Laptele matern şi aburul hranei: contexte etnologice
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| Format: | Abschlussarbeit Buch |
| Sprache: | Romanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Bucureşti
Editura Etnologică
2020
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| Schriftenreihe: | Colecţia de etnologie
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| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract Literaturverzeichnis |
| Beschreibung: | Dissertation ursprünglich unter dem Titel: Familia şi hrana în cultura tradiţională românească |
| Beschreibung: | 955 Seiten |
| ISBN: | 9786060670070 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | iù2 de prof. univ. dr. Silviu Angelescu c(ýnŔotíuceb ................................................................. 9 83 xfmiihiul I. Asigurarea şi oferirea hranei familiei. Ciclul calendaristic: alimente-prinos 83 Calendarele ocupaţiilor. Sfinţi protectori.................... . ........................ m Ritmurile anului. Roadele pământului....................... ........ /·;’/ Obţinerea şi protejarea hranei................................. .......... i66 Rolul bărbatului (plugar, păstor, pescar, vânător) şi atribuţiile femeii..... ........166 Etnografia hranei. Bucate şi băuturi......................... ................................. І96 Resurse de toană, apă şi sare ............. ................. .................... ..................... 896 Contexte etnografice. Prelucrarea toanei................... .................................299 Meşteşugul culinar al româncei. Trei generaţii................ ..........................m Oferirea toanei. Calendarul religios............................ ........................ 276 Ajunul. Postul alimentar. Dezlegările.............. ............................................... 278 Ofrande şi mese comune la sărbătorile din ciclul calendaristic........................289 Mărci alimentare ale sărbătorilor .......... ...................................................... 296 Gustul şi mirosul toanei. Miere, pelin, mirodie.................... .............329 (J€a/uMJ J II-L·. Instituţiile hranei şi ale ospitalităţii. Alimente vitale, alimente-marfa....................... ............................
................................................. ............. .869 Sistemul alimentar românesc. Sinonimia toană-viaţă............. .................................. 350 Mese zilnice şi merinde. Menirea femeii: sânul mamei şi aburul toanei... ..... 356 Vatra. Centrul vieţii de familie. Icoana de vatră............................... ......... ........380 Despre ospitalitate. Viaţa ca dar ...................... ...................................... ..............386 Lipsa hranei. Dincolo de spaţiul familial.......... ....................................... ............. 390 Instituţii ale ospitalităţii. Alimente vitale, alimente-marfă............ ............................698 Gospodăria ţărănească autarhică. Bucătăria............. 623 Stâna, văcăria....................................................... ............. ....................... 636 Prisaca......................................................................................................... 656 Bucătăria domnească. Bucătăria boierească. Cultură culinară şi ospitalitate... 857 Mănăstirea. Trapeza. Bolniţa................. 692 Vetre de popas. Merinde, tain pentru monahi, călători, oaspeţi....................... 507 Resurse şi rezerve de toană şi apă. Raportul gazdă-oaspete ..................... 593 Hanul, ospătăria. Casa de poştă. Dejugătoarea..... ..........................................585 Instituţii ale prelucrării şi schimbului de alimente şi băuturi. Alimentele-marfă.... 557 Negustorii de hrană. Trocul. Piaţa. Târgul. Prăvălia...... ....... . .....................___5b7 Moara. Brutăria. Crama. Povama.
Măcelăria. Pescăria, cherhanaua... ..... 579
. Alimente cardinale la întemeierea familiei şi pomenirea neamului........................................ ötó Daruri şi ofrande alimentare la trecerile din ciclul familial. Laptele şi aburul __ .....610 Acte alimentare culturale la naştere. Alăptatul. înţărcatul....................................... 616 Alimentul primordial. Laptele matern................................................................ 616 Oferirea hranei. Personaje şi roluri feminine: lăuza, moaşa, doica, naşa ..... 600 Rodina şi Cumetria. Rudenia spirituală........................ ......... вон Pomul de botez.................................................. ............. ................................ 668 Schimbul de daruri la nuntă. Ploconul, cinstea............................................... ....... 679 Roluri şi privilegii la oferirea darurilor alimentare. Fata de măritat, socăciţa 681 Pomul vieţii (neamurilor) sau Mărul de cununie __......... ... ................. . 688 Ospăţul. Ierarhia convivilor..... .............. 689 Ofrande la înmormântare şi pomenirea neamului. Praznicul...........__ .........707 Alimentul ideal. Aburul hranei....................................................................... 716 Bradul sau Mărul mortului. Pom de pomană............. ...... ............ 721 Donatori, beneficiari, destinatari ai ofrandelor. Femeia iertată, prescurăriţa.... 731 Pomenirea neamului. Morţii şi Moşii....................... ............. 730 Tlttļimfuf cwl V-vea-. Hrană pentru Masa Raiului _......... ...... ___ ________ _ 739 Codul alimentar al familiei creştine. Rânduiala
meselor.............................. ......... 703 Masa cea de toate zilele. Definirea hranei cotidiene............. .......................... 795 Ierarhia comesenilor............................. 800 Ospătarea aproapelui. Ospătarea străinului....................... .................. . 801 Masa rotundă....................... ............................... ............. ............ ....... ......... 810 Masa înaltă......................................................................................... .............813 Masa lungă, de ospăţ..... .............................. ...................................................816 Masa de piatră, Masa Moşilor........................................................................... 818 Merindarul..... .................................................... ............ ........ ........ ..............819 Fântâna. Fântânarul, sacagiul............................. ...................... ....... ................821 Hrană pentru Masa Raiului. între cele două lumi.................. .............. .....830 Personaje biblice exemplare pentru familia românească............. ....................838 Protopărinţii în Grădina Raiului. Strămoaşa Eva................ ...........800 Cain şi Abel. Ocupaţiile primordiale...................... ....................... 800 Maica Domnului şi pruncul Iisus. Mama hrănitoare__ ___ .......... .809 Sfinţenia şi sfinţirea hranei şi apei. Anafora şi aiasma............. .............. 852 Rolul preotului. Sfânta împărtăşanie. Pâinea şi vinul................................857 Ospitalitatea. Dărnicia.
Dar din dar seface Raiul___ ____ ______ _______ 870 Dumnezeu şi sfinţii. Oaspeţi pe pământ......................................... ...........889 Mese întinse, cufăclii aprinse...................... ........................................... 892
tÉÊoauiÂe de prof. univ. dr. Ion Ghinoiu 908 938 99i
Abstract Title and hypotheses An ethnological approach to Romanian food system, as it could be perceived through the 19th-and 20th-century documents, is focused on daily food and on Romanian family, essential frame within which alimentary goods are prepared and offered, thus opening a research path on ceremonial/ritualfood, seen asfoodfor the Paradise Table. Afamily should fonction in its every single detail to have plentiful dailyfood and respected meals. The general scenario of celebrations harmoniously unfolding on Romanian territory could be considered in connection with the traditional way of eating entailing fasting, animal sacrifice, baking bread, consecrating and offering food (sweet) gifts and offerings, and, in the end, the feast (the banquet) - consuming celebration-related food during a communal meal (where all family members participate and have roles according to their competence, gender, age). The same pattem can be found during a regular week: fasting days (Monday, Wednesday, and Friday) alternating with regular days (Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday), and culminating with Sunday when some poultry were sacrificed and the daily bread is baked for the meal gathering the entire family around the table. The title chosen for this book is Mother’s Milk and the Steam of Food. Ethnological Contexts and is based on the hypothesis that the great communal meals, the perfect moments in passing rituals ֊ both in the calendar-related cycle and in the life circle - could be prepared and celebrated only on the condition of deep knowledge and thorough understanding of the
meaning attached to everyday food, daily family meals, to the hierarchy and consecrated roles: man provides, woman cooks, woman offers, priest consecrates and family / bloodline / community receives; all the members of a family, of a lineage, of a community coexisting. Researcher Ofelia Văduva’s theories dedicated to food ethnology reveal the profound meanings of food practices: “regulated by prescriptions and interdictions in the traditional life, and characterised ՜Հր 94/
by repeatability, food practices can be included in ritual daily phenomenology. Therefore, the act of having a meal in the Romanian traditional village ֊ started (and finished) with the sign of the cross followed by a prayer - happening in total silence, with a respectful (almost mystical respect) attitude towards food, and mainly towards bread, represents a daily ritual phenomenon, which gets exceptional dimensions in a festive context.” (Văduva 2011:21). The book Paşi spre sacru. Din etnologia alimentaţiei româneşti {Steps Towards the Sacred. On the Ethnology ofRomanian Food) states that “ethnology has a wide investigation fields where the correlation of various material and spiritual elements related to food could lead to rebuilding (and to breaking it down to its characteristic features) the food system with its subsystems: procuring, preparing and consuming food.” (Văduva 2011: 14). The domains of ethnography and folklore are also to open ways towards the meanings of daily alimentation - i.e. the vital food and beverage related to family hierarchy, of ceremonial and ritual food, as well as towards identifying the iconic traits of Romanian food practices. “With no intention to diminish the undeniable value of the archive documents, we have to admit that, due to its «un-institutionalized» nature or to its unreliable authorship, the ethnographic or folkloristic document is difficult to be analysed or interpreted. However, although more unstable or variable, sometimes more hidden or less relevant in form, the ethnographic or folkloristic document could still replace,
modify or add to the actual archive document [...]” (Vulcănescu, Simionescu 1974: 6). Professor Silviu Angelescu emphasises the fact that folkloric texts “legends, as well as epic songs, charms, carols, fimeral or nuptial songs are, in a traditional society, the components which set the rhythm, explain and ensure the efficiency of larger social systems” (Angelescu 2008: 20). The recent studies of Academician Sabina Cornelia Ispas, Sinele şi Celălalt; Masa Domnească ֊ Masă de sărbătoare (The Self and the Other; the Royal Meal - the Festive Meal) proves the meaning and the power of coexistence within cultural traditional systems: “The most significant gesture, present both during a festive meal and during hajduks’ or brave men’s meals, or on any occasion when peers gather, is the “raising” of the wine glass. The ancient libation was a ritual act which involved sipping, then pouring out a certain quantify of wine to honour the Divinity, or the person the party was thrown for. Romanian people still pour out a drop of wine before drinking it at a meal
