial zeroes -- 2.2 Stem storage widens cyclic domains for allomorph selection just enough -- 2.2.1 Spanish third-conjugation verbs: Subcategorization and phonotactic optimization -- 2.2.2 Cyclic locality in the Spanish third-conjugation alternation -- 2.3 Stem storage maintains parallel cycles of phonological and semantic interpretation -- 2.3.1 The cyclic transmission of stress-induced hiatus in Spanish denominal derivatives -- 2.3.2 The parallel cyclic transmission of allomorphy and allosemy -- 3. We need constituent structure: On the diachronic interaction of computation and storage -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Inner and Outer morphology in Greek adjectival participles -- 1. Introduction. Morphology Theory. Metatheory. http://id.loc.gov/authorities/subjects/sh85084300 Métathéorie. LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES Grammar & Punctuation. bisacsh LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES Linguistics Syntax. bisacsh Metatheory fast |
| subject_GND | http://id.loc.gov/authorities/subjects/sh85084300 |
| title | Morphological metatheory / |
| title_auth | Morphological metatheory / |
| title_exact_search | Morphological metatheory / |
| title_full | Morphological metatheory / edited by Daniel Siddiqi, Carleton University ; Heidi Harley, University of Arizona. |
| title_fullStr | Morphological metatheory / edited by Daniel Siddiqi, Carleton University ; Heidi Harley, University of Arizona. |
| title_full_unstemmed | Morphological metatheory / edited by Daniel Siddiqi, Carleton University ; Heidi Harley, University of Arizona. |
| title_short | Morphological metatheory / |
| title_sort | morphological metatheory |
| topic | Morphology Theory. Metatheory. http://id.loc.gov/authorities/subjects/sh85084300 Métathéorie. LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES Grammar & Punctuation. bisacsh LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES Linguistics Syntax. bisacsh Metatheory fast |
| topic_facet | Morphology Theory. Metatheory. Métathéorie. LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES Grammar & Punctuation. LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES Linguistics Syntax. Metatheory |
| url | https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&AN=1258954 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT siddiqidaniel morphologicalmetatheory AT harleyheidi morphologicalmetatheory |