commemorating a dead person. The very raising of the glass is a way of showing respect and of honouring somebody - the Divinity, the next one up on hierarchical level or a special person worth respecting.” (Ispas 2012: 131-150). Researcher Cornelia Belcin Pleşca highlights the profound elements in the Romanian culture, the aspects of durable civilisation, in relation to Claude Lévi-Strauss’s theory on cultural food code - seen through the processes involving fire, kitchen (from raw to cooked) and social hierarchy: “From a time-related perspective, food has a long history with decisive moments marking the passage from nature to culture, from raw to roasted, baked, boiled. Each innovative step related to obtaining the raw material, to techniques of processing, preserving and storing food, as well as to equipment and tools, was being taken slowly, but continuously throughout centuries and millenniums, being kept, developed and transmitted within peasants’ civilisation.” (Belcin Pleşca 2010: 38). The research conducted in the last 200 years offer the frill image of field (agricultural) work, connected with the traditional calendar, involving all members of extended family and also all members of some specialised groups, inside or outside a village (craftsmen, merchants). We mainly refer to that family pattern socially and culturally organised in order to generate a certain autonomy of the (rural) societies, in accordance with its status as fundamental unit. Xenia Costa-Foru defined family as “a local system of spiritual, economical, juridical and political facts, cosmically,
biologically, psychologically and historically conditioned, and integrated within a series of social relations and processes” (Costa-Foru 1945: 30). It is a well-known fact that, most of the times, members of a family provided (produced) their fUmiture, textiles, work and festive clothes, their daily food and supplies, the tools and equipment for work or crafts. Men’s roles were related to hard work, outside the house perimeter, while women’s roles were connected with permanent chores, especially those in the proximity of the fire. (Ispas, Coatu 2011: 8). The need for centres clearly dedicated to protecting life and preparing food (shelter for people and animals and part of producing and storing food processes) is also present outside family borders and village boundaries. Food - from starvation to abundance ֊ seem to be the reason for these buildings placed on the village land or near the roads. Food generates its own institutions: the peasants ’ household or
the inn. Following this idea, we intend to highlight the profile of some food and hospitality institutions, when the following criteria are met: a shelter, water source, a hearth, norms for living and organising the space, cohabitation criteria, confessional rules, work rules, work role assignment, prescriptions and interdictions for procuring, storing and processing afood item, processing and eating habits. The family integrated within the autarchic household - a food and hospitality institution - is eloquently described by Ştefania Cristescu-Golopenţia: “The economic aspect is striking in our rural life. The household appears as a group of people who, together with their animals and things (tools) and under the same harsh fight-for-life determinism must work hard all the time. Therefore, it is perceived as a work community, where each member, from old ones to children, has their own well-defined (work) role for the higher benefit of the whole family group and not for the benefit of every single member. [...] The economic function of the household is thus doubled by a spiritual function which has to be defined further, both being in a tight correlation.” (Costa-Foru 1945: 28). Professor Ion Ghinoiu, the coordinator of the Romanian Ethnographic Atlas, refers to the effort the Christian family dedicate to food procurement mentioning the biblical meaning of work (Ghinoiu 2018 : XVIII): “Because you have listened to the voice of your wife and have eaten of the tree from which I commanded you not to eat, cursed is the ground because of you; through toil you will eat of it all
the days of your life.” (Genesis, 3, 17)293 Therefore, the punishment inflicted for disobeying the command acquires a higher meaning. The forgiveness of the sin and the promised salvation are in consequence of the attitude towards food and the demeanour during meals. The holiness of bread and meal is a recurrent theme in Romanian traditional culture. Village family follows the model of the biblical family, Adam and Eve being thus seen as the first Christian forebears, the old parents of human kind (Ispas, Coatu 2017: 7-10). Eve is God’s gift to Adam, created from his rib to help him and perpetuate family on earth (life’s fruitfiilness). The ideal related to union and complementarity is reached in marriage. Couples with an ideal way of living constitute role models, being frequently mentioned during the Orthodox religious service. Holy and righteous Joachim and Anna represent a spiritual standard, as well as an example for male-female role assignment. Each spouse chose 293 English version: https://biblehub.com/hebrew/6093 .him
significant retreat spaces where to beg God for granting the strongest family wish (having children): Joachim went far away from home, in the desert, for 40 days, while Anna was also praying but at home and in her garden. In a precise mechanism, made up of matching, complex and complementary components, articulated and activated also by the contribution of the male segment (with an essential role in procuring, preserving and mainly consecrating food), women are present around the hearth (breast feeding a baby, feeding the family), while men work outside the village area or have a higher mission blessing the food steam in church. The significance of daily meals, of festive food, of celebrations, is well-known and described by the leading figures of traditional communities and shared with everybody else, thus ensuring the group cohesion (starting from the family level, the bloodline, to the entire society and nation). Women’s central role and involvement in the main contexts related to food preparing and offering come from the very essence of Romanian family. Their innate capacities are to be proven, the high status of their purpose within the family and in the world is to be acquired and lived up to, considering that it is only a woman who can breastfeed babies and, on certain occasions, can send the food steam to the soul of the dead. In Woman and the Salvation of the World, Paul Evdokimov’s theological approach reveals and clarifies essential aspects of world’s profound and mysterious structures. Ever since Genesis, women are identified with maternity spirit, while men are
related to strength and courage, a complement to female nature. (Evdokimov 2015: 21). The Romanian food system clearly separates genders due to a need to order (the avoidance of anxiety, fears, chaos) and to govern the simple acts and events that happen daily in the neighbouring and familiar space, but also to provide food and even facilitate life, beyond everyday existence, beyond living area. Book Chapters The materials analysed during documentation years structured this book in four chapters. The first chapter, Offering and providing food for family. Calendar-related events: tribute-aliments, intends to analyse the significance attached to food in calendar-related contexts, conditioned g
by divine mercy and human effort, going through several processes: acquiring, preparation, preserving and consumption. We have tried to define the tribute-aliments, emphasising their role in the actions and practices meant to protect the crops and ensure the abundance (related to traditional activities), essential for their endeavour to reconcile the Christian saints, guardians of harvest, of living beings, of working people (ploughmen, wine growers, shepherds, fishermen, hunters, bee keepers). Food protection represents a set of intentions, gestures, (ritual, ceremonial) practices directed towards divine characters, consecrated as masters or guardians of the sky and meteorological phenomena, of the earth and life on earth, of people and their primordial occupations. The effort made for acquiring food is supported by observing the prescriptions and interdictions that guarantee and protect plants’ and animals’ biological cycle. Disregarding or ignoring the divine order could trigger unhappy and unexpected situations, as well as the action of evil forces. This part of the book deals with the roles men play. With strength and vitality, and with the power to know the signs of time and space, according to seasons and work calendar, the male segment is involved in providing and ensuring nutritional resources (food, water, salt). Village and household tools and specialised equipment contribute to turning resources in vital aliments. In a village family, women are in charge of preparing and offering food. In the religious calendar, the two hallmarks (fasting and feasting) create
special contexts, the eve of a special day and the celebration itself, when ritual food and communal meals become identity marks. The calendar-related cycle has several offerings: first crops, ritual boiled or roasted fasting dishes (on Christmas Eve, Jesus ’ Cloths, Scutecele lui Hsus), dough figures with thick fillings (the Easter cake, Pasca), exquisite dishes (roasted, baked, filled; for the Annunciation and for Palm Sunday, fish dishes), consecrated drinks (wine). Chapter II, Food and hospitality institutions. Vital aliments, intends to clarify the structures generated by food and food habits. Within the Romanian food system women and men play complementary roles. The male figure has clear tasks in providing food, whereas the female element’s calling is manifested in preparing and offering the daily food, the vital aliments, within her family. A certain occupational profile could entail precise specializations and structural restrictions. Consequently, some shepherds’ or fishermen’s communities do not allow women’s presence and also their involvement in preparing and serving food. Therefore, in the mentioned
contexts, the male members acquire an extra-specialization which will be analysed in relation with aliments, approached as commodityaliments. While at family level, food offering is exclusively a woman’s task, it is noticeable that outside family, in other food institutions, the involvement and participation of male performers are substantial. The three-part chapter focuses on relations (and gender ratio) between those who offer and those who benefit from food, within hospitality institutions (household, sheepfold, apiary, inn, royal kitchen, refectory, etc) and of food processing and exchange institutions, where food merchants play the main role. The penultimate chapter, Cardinal aliments for starting a family and for the commemoration of the ancestors, dedicated to family-life cycle, shows that food gifts and offerings, which ensure the favourable passing of ritual thresholds (birth, marriage, death), consecrate women’s {young unmarried women, wives, mothers, wet-nurses, widows) mission to prepare and offer food. Mother’s milk could be considered primordial aliment, first food. Successive thresholds in people’s life are accompanied by a series of cardinal aliments, until the last meal, the ideal aliment, the steam following the soul into the other world or going up to heaven, to God Himself. Specific meals have distinct names and are highly formalized. The christening feast has a certain specificity, different other features define the wedding banquet, whereas for the funeral meal, the preparation and offering food gift transcend this world. The last chapter, Food for the
Paradise Table. Between the two worlds, offers a spiritual approach considering the primordial family, as well as other Christian models which inspired and influenced the Romanian family’s attitude towards food and its purpose. The complexity of the Romanian food system is visible in all fundamental aspects of each phase undergone by an aliment from its appearance to table. The involvement of family members, but also of hierarchically significant people (typical to Orthodox rural communities), in the processes meant to ensure and offer food is obvious both nowadays and in the past. We would like to highlight a quote by Cezar Bolliac that Henri H. Stahl chose when writing about the priests’ role in the change of the ethnographic landscape (forests turned into orchards!) and the complementary role of their parishioners in uplifting the soul and -3(Г m
enhancing the gifts of the fruitful land: “In the mountains there are forests of wild fruit trees, apple trees, cherry trees, pear trees, peach trees, plum trees, etc. and more often than not you encounter, in the middle of the forests, orchards planted and bearing excellent fruit, all kinds of trees. [...] These orchards are due to the devotion of the inhabitants who believe that their sins will be forgiven if they graft the best fruit, in the darkest woods. [...] In 1848, a brave Wallachian priest from Rucar village was telling me that the only penance he would give his parishioners after confession was to graft trees in the woods; he added that for minor mistakes, the penance was not lower than 10 grafts, whereas for more serious sins, the penance could be as high as 100 trees. Considering that each believer would confess about 4 times a year, you work out the total number of trees.” (Cezar Bolliac, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de la Roumanie; premier mémoire, Paris, 1856 apud Stahl, voll 1998:231). One of the aims of the last part of the book is to prove that through their daily food (together with ritual-ceremonial food), thoroughly and properly prepared and perceived, families achieve apart of their ideal to be in communion with the Divinity. Reading it from a Christian perspective, one can imagine or project the idea of ascending towards the sacred, by idealising human beings and food, by living together with saints and even with God. Petra Ursache beautifully wrote in his book, Gastrosofia sau Bucătăria vie (Gastro-sophia or the Living Kitchen): “sometimes,
there is no distinction between the «upper heaven» and the «lower heaven». One could say that it was between the levels of the two «heavens» where the common ethic was searching for the good and the beautifUl, the light, knowledge, kind words, pleasant and usefUl food. God and His devotees, always around, could be asked for help. The old Dacians had similar beliefs. Hermits would go down to be among common people. On special occasions, entire villages would go up to sketes hidden in forests or up in the mountains, where Zamolxe was waiting for them.” (Ursache 2014: 16). Terminology Faithfully following the food ethnology literature and respectfully approaching Romanian culture and scholars’ work, we used specialised terms and phrases and added more to them in order to describe, explain and interpret essential phenomena to the Romanian food system. We considered adequately to revisit and highlight the terms and concepts employed by the researchers who substantially and beneficially contributed to the preservation, protection and
interpretation of Romanian food patrimony. We mentioned and described the hypostases of aliments, and we highlighted the terms or phrases which could particularise different types of family meals or communal meals. For a proper approach and understanding of the phenomena connected with traditional food and for finding a way to cover the “endless” routes described by aliments, as well as our traditional culinary customs, the ideal solution discovered by Ofelia Văduva is to classify the Romanian food system in three main subsystems: “procuring, preparing and consumption [bolded by the author, L.I.T.]” (Văduva 2011: 14). It is also important to study the contexts generated by the actions and practices related to food protection, distribution (transportation) and offering, as well as to trading and selling, once we go beyond the area of traditional family. We are planning to analyse (as a whole and in detail) the four complex subsystems (procuring-protecting; preparing-preserving; offering/selling; consuming) in order to obtain as many data as possible about the characteristics and functions of aliments and of foodrelated habits. We also intend to find a generic phrase to describe and define that construction ֊ house, building or public place - which, being generated by the needs for food, water and shelter (of a family or community), could be considered a food institution. Regarding the concept of institution, Mary Douglas’ How Institutions Think mentions the idea of solidarity and cooperation as a result of founding a common fiind of recognised, accepted and respected
knowledge and moral standards. (Douglas 2002: 13-17) Institutions work as authorities. Anthropologically, the institutions’ essence and function are contained by the initial will and by the legitimate and legitimated purposes. Society’s intrinsic norms, hierarchy and values are generated by communication systems and codes, by the rigorously organised structure of fundamental institutions. (Bonte, Izard 2007: 327). Food hypostases represent the contexts where an aliment is placed: aliment in itself / vital aliment or nutriment·, food offering / tribute-aliments; food gift / cardinal aliment; commodity-aliments. “The same gift (bread, for instance) could have connotations related to feasts, in a festive ceremonial context, or funeral-ritual connotations, in a fimeral context. Yet, generally speaking, it conveys friendship, Zf m
gratitude, devotion, goodwill or just the intention of maintaining relations.” (Văduva 1997: 71). “In theological works, the gifts offered to God are called “sacrifice”, “oblation”, “tribute” (Abrudan-Comiţescu apud Văduva 1997: 56). The four chapters of this book deal with food hypostases: tribute-aliments, representative of the calendar-related cycle; vitalaliments and commodity-aliments which support life within and outside a family (victuals, water); cardinal aliments, with a crucial role in influencing human destiny, during passing rituals. We consider the mother’s milk, the primordial food, and the steam of food, the ideal aliment, the first and last nourishment, meant for the baby, after birth, and for the deceased, after passing into the world afterlife. The two important aspects of food - daily practices, and ceremonial and ritual customs - naturally generate connections among group members, in relation to the direction of aliments circulation (from procuring to consumption). The concreteness and the symbolism of the routes shaped by food in daily or festive, solemn situations emphasise the links between people with clear fimctions: giver and receiver. (Văduva 1997: 23, 46-47). The giver ֊ receiver - beneficiary triadic relation is visible in the case of oblations for the dead or for the Divinity. The term alms describes clearly the route where the giver has the responsibility of initiating the act of giving, the receiver mediates, actively participating in the ceremonial context (accepts and consumes the food given), yet, the offering is meant to reach a
beneficiary whose identity is named or whose existence is mentioned. Starting from the definitions given to ceremonial and ritual food (Văduva 1999: 19-23) we try to describe daily food objectively and as exhaustively as possible. We would define the daily food as the system of food goods and food habits, strongly related to the family hierarchy, in which each member is involved in the processes of providing food and perpetuating life, contributing every day, directly or mediated, to maintaining family cohesion, to functioning and strenght of social relations and the creation of contexts of symbolic communication with God and ancestors. We owe to Ofelia Văduva the conceptual frameworks of ceremonial foodways: “a system of foods and feeding habits wigh differ from every-day ones through special preparation techniques, mode of eating, and strict rules of conduct, contributing to render more solemn some events with higher implications in community social relations” (Văduva 1999: 19). The same author analyzes in depth the ritual feeding and defines it “as the system of foods and feeding practices whose symbolic language is used in well
outlined sequences, either independent or belonging to a ceremonial succession, with a view to communicating with supernatural powers divinity or ancestors” (Văduva 1999: 23). Mythologiques I. The Raw and the Cooked places the gustatory code (the five codes correspond to the five human senses) on a privileged position. The myths related to the origin of cuisine, of cooking food, focus on the transition from nature to culture, and raise the topic of short life, mortality and immortality. (Lévi-Strauss 1995: 213-214) Petru Ursache considers the food code a “cultural dialect with strict rules for identifying human groups”: “In pottery: the pots used for cooking regular non-fasting food, de dulce (even this phrase is coded and nowadays has a narrower circulation area), are left aside during fasting time. When participating in and establishing social, human, administrative, religious, family roles: the head of the household (priest, ruler, man) sits at “the head of the table”, on both work and feast days, as a sign of importance and power, as in the saying: «The one who gives me food, is both my mother and my father».” (Ursache 2014: 61-62). In Romanian traditional society, family food can become Food for the Paradise Table if the sanctity of food and meals is observed, if the purpose in life (within extended family / community) is achieved, if people express their will and aspire to find God on earth or in Heaven: “The food model transmitted to us through time is based on the Christine beliefs which consider food as divine gift and its processing and assimilation in the
prescribed time and space bring people closer to the Divinity.” (Văduva 2011: 8). In the case of hospitality, the gift of food could be equivalent to life itself, while the lack offood could mean death. According to the Christian model, the hospitality giver and beneficiary feel like they have met their destiny. Both Marcel Mauss, in Essay on the Gift (1997), and Ofelia Văduva approach hospitality from the perspective of “the ultimate gift!’. Apparently, a present is a material thing, yet, the atmosphere of receiving guests and the hosts’ joy when offering food and shelter attach spiritual significance to it: “a guest is considered God sent, a messenger of divine will.” (Văduva 1997: 86-87). Due to the alternation between day-to-day and festive, fasting days and non-fasting days, the Romanian food system is complex and difficult to analyse. Families’ daily meals throughout a week will include dishes influenced by religious constraints, by food resources Հր 951
and supplies, by financial situation, by season, by the age of the family members, by culinary competences, etc. Those placed at both ends of the food exchange/offering process either have the ability and competence to provide food, i.e. the givers, or can obtain or consume food only with the aid of other categories of people, i.e. the receivers. “Some societies - Romanian traditional society being one of them - created a system of family relations which enhances even more the «alliances». It is about «siblings-by-oath» («brothers-by-oath» and «sisters-by-oath»), as well as the very important institution of godparenting.” (Constantinescu 2000: 51). On these occasions, happening regularly, anthropomorphic dough figurines are made and offered. These are dependency relationships created and perpetuated at the level of each group, as a consequence of family duties, social obligations, specialisation, (ceremonial and ritual) fimctions and roles played by the mother, wet nurse and mid wife for the new-born baby, by the wife, mother, daughter, daughter-in-law for children and adults (husband, parents, parents-in-law, godparents, neighbours, strangers), by specialised people and relatives for the dead. Starting from the nuclear family integrated within the extended family, and further to all the families which create the rural community (which becomes synonym with the village), from this level on the analysis can focus on gender-based distinction and separation of roles. Direct relations between the giver and the beneficiary, leading to food procurement - thus, ensuring survival -
for the beneficiary, are mediated by people who are food providers at a different level. As food means life, from a strictly biological perspective, then food protection and perpetuation of life are guaranteed by a whole system of (magic, religious) actions and practices meant to prevent dangers, to protect performers, to enhance food. “The major difference between family and other social groups is the fact that the former is a primary group, with direct relationships, where members are means in themselves, and the family life is centred on each of its members.” (Rada 2013: 11). Men’s purpose is to identify with, to aspire to the leading mission exercised within the entire extended family. When a man / men leave the village, women / the female group are to ensure the food and life of those who live there and who do not leave the village area: children, old people, ill people. A woman’s role is to give food. “Completely helpless, just like animal babies, children need longer time to become somehow independent to procure food, to protect against enemies, to have a shelter, etc. All through this period of time, children are almost
exclusively cared for by their mother, their father’s role being often negligible.” (Constantinescu 2000: 55). Women could also be perceived as a group, activating within community, most often inside the house, by the hearth and within the village area, each of them according to their aims, place and sometimes helping each other. Unlike men, they do not travel (frequently and very far). Outside their homes and beyond the village borders, the male group could or have to organise themselves as a closed group, rejecting women’s presence or contribution (shepherds at sheepfold, fishermen on lakes or rivers, monks). Food is passed from the giver to the beneficiary, with the help of those who gather, produce and prepare it and involving those who perform gestures of mediation (in the case of offerings), due to their knowledge and by the power invested in them. From starting to leaving (physically) the family, people living in this world and in the afterworld feed on milk, bread, meat, wine, water, steam, meaning aliments, gifts and offerings. Van Gennep considers that the aggregation and integration rites preformed when new members enter a community are based on gift exchanges and communal meals. When other worlds are represented, the model of the known, concrete world is used, a world where belonging to the group means survival, and also life knowledge and continuation, the fundamental condition being food offering and acceptance: “[...] l’entrée dans l’autre monde est calquée sur l’entrée de l’étranger sur le territoire de la tribu et que dans la légende il y a une
transposition des institutions humaines et terestre au monde extra terrestre. De même que manger avec l’hôte crée un lien spécial d’appartenance à sa famille, de même accepter quelque nourriture dans le monde outre-tombe, c’est s agréger au monde des morts et oublier le monde vivants, vers lequel le héros de la légende ne pourra ensuite revenir que par des procédés spéciaux de séparation” (Gennep 1910: 103-104). Translation by Anca Stere Remeta 953
Abstract Title and hypotheses An ethnological approach to Romanian food system, as it could be perceived through the 19th-and 20th-century documents, is focused on daily food and on Romanian family, essential frame within which alimentary goods are prepared and offered, thus opening a research path on ceremonial/ritualfood, seen as foodfor the Paradise Table. Afamily should function in its every single detail to have plentiful dailyfood and respected meals. The general scenario of celebrations harmoniously unfolding on Romanian territory could be considered in connection with the traditional way of eating entailing fasting, animal sacrifice, baking bread, consecrating and offering food (sweet) gifts and offerings, and, in the end, the feast (the banquet) - consuming celebration-related food during a communal meal (where all family members participate and have roles according to their competence, gender, age). The same pattern can be found during a regular week: fasting days (Monday, Wednesday, and Friday) alternating with regular days (Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday), and culminating with Sunday when some poultry were sacrificed and the daily bread is baked for the meal gathering the entire family around the table. The title chosen for this book is Mother ’s Milk and the Steam of Food. Ethnological Contexts and is based on the hypothesis that the great communal meals, the perfect moments in passing rituals - both in the calendar-related cycle and in the life circle - could be prepared and celebrated only on the condition of deep knowledge and thorough understanding of the
meaning attached to everyday food, daily family meals, to the hierarchy and consecrated roles: man provides, woman cooks, woman offers, priest consecrates and family / bloodline / community receives՛, all the members of a family, of a lineage, of a community coexisting. Researcher Ofelia Văduva’s theories dedicated to food ethnology reveal the profound meanings of food practices: “regulated by prescriptions and interdictions in the traditional life, and characterised ти
by repeatability, food practices can be included in ritual daily phenomenology. Therefore, the act of having a meal in the Romanian traditional village ֊ started (and finished) with the sign of the cross followed by a prayer ֊ happening in total silence, with a respectful (almost mystical respect) attitude towards food, and mainly towards bread, represents a daily ritual phenomenon, which gets exceptional dimensions in a festive context.” (Văduva 2011:21). The book Paşi spre sacru. Din etnologia alimentaţiei româneşti (Steps Towards the Sacred. On the Ethnology ofRomanian Food) states that “ethnology has a wide investigation fields where the correlation of various material and spiritual elements related to food could lead to rebuilding (and to breaking it down to its characteristic features) the food system with its subsystems: procuring, preparing and consuming food.” (Văduva 2011: 14). The domains of ethnography and folklore are also to open ways towards the meanings of daily alimentation ֊ i.e. the vital food and beverage related to family hierarchy, of ceremonial and ritual food, as well as towards identifying the iconic traits of Romanian food practices. “With no intention to diminish the undeniable value of the archive documents, we have to admit that, due to its «un-institutionalized» nature or to its unreliable authorship, the ethnographic or folkloristic document is difficult to be analysed or interpreted. However, although more unstable or variable, sometimes more hidden or less relevant in form, the ethnographic or folkloristic document could still replace,
modify or add to the actual archive document [...]” (Vulcănescu, Simionescu 1974: 6). Professor Silviu Angelescu emphasises the fact that folki ori c texts “legends, as well as epic songs, charms, carols, fUneral or nuptial songs are, in a traditional society, the components which set the rhythm, explain and ensure the efficiency of larger social systems” (Angelescu 2008: 20). The recent studies of Academician Sabina Cornelia Ispas, Sinele şi Celălalt; Masa Domnească - Masă de sărbătoare (The Self and the Other; the Royal Meal - the Festive Meal) proves the meaning and the power of coexistence within cultural traditional systems: “The most significant gesture, present both during a festive meal and during hajduks’ or brave men’s meals, or on any occasion when peers gather, is the “raising” of the wine glass. The ancient libation was a ritual act which involved sipping, then pouring out a certain quantity of wine to honour the Divinity, or the person the party was thrown for. Romanian people still pour out a drop of wine before drinking it at a meal
commemorating a dead person. The very raising of the glass is a way of showing respect and of honouring somebody - the Divinity, the next one up on hierarchical level or a special person worth respecting.” (Ispas 2012: 131-150). Researcher Cornelia Belcin Pleşca highlights the profound elements in the Romanian culture, the aspects of durable civilisation, in relation to Claude Lévi-Strauss’s theory on cultural food code ֊ seen through the processes involving fire, kitchen (from raw to cooked) and social hierarchy. “From a time-related perspective, food has a long history with decisive moments marking the passage from nature to culture, from raw to roasted, baked, boiled. Each innovative step related to obtaining the raw material, to techniques of processing, preserving and storing food, as well as to equipment and tools, was being taken slowly, but continuously throughout centuries and millenniums, being kept, developed and transmitted within peasants’ civilisation.” (Belcin Pleşca 2010: 38). The research conducted in the last 200 years offer the full image of field (agricultural) work, connected with the traditional calendar, involving all members of extended family and also all members of some specialised groups, inside or outside a village (craftsmen, merchants). We mainly refer to that family pattern socially and culturally organised in order to generate a certain autonomy of the (rural) societies, in accordance with its status as fundamental unit. Xenia Costa-Foru defined family as “a local system of spiritual, economical, juridical and political facts, cosmically,
biologically, psychologically and historically conditioned, and integrated within a series of social relations and processes” (Costa-Foru 1945: 30). It is a well-known fact that, most of the times, members of a family provided (produced) their furniture, textiles, work and festive clothes, their daily food and supplies, the tools and equipment for work or crafts. Men’s roles were related to hard work, outside the house perimeter, while women’s roles were connected with permanent chores, especially those in the proximity of the fire. (Ispas, Coatu 2011: 8). The need for centres clearly dedicated to protecting life and preparing food (shelter for people and animals and part of producing and storing food processes) is also present outside family borders and village boundaries. Food - from starvation to abundance ֊ seem to be the reason for these buildings placed on the village land or near the roads. Food generates its own institutions: the peasants ’ household or m
the inn. Following this idea, we intend to highlight the profile of some food and hospitality institutions, when the following criteria are met: a shelter, water source, a hearth, norms for living and organising the space, cohabitation criteria, confessional rules, work rules, work role assignment, prescriptions and interdictions for procuring, storing and processing a food item, processing and eating habits. The family integrated within the autarchic household - a food and hospitality institution - is eloquently described by Stefania Cristescu-Golopenţia: “The economic aspect is striking in our rural life. The household appears as a group of people who, together with their animals and things (tools) and under the same harsh fight-for-life determinism must work hard all the time. Therefore, it is perceived as a work community, where each member, from old ones to children, has their own well-defined (work) role for the higher benefit of the whole family group and not for the benefit of every single member. [...] The economic function of the household is thus doubled by a spiritual function which has to be defined fiirther, both being in a tight correlation.” (Costa-Foru 1945: 28). Professor Ion Ghinoiu, the coordinator of the Romanian Ethnographic Atlas, refers to the effort the Christian family dedicate to food procurement mentioning the biblical meaning of work (Ghinoiu 2018: XVTII): “Because you have listened to the voice of your wife and have eaten of the tree from which I commanded you not to eat, cursed is the ground because of you; through toil you will eat of it all
the days of your life.” (Genesis, 3, 17)293 Therefore, the punishment inflicted for disobeying the command acquires a higher meaning. The forgiveness of the sin and the promised salvation are in consequence of the attitude towards food and the demeanour during meals. The holiness of bread and meal is a recurrent theme in Romanian traditional culture. Village family follows the model of the biblical family, Adam and Eve being thus seen as the first Christian forebears, the old parents of human kind (Ispas, Coatu 2017: 7-10). Eve is God’s gift to Adam, created from his rib to help him and perpetuate family on earth (life’s fruitfulness). The ideal related to union and complementarity is reached in marriage. Couples with an ideal way of living constitute role models, being frequently mentioned during the Orthodox religious service. Holy and righteous Joachim and Anna represent a spiritual standard, as well as an example for male-female role assignment. Each spouse chose 293 English version: httos://biblehub.com/hebrew/6093 .htm
significant retreat spaces where to beg God for granting the strongest family wish (having children): Joachim went far away from home, in the desert, for 40 days, while Anna was also praying but at home and in her garden. In a precise mechanism, made up of matching, complex and complementary components, articulated and activated also by the contribution of the male segment (with an essential role in procuring, preserving and mainly consecrating food), women are present around the hearth (breast feeding a baby, feeding the family), while men work outside the village area or have a higher mission blessing the food steam in church. The significance of daily meals, of festive food, of celebrations, is well-known and described by the leading figures of traditional communities and shared with everybody else, thus ensuring the group cohesion (starting from the family level, the bloodline, to the entire society and nation). Women’s central role and involvement in the main contexts related to food preparing and offering come from the very essence of Romanian family. Their innate capacities are to be proven, the high status of their purpose within the family and in the world is to be acquired and lived up to, considering that it is only a woman who can breastfeed babies and, on certain occasions, can send the food steam to the soul of the dead. In Woman and the Salvation of the World, Paul Evdokimov’s theological approach reveals and clarifies essential aspects of world’s profound and mysterious structures. Ever since Genesis, women are identified with maternity spirit, while men are
related to strength and courage, a complement to female nature. (Evdokimov 2015: 21). The Romanian food system clearly separates genders due to a need to order (the avoidance of anxiety, fears, chaos) and to govern the simple acts and events that happen daily in the neighbouring and familiar space, but also to provide food and even facilitate life, beyond everyday existence, beyond living area. Book Chapters The materials analysed during documentation years structured this book in four chapters. The first chapter, Offering and providing food for family. Calendar-related events: tribute-aliments, intends to analyse the significance attached to food in calendar-related contexts, conditioned
by divine mercy and human effort, going through several processes: acquiring, preparation, preserving and consumption. We have tried to define the tribute-aliments, emphasising their role in the actions and practices meant to protect the crops and ensure the abundance (related to traditional activities), essential for their endeavour to reconcile the Christian saints, guardians of harvest, of living beings, of working people (ploughmen, wine growers, shepherds, fishermen, hunters, bee keepers). Food protection represents a set of intentions, gestures, (ritual, ceremonial) practices directed towards divine characters, consecrated as masters or guardians of the sky and meteorological phenomena, of the earth and life on earth, of people and their primordial occupations. The effort made for acquiring food is supported by observing the prescriptions and interdictions that guarantee and protect plants’ and animals’ biological cycle. Disregarding or ignoring the divine order could trigger unhappy and unexpected situations, as well as the action of evil forces. This part of the book deals with the roles men play. With strength and vitality, and with the power to know the signs of time and space, according to seasons and work calendar, the male segment is involved in providing and ensuring nutritional resources (food, water, salt). Village and household tools and specialised equipment contribute to turning resources in vital aliments. In a village family, women are in charge of preparing and offering food. In the religious calendar, the two hallmarks (fasting and feasting) create
special contexts, the eve of a special day and the celebration itself, when ritual food and communal meals become identity marks. The calendar-related cycle has several offerings: first crops, ritual boiled or roasted fasting dishes (on Christmas Eve, Jesus ’ Cloths, Scutecele lui Hsus), dough figures with thick fillings (the Easter cake, Pasco), exquisite dishes (roasted, baked, filled; for the Annunciation and for Palm Sunday, fish dishes), consecrated drinks (wine). Chapter II, Food and hospitality institutions. Vital aliments, intends to clarify the structures generated by food and food habits. Within the Romanian food system women and men play complementary roles. The male figure has clear tasks in providing food, whereas the female element’s calling is manifested in preparing and offering the daily food, the vital aliments, within her family. A certain occupational profile could entail precise specializations and structural restrictions. Consequently, some shepherds’ or fishermen’s communities do not allow women’s presence and also their involvement in preparing and serving food. Therefore, in the mentioned
contexts, the male members acquire an extra-specialization which will be analysed in relation with aliments, approached as commodityaliments. While at family level, food offering is exclusively a woman’s task, it is noticeable that outside family, in other food institutions, the involvement and participation of male performers are substantial. The three-part chapter focuses on relations (and gender ratio) between those who offer and those who benefit from food, within hospitality institutions (household, sheepfold, apiary, inn, royal kitchen, refectory, etc) and of food processing and exchange institutions, where food merchants play the main role. The penultimate chapter, Cardinal aliments for starting a family and for the commemoration of the ancestors, dedicated to family-life cycle, shows that food gifts and offerings, which ensure the favourable passing of ritual thresholds (birth, marriage, death), consecrate women’s (young unmarried women, wives, mothers, wet-nurses, widows ) mission to prepare and offer food. Mother’s milk could be considered primordial aliment, first food. Successive thresholds in people’s life are accompanied by a series of cardinal aliments, until the last meal, the ideal aliment, the steam following the soul into the other world or going up to heaven, to God Himself. Specific meals have distinct names and are highly formalized. The christening feast has a certain specificity, different other features define the wedding banquet, whereas for the funeral meal, the preparation and offering food gift transcend this world. The last chapter, Food for
the Paradise Table. Between the two worlds, offers a spiritual approach considering the primordial family, as well as other Christian models which inspired and influenced the Romanian family’s attitude towards food and its purpose. The complexity of the Romanian food system is visible in all fundamental aspects of each phase undergone by an aliment from its appearance to table. The involvement of family members, but also of hierarchically significant people (typical to Orthodox rural communities), in the processes meant to ensure and offer food is obvious both nowadays and in the past. We would like to highlight a quote by Cezar Bolliac that Henri H. Stahl chose when writing about the priests’ role in the change of the ethnographic landscape (forests turned into orchards!) and the complementary role of their parishioners in uplifting the soul and 9
enhancing the gifts of the fruitful land: “In the mountains there are forests of wild fruit trees, apple trees, cherry trees, pear trees, peach trees, plum trees, etc. and more often than not you encounter, in the middle of the forests, orchards planted and bearing excellent fruit, all kinds of trees. [...] These orchards are due to the devotion of the inhabitants who believe that their sins will be forgiven if they graft the best fruit, in the darkest woods. [...] In 1848, a brave Wallachian priest from Rucar village was telling me that the only penance he would give his parishioners after confession was to graft trees in the woods; he added that for minor mistakes, the penance was not lower than 10 grafts, whereas for more serious sins, the penance could be as high as 100 trees. Considering that each believer would confess about 4 times a year, you work out the total number of trees.” (Cezar Bolliac, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de la Roumanie;premier mémoire, Paris, 1856 apud Stahl, vol. 1 1998:231). One of the aims of the last part of the book is to prove that through their daily food (together with ritual-ceremonial food), thoroughly and properly prepared and perceived, families achieve apart of their ideal to be in communion with the Divinity. Reading it from a Christian perspective, one can imagine or project the idea of ascending towards the sacred, by idealising human beings and food, by living together with saints and even with God. Petru Ursache beautifully wrote in his book, Gastrosofia sau Bucătăria vie (Gastro-sophia or the Living Kitchen)·, “sometimes,
there is no distinction between the «upper heaven» and the «lower heaven». One could say that it was between the levels of the two «heavens» where the common ethic was searching for the good and the beautiful, the light, knowledge, kind words, pleasant and useful food. God and His devotees, always around, could be asked for help. The old Dacians had similar beliefs. Hermits would go down to be among common people. On special occasions, entire villages would go up to sketes hidden in forests or up in the mountains, where Zamolxe was waiting for them.” (Ursache 2014: 16). Terminology Faithfully following the food ethnology literature and respectfully approaching Romanian culture and scholars’ work, we used specialised terms and phrases and added more to them in order to describe, explain and interpret essential phenomena to the Romanian food system. We considered adequately to revisit and highlight the terms and concepts employed by the researchers who substantially and beneficially contributed to the preservation, protection and
interpretation of Romanian food patrimony. We mentioned and described the hypostases of aliments, and we highlighted the terms or phrases which could particularise different types of family meals or communal meals. For a proper approach and understanding of the phenomena connected with traditional food and for finding a way to cover the “endless” routes described by aliments, as well as our traditional culinary customs, the ideal solution discovered by Ofelia Văduva is to classify the Romanian food system in three main subsystems: “procuring, preparing and consumption [bolded by the author, L.I.T.]” (Văduva 2011: 14). It is also important to study the contexts generated by the actions and practices related to food protection, distribution (transportation) and offering, as well as to trading and selling, once we go beyond the area of traditional family. We are planning to analyse (as a whole and in detail) the four complex subsystems (procuring-protecting; preparing-preserving; offering/selling; consuming) in order to obtain as many data as possible about the characteristics and functions of aliments and of foodrelated habits. We also intend to find a generic phrase to describe and define that construction ֊ house, building or public place ֊ which, being generated by the needs for food, water and shelter (of a family or community), could be considered a food institution. Regarding the concept of institution, Mary Douglas’ How Institutions Think mentions the idea of solidarity and cooperation as a result of founding a common fund of recognised, accepted and respected
knowledge and moral standards. (Douglas 2002: 13-17) Institutions work as authorities. Anthropologically, the institutions’ essence and fimetion are contained by the initial will and by the legitimate and legitimated purposes. Society’s intrinsic norms, hierarchy and values are generated by communication systems and codes, by the rigorously organised structure of fundamental institutions. (Bonte, Izard 2007: 327). Food hypostases represent the contexts where an aliment is placed: aliment in itself / vital aliment or nutriment; food offering / tribute-aliments; food gift / cardinal aliment; commodity-aliments. “The same gift (bread, for instance) could have connotations related to feasts, in a festive ceremonial context, or funeral-ritual connotations, in a fUneral context. Yet, generally speaking, it conveys friendship, m
gratitude, devotion, goodwill or just the intention of maintaining relations.” (Văduva 1997: 71). “In theological works, the gifts offered to God are called “sacrifice”, “oblation”, “tribute” (Abrudan-Comiţescu apud Văduva 1997: 56). The four chapters of this book deal with food hypostases: tribute-aliments, representative of the calendar-related cycle; vitalaliments and commodity-aliments which support life within and outside a family (victuals, water); cardinal aliments, with a crucial role in influencing human destiny, during passing rituals. We consider the mother’s milk, the primordial food, and the steam of food, the ideal aliment, the first and last nourishment, meant for the baby, after birth, and for the deceased, after passing into the world afterlife. The two important aspects of food - daily practices, and ceremonial and ritual customs - naturally generate connections among group members, in relation to the direction of aliments circulation (from procuring to consumption). The concreteness and the symbolism of the routes shaped by food in daily or festive, solemn situations emphasise the links between people with clear functions: giver and receiver. (Văduva 1997: 23, 46-47). The giver - receiver - beneficiary triadic relation is visible in the case of oblations for the dead or for the Divinity. The term alms describes clearly the route where the giver has the responsibility of initiating the act of giving, the receiver mediates, actively participating in the ceremonial context (accepts and consumes the food given), yet, the offering is meant to reach a
beneficiary whose identity is named or whose existence is mentioned. Starting from the definitions given to ceremonial and ritual food (Văduva 1999: 19-23) we try to describe daily food objectively and as exhaustively as possible. We would define the daily food as the system of food goods and food habits, strongly related to the family hierarchy, in which each member is involved in the processes of providing food and perpetuating life, contributing every day, directly or mediated, to maintaining family cohesion, to functioning and strenght of social relations and the creation of contexts of symbolic communication with God and ancestors. We owe to Ofelia Văduva the conceptual frameworks of ceremonial foodways: “a system of foods and feeding habits wigh differ from every-day ones through special preparation techniques, mode of eating, and strict rules of conduct, contributing to render more solemn some events with higher implications in community social relations” (Văduva 1999: 19). The same author analyzes in depth the ritual feeding and defines it “as the system of foods and feeding practices whose symbolic language is used in well
outlined sequences, either independent or belonging to a ceremonial succession, with a view to communicating with supernatural powers divinity or ancestors” (Văduva 1999: 23). Mythologiques I. The Raw and the Cooked places the gustatory code (the five codes correspond to the five human senses) on a privileged position. The myths related to the origin of cuisine, of cooking food, focus on the transition from nature to culture, and raise the topic of short life, mortality and immortality. (Lévi-Strauss 1995: 213-214) Petru Ursache considers the food code a “cultural dialect with strict rules for identifying human groups”: “In pottery·, the pots used for cooking regular non-fasting food, de dulce (even this phrase is coded and nowadays has a narrower circulation area), are left aside during fasting time. When participating in and establishing social, human, administrative, religious, family roles: the head of the household (priest, ruler, man) sits at “the head of the table”, on both work and feast days, as a sign of importance and power, as in the saying: «The one who gives me food, is both my mother and my father».” (Ursache 2014: 61-62). In Romanian traditional society, family food can become Food for the Paradise Table if the sanctity of food and meals is observed, if the purpose in life (within extended family / community) is achieved, if people express their will and aspire to find God on earth or in Heaven: “The food model transmitted to us through time is based on the Christine beliefs which consider food as divine gift and its processing and assimilation in the
prescribed time and space bring people closer to the Divinity.” (Văduva 2011: 8). In the case of hospitality, the gift of food could be equivalent to life itself, while the lack offood could mean death. According to the Christian model, the hospitality giver and beneficiary feel like they have met their destiny. Both Marcel Mauss, in Essay on the Gift (1997), and Ofelia Văduva approach hospitality from the perspective of “the ultimate gift”. Apparently, a present is a material thing, yet, the atmosphere of receiving guests and the hosts’ joy when offering food and shelter attach spiritual significance to it: “a guest is considered God sent, a messenger of divine will.” (Văduva 1997: 86-87). Due to the alternation between day-to-day and festive, fasting days and non-fasting days, the Romanian food system is complex and difficult to analyse. Families’ daily meals throughout a week will include dishes influenced by religious constraints, by food resources 7 951
and supplies, by financial situation, by season, by the age of the family members, by culinary competences, etc. Those placed at both ends of the food exchange/offering process either have the ability and competence to provide food, i.e. the givers, or can obtain or consume food only with the aid of other categories of people, i.e. the receivers. “Some societies - Romanian traditional society being one of them - created a system of family relations which enhances even more the «alliances». It is about «siblings-by-oath» («brothers-by-oath» and «sisters-by-oath»), as well as the very important institution of godparenting.” (Constantinescu 2000: 51). On these occasions, happening regularly, anthropomorphic dough figurines are made and offered. These are dependency relationships created and perpetuated at the level of each group, as a consequence of family duties, social obligations, specialisation, (ceremonial and ritual) junctions and roles played by the mother, wet nurse and mid wife for the new-born baby, by the wife, mother, daughter, daughter-in-law for children and adults (husband, parents, parents-in-law, godparents, neighbours, strangers), by specialised people and relatives for the dead. Starting from the nuclear family integrated within the extended family, and fiirther to all the families which create the rural community (which becomes synonym with the village), from this level on the analysis can focus on gender-based distinction and separation of roles. Direct relations between the giver and the beneficiary, leading to food procurement - thus, ensuring survival -
for the beneficiary, are mediated by people who are food providers at a different level. As food means life, from a strictly biological perspective, then food protection and perpetuation of life are guaranteed by a whole system of (magic, religious) actions and practices meant to prevent dangers, to protect performers, to enhance food. “The major difference between family and other social groups is the fact that the former is a primary group, with direct relationships, where members are means in themselves, and the family life is centred on each of its members.” (Rada 2013: 11). Men’s purpose is to identify with, to aspire to the leading mission exercised within the entire extended family. When a man / men leave the village, women / the female group are to ensure the food and life of those who live there and who do not leave the village area: children, old people, ill people. A woman’s role is to give food. “Completely helpless, just like animal babies, children need longer time to become somehow independent to procure food, to protect against enemies, to have a shelter, etc. All through this period of time, children are almost
exclusively cared for by their mother, their father’s role being often negligible.” (Constantinescu 2000: 55). Women could also be perceived as a group, activating within community, most often inside the house, by the hearth and within the village area, each of them according to their aims, place and sometimes helping each other. Unlike men, they do not travel (frequently and very far). Outside their homes and beyond the village borders, the male group could or have to organise themselves as a closed group, rejecting women’s presence or contribution (shepherds at sheepfold, fishermen on lakes or rivers, monks). Food is passed from the giver to the beneficiary, with the help of those who gather, produce and prepare it and involving those who perform gestures of mediation (in the case of offerings), due to their knowledge and by the power invested in them. From starting to leaving (physically) the family, people living in this world and in the afterworld feed on milk, bread, meat, wine, water, steam, meaning aliments, gifts and offerings. Van Gennep considers that the aggregation and integration rites preformed when new members enter a community are based on gift exchanges and communal meals. When other worlds are represented, the model of the known, concrete world is used, a world where belonging to the group means survival, and also life knowledge and continuation, the fundamental condition being food offering and acceptance: “[...] l’entrée dans l’autre monde est calquée sur l’entrée de l’étranger sur le territoire de la tribu et que dans la légende il y a une
transposition des institutions humaines et terestre au monde extra terrestre. De même que manger avec l’hôte crée un lien spécial d’appartenance à sa famille, de même accepter quelque nourriture dans le monde outre-tombe, c’est s agréger au monde des morts et oublier le monde vivants, vers lequel le héros de la légende ne pourra ensuite revenir que par des procédés spéciaux de séparation” (Gennep 1910: 103-104). Translation by Anca Stere Remeta
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iù2 de prof. univ. dr. Silviu Angelescu c(ýnŔotíuceb . 9 83 xfmiihiul I. Asigurarea şi oferirea hranei familiei. Ciclul calendaristic: alimente-prinos 83 Calendarele ocupaţiilor. Sfinţi protectori. . . m Ritmurile anului. Roadele pământului. . /·;’/" Obţinerea şi protejarea hranei. . i66 Rolul bărbatului (plugar, păstor, pescar, vânător) şi atribuţiile femeii. .166 Etnografia hranei. Bucate şi băuturi. . І96 Resurse de toană, apă şi sare . . . . 896 Contexte etnografice. Prelucrarea toanei. .299 Meşteşugul culinar al româncei. Trei generaţii. .m Oferirea toanei. Calendarul religios. . 276 Ajunul. Postul alimentar. Dezlegările. . 278 Ofrande şi mese comune la sărbătorile din ciclul calendaristic.289 Mărci alimentare ale sărbătorilor . . 296 Gustul şi mirosul toanei. Miere, pelin, mirodie. .329 (J€a/uMJ J II-L·. Instituţiile hranei şi ale ospitalităţii. Alimente vitale, alimente-marfa. .
. . .869 Sistemul alimentar românesc. Sinonimia toană-viaţă. . 350 Mese zilnice şi merinde. Menirea femeii: sânul mamei şi aburul toanei. . 356 Vatra. Centrul vieţii de familie. Icoana de vatră. . .380 Despre ospitalitate. Viaţa ca dar . . .386 Lipsa hranei. Dincolo de spaţiul familial. . . 390 Instituţii ale ospitalităţii. Alimente vitale, alimente-marfă. .698 Gospodăria ţărănească autarhică. Bucătăria. 623 Stâna, văcăria. . . 636 Prisaca. 656 Bucătăria domnească. Bucătăria boierească. Cultură culinară şi ospitalitate. 857 Mănăstirea. Trapeza. Bolniţa. 692 Vetre de popas. Merinde, tain pentru monahi, călători, oaspeţi. 507 Resurse şi rezerve de toană şi apă. Raportul gazdă-oaspete . 593 Hanul, ospătăria. Casa de poştă. Dejugătoarea. .585 Instituţii ale prelucrării şi schimbului de alimente şi băuturi. Alimentele-marfă. 557 Negustorii de hrană. Trocul. Piaţa. Târgul. Prăvălia. . . ._5b7 Moara. Brutăria. Crama. Povama.
Măcelăria. Pescăria, cherhanaua. . 579
. Alimente cardinale la întemeierea familiei şi pomenirea neamului. ötó Daruri şi ofrande alimentare la trecerile din ciclul familial. Laptele şi aburul _ .610 Acte alimentare culturale la naştere. Alăptatul. înţărcatul. 616 Alimentul primordial. Laptele matern. 616 Oferirea hranei. Personaje şi roluri feminine: lăuza, moaşa, doica, naşa . 600 Rodina şi Cumetria. Rudenia spirituală. . вон Pomul de botez. . . 668 Schimbul de daruri la nuntă. Ploconul, cinstea. . 679 Roluri şi privilegii la oferirea darurilor alimentare. Fata de măritat, socăciţa 681 Pomul vieţii (neamurilor) sau Mărul de cununie _. . . . 688 Ospăţul. Ierarhia convivilor. . 689 Ofrande la înmormântare şi pomenirea neamului. Praznicul._ .707 Alimentul ideal. Aburul hranei. 716 Bradul sau Mărul mortului. Pom de pomană. . . 721 Donatori, beneficiari, destinatari ai ofrandelor. Femeia iertată, prescurăriţa. 731 Pomenirea neamului. Morţii şi Moşii. . 730 Tlttļimfuf cwl V-vea-. Hrană pentru Masa Raiului _. . _ _ _ 739 Codul alimentar al familiei creştine. Rânduiala
meselor. . 703 Masa cea de toate zilele. Definirea hranei cotidiene. . 795 Ierarhia comesenilor. 800 Ospătarea aproapelui. Ospătarea străinului. . . 801 Masa rotundă. . . . . . 810 Masa înaltă. .813 Masa lungă, de ospăţ. . .816 Masa de piatră, Masa Moşilor. 818 Merindarul. . . . . .819 Fântâna. Fântânarul, sacagiul. . . .821 Hrană pentru Masa Raiului. între cele două lumi. . .830 Personaje biblice exemplare pentru familia românească. .838 Protopărinţii în Grădina Raiului. Strămoaşa Eva. .800 Cain şi Abel. Ocupaţiile primordiale. . 800 Maica Domnului şi pruncul Iisus. Mama hrănitoare_ _ . .809 Sfinţenia şi sfinţirea hranei şi apei. Anafora şi aiasma. . 852 Rolul preotului. Sfânta împărtăşanie. Pâinea şi vinul.857 Ospitalitatea. Dărnicia.
Dar din dar seface Raiul_ _ _ _ 870 Dumnezeu şi sfinţii. Oaspeţi pe pământ. .889 Mese întinse, cufăclii aprinse. . 892
''tÉÊoauiÂe de prof. univ. dr. Ion Ghinoiu 908 938 99i
Abstract Title and hypotheses An ethnological approach to Romanian food system, as it could be perceived through the 19th-and 20th-century documents, is focused on daily food and on Romanian family, essential frame within which alimentary goods are prepared and offered, thus opening a research path on ceremonial/ritualfood, seen asfoodfor the Paradise Table. Afamily should fonction in its every single detail to have plentiful dailyfood and respected meals. The general scenario of celebrations harmoniously unfolding on Romanian territory could be considered in connection with the traditional way of eating entailing fasting, animal sacrifice, baking bread, consecrating and offering food (sweet) gifts and offerings, and, in the end, the feast (the banquet) - consuming celebration-related food during a communal meal (where all family members participate and have roles according to their competence, gender, age). The same pattem can be found during a regular week: fasting days (Monday, Wednesday, and Friday) alternating with regular days (Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday), and culminating with Sunday when some poultry were sacrificed and the daily bread is baked for the meal gathering the entire family around the table. The title chosen for this book is Mother’s Milk and the Steam of Food. Ethnological Contexts and is based on the hypothesis that the great communal meals, the perfect moments in passing rituals ֊ both in the calendar-related cycle and in the life circle - could be prepared and celebrated only on the condition of deep knowledge and thorough understanding of the
meaning attached to everyday food, daily family meals, to the hierarchy and consecrated roles: man provides, woman cooks, woman offers, priest consecrates and family / bloodline / community receives; all the members of a family, of a lineage, of a community coexisting. Researcher Ofelia Văduva’s theories dedicated to food ethnology reveal the profound meanings of food practices: “regulated by prescriptions and interdictions in the traditional life, and characterised ՜Հր 94/
by repeatability, food practices can be included in ritual daily phenomenology. Therefore, the act of having a meal in the Romanian traditional village ֊ started (and finished) with the sign of the cross followed by a prayer - happening in total silence, with a respectful (almost mystical respect) attitude towards food, and mainly towards bread, represents a daily ritual phenomenon, which gets exceptional dimensions in a festive context.” (Văduva 2011:21). The book Paşi spre sacru. Din etnologia alimentaţiei româneşti {Steps Towards the Sacred. On the Ethnology ofRomanian Food) states that “ethnology has a wide investigation fields where the correlation of various material and spiritual elements related to food could lead to rebuilding (and to breaking it down to its characteristic features) the food system with its subsystems: procuring, preparing and consuming food.” (Văduva 2011: 14). The domains of ethnography and folklore are also to open ways towards the meanings of daily alimentation - i.e. the vital food and beverage related to family hierarchy, of ceremonial and ritual food, as well as towards identifying the iconic traits of Romanian food practices. “With no intention to diminish the undeniable value of the archive documents, we have to admit that, due to its «un-institutionalized» nature or to its unreliable authorship, the ethnographic or folkloristic document is difficult to be analysed or interpreted. However, although more unstable or variable, sometimes more hidden or less relevant in form, the ethnographic or folkloristic document could still replace,
modify or add to the actual archive document [.]” (Vulcănescu, Simionescu 1974: 6). Professor Silviu Angelescu emphasises the fact that folkloric texts “legends, as well as epic songs, charms, carols, fimeral or nuptial songs are, in a traditional society, the components which set the rhythm, explain and ensure the efficiency of larger social systems” (Angelescu 2008: 20). The recent studies of Academician Sabina Cornelia Ispas, Sinele şi Celălalt; Masa Domnească ֊ Masă de sărbătoare (The Self and the Other; the Royal Meal - the Festive Meal) proves the meaning and the power of coexistence within cultural traditional systems: “The most significant gesture, present both during a festive meal and during hajduks’ or brave men’s meals, or on any occasion when peers gather, is the “raising” of the wine glass. The ancient libation was a ritual act which involved sipping, then pouring out a certain quantify of wine to honour the Divinity, or the person the party was thrown for. Romanian people still pour out a drop of wine before drinking it at a meal
commemorating a dead person. The very raising of the glass is a way of showing respect and of honouring somebody - the Divinity, the next one up on hierarchical level or a special person worth respecting.” (Ispas 2012: 131-150). Researcher Cornelia Belcin Pleşca highlights the profound elements in the Romanian culture, the aspects of durable civilisation, in relation to Claude Lévi-Strauss’s theory on cultural food code - seen through the processes involving fire, kitchen (from raw to cooked) and social hierarchy: “From a time-related perspective, food has a long history with decisive moments marking the passage from nature to culture, from raw to roasted, baked, boiled. Each innovative step related to obtaining the raw material, to techniques of processing, preserving and storing food, as well as to equipment and tools, was being taken slowly, but continuously throughout centuries and millenniums, being kept, developed and transmitted within peasants’ civilisation.” (Belcin Pleşca 2010: 38). The research conducted in the last 200 years offer the frill image of field (agricultural) work, connected with the traditional calendar, involving all members of extended family and also all members of some specialised groups, inside or outside a village (craftsmen, merchants). We mainly refer to that family pattern socially and culturally organised in order to generate a certain autonomy of the (rural) societies, in accordance with its status as fundamental unit. Xenia Costa-Foru defined family as “a local system of spiritual, economical, juridical and political facts, cosmically,
biologically, psychologically and historically conditioned, and integrated within a series of social relations and processes” (Costa-Foru 1945: 30). It is a well-known fact that, most of the times, members of a family provided (produced) their fUmiture, textiles, work and festive clothes, their daily food and supplies, the tools and equipment for work or crafts. Men’s roles were related to hard work, outside the house perimeter, while women’s roles were connected with permanent chores, especially those in the proximity of the fire. (Ispas, Coatu 2011: 8). The need for centres clearly dedicated to protecting life and preparing food (shelter for people and animals and part of producing and storing food processes) is also present outside family borders and village boundaries. Food - from starvation to abundance ֊ seem to be the reason for these buildings placed on the village land or near the roads. Food generates its own institutions: the peasants ’ household or
the inn. Following this idea, we intend to highlight the profile of some food and hospitality institutions, when the following criteria are met: a shelter, water source, a hearth, norms for living and organising the space, cohabitation criteria, confessional rules, work rules, work role assignment, prescriptions and interdictions for procuring, storing and processing afood item, processing and eating habits. The family integrated within the autarchic household - a food and hospitality institution - is eloquently described by Ştefania Cristescu-Golopenţia: “The economic aspect is striking in our rural life. The household appears as a group of people who, together with their animals and things (tools) and under the same harsh fight-for-life determinism must work hard all the time. Therefore, it is perceived as a work community, where each member, from old ones to children, has their own well-defined (work) role for the higher benefit of the whole family group and not for the benefit of every single member. [.] The economic function of the household is thus doubled by a spiritual function which has to be defined further, both being in a tight correlation.” (Costa-Foru 1945: 28). Professor Ion Ghinoiu, the coordinator of the Romanian Ethnographic Atlas, refers to the effort the Christian family dedicate to food procurement mentioning the biblical meaning of work (Ghinoiu 2018 : XVIII): “Because you have listened to the voice of your wife and have eaten of the tree from which I commanded you not to eat, cursed is the ground because of you; through toil you will eat of it all
the days of your life.” (Genesis, 3, 17)293 Therefore, the punishment inflicted for disobeying the command acquires a higher meaning. The forgiveness of the sin and the promised salvation are in consequence of the attitude towards food and the demeanour during meals. The holiness of bread and meal is a recurrent theme in Romanian traditional culture. Village family follows the model of the biblical family, Adam and Eve being thus seen as the first Christian forebears, the old parents of human kind (Ispas, Coatu 2017: 7-10). Eve is God’s gift to Adam, created from his rib to help him and perpetuate family on earth (life’s fruitfiilness). The ideal related to union and complementarity is reached in marriage. Couples with an ideal way of living constitute role models, being frequently mentioned during the Orthodox religious service. Holy and righteous Joachim and Anna represent a spiritual standard, as well as an example for male-female role assignment. Each spouse chose 293 English version: https://biblehub.com/hebrew/6093 .him
significant retreat spaces where to beg God for granting the strongest family wish (having children): Joachim went far away from home, in the desert, for 40 days, while Anna was also praying but at home and in her garden. In a precise mechanism, made up of matching, complex and complementary components, articulated and activated also by the contribution of the male segment (with an essential role in procuring, preserving and mainly consecrating food), women are present around the hearth (breast feeding a baby, feeding the family), while men work outside the village area or have a higher mission blessing the food steam in church. The significance of daily meals, of festive food, of celebrations, is well-known and described by the leading figures of traditional communities and shared with everybody else, thus ensuring the group cohesion (starting from the family level, the bloodline, to the entire society and nation). Women’s central role and involvement in the main contexts related to food preparing and offering come from the very essence of Romanian family. Their innate capacities are to be proven, the high status of their purpose within the family and in the world is to be acquired and lived up to, considering that it is only a woman who can breastfeed babies and, on certain occasions, can send the food steam to the soul of the dead. In Woman and the Salvation of the World, Paul Evdokimov’s theological approach reveals and clarifies essential aspects of world’s profound and mysterious structures. Ever since Genesis, women are identified with maternity spirit, while men are
related to strength and courage, a complement to female nature. (Evdokimov 2015: 21). The Romanian food system clearly separates genders due to a need to order (the avoidance of anxiety, fears, chaos) and to govern the simple acts and events that happen daily in the neighbouring and familiar space, but also to provide food and even facilitate life, beyond everyday existence, beyond living area. Book Chapters The materials analysed during documentation years structured this book in four chapters. The first chapter, Offering and providing food for family. Calendar-related events: tribute-aliments, intends to analyse the significance attached to food in calendar-related contexts, conditioned g
by divine mercy and human effort, going through several processes: acquiring, preparation, preserving and consumption. We have tried to define the tribute-aliments, emphasising their role in the actions and practices meant to protect the crops and ensure the abundance (related to traditional activities), essential for their endeavour to reconcile the Christian saints, guardians of harvest, of living beings, of working people (ploughmen, wine growers, shepherds, fishermen, hunters, bee keepers). Food protection represents a set of intentions, gestures, (ritual, ceremonial) practices directed towards divine characters, consecrated as masters or guardians of the sky and meteorological phenomena, of the earth and life on earth, of people and their primordial occupations. The effort made for acquiring food is supported by observing the prescriptions and interdictions that guarantee and protect plants’ and animals’ biological cycle. Disregarding or ignoring the divine order could trigger unhappy and unexpected situations, as well as the action of evil forces. This part of the book deals with the roles men play. With strength and vitality, and with the power to know the signs of time and space, according to seasons and work calendar, the male segment is involved in providing and ensuring nutritional resources (food, water, salt). Village and household tools and specialised equipment contribute to turning resources in vital aliments. In a village family, women are in charge of preparing and offering food. In the religious calendar, the two hallmarks (fasting and feasting) create
special contexts, the eve of a special day and the celebration itself, when ritual food and communal meals become identity marks. The calendar-related cycle has several offerings: first crops, ritual boiled or roasted fasting dishes (on Christmas Eve, Jesus ’ Cloths, Scutecele lui Hsus), dough figures with thick fillings (the Easter cake, Pasca), exquisite dishes (roasted, baked, filled; for the Annunciation and for Palm Sunday, fish dishes), consecrated drinks (wine). Chapter II, Food and hospitality institutions. Vital aliments, intends to clarify the structures generated by food and food habits. Within the Romanian food system women and men play complementary roles. The male figure has clear tasks in providing food, whereas the female element’s calling is manifested in preparing and offering the daily food, the vital aliments, within her family. A certain occupational profile could entail precise specializations and structural restrictions. Consequently, some shepherds’ or fishermen’s communities do not allow women’s presence and also their involvement in preparing and serving food. Therefore, in the mentioned
contexts, the male members acquire an extra-specialization which will be analysed in relation with aliments, approached as commodityaliments. While at family level, food offering is exclusively a woman’s task, it is noticeable that outside family, in other food institutions, the involvement and participation of male performers are substantial. The three-part chapter focuses on relations (and gender ratio) between those who offer and those who benefit from food, within hospitality institutions (household, sheepfold, apiary, inn, royal kitchen, refectory, etc) and of food processing and exchange institutions, where food merchants play the main role. The penultimate chapter, Cardinal aliments for starting a family and for the commemoration of the ancestors, dedicated to family-life cycle, shows that food gifts and offerings, which ensure the favourable passing of ritual thresholds (birth, marriage, death), consecrate women’s {young unmarried women, wives, mothers, wet-nurses, widows) mission to prepare and offer food. Mother’s milk could be considered primordial aliment, first food. Successive thresholds in people’s life are accompanied by a series of cardinal aliments, until the last meal, the ideal aliment, the steam following the soul into the other world or going up to heaven, to God Himself. Specific meals have distinct names and are highly formalized. The christening feast has a certain specificity, different other features define the wedding banquet, whereas for the funeral meal, the preparation and offering food gift transcend this world. The last chapter, Food for the
Paradise Table. Between the two worlds, offers a spiritual approach considering the primordial family, as well as other Christian models which inspired and influenced the Romanian family’s attitude towards food and its purpose. The complexity of the Romanian food system is visible in all fundamental aspects of each phase undergone by an aliment from its appearance to table. The involvement of family members, but also of hierarchically significant people (typical to Orthodox rural communities), in the processes meant to ensure and offer food is obvious both nowadays and in the past. We would like to highlight a quote by Cezar Bolliac that Henri H. Stahl chose when writing about the priests’ role in the change of the ethnographic landscape (forests turned into orchards!) and the complementary role of their parishioners in uplifting the soul and -3(Г m
enhancing the gifts of the fruitful land: “In the mountains there are forests of wild fruit trees, apple trees, cherry trees, pear trees, peach trees, plum trees, etc. and more often than not you encounter, in the middle of the forests, orchards planted and bearing excellent fruit, all kinds of trees. [.] These orchards are due to the devotion of the inhabitants who believe that their sins will be forgiven if they graft the best fruit, in the darkest woods. [.] In 1848, a brave Wallachian priest from Rucar village was telling me that the only penance he would give his parishioners after confession was to graft trees in the woods; he added that for minor mistakes, the penance was not lower than 10 grafts, whereas for more serious sins, the penance could be as high as 100 trees. Considering that each believer would confess about 4 times a year, you work out the total number of trees.” (Cezar Bolliac, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de la Roumanie; premier mémoire, Paris, 1856 apud Stahl, voll 1998:231). One of the aims of the last part of the book is to prove that through their daily food (together with ritual-ceremonial food), thoroughly and properly prepared and perceived, families achieve apart of their ideal to be in communion with the Divinity. Reading it from a Christian perspective, one can imagine or project the idea of ascending towards the sacred, by idealising human beings and food, by living together with saints and even with God. Petra Ursache beautifully wrote in his book, Gastrosofia sau Bucătăria vie (Gastro-sophia or the Living Kitchen): “sometimes,
there is no distinction between the «upper heaven» and the «lower heaven». One could say that it was between the levels of the two «heavens» where the common ethic was searching for the good and the beautifUl, the light, knowledge, kind words, pleasant and usefUl food. God and His devotees, always around, could be asked for help. The old Dacians had similar beliefs. Hermits would go down to be among common people. On special occasions, entire villages would go up to sketes hidden in forests or up in the mountains, where Zamolxe was waiting for them.” (Ursache 2014: 16). Terminology Faithfully following the food ethnology literature and respectfully approaching Romanian culture and scholars’ work, we used specialised terms and phrases and added more to them in order to describe, explain and interpret essential phenomena to the Romanian food system. We considered adequately to revisit and highlight the terms and concepts employed by the researchers who substantially and beneficially contributed to the preservation, protection and
interpretation of Romanian food patrimony. We mentioned and described the hypostases of aliments, and we highlighted the terms or phrases which could particularise different types of family meals or communal meals. For a proper approach and understanding of the phenomena connected with traditional food and for finding a way to cover the “endless” routes described by aliments, as well as our traditional culinary customs, the ideal solution discovered by Ofelia Văduva is to classify the Romanian food system in three main subsystems: “procuring, preparing and consumption [bolded by the author, L.I.T.]” (Văduva 2011: 14). It is also important to study the contexts generated by the actions and practices related to food protection, distribution (transportation) and offering, as well as to trading and selling, once we go beyond the area of traditional family. We are planning to analyse (as a whole and in detail) the four complex subsystems (procuring-protecting; preparing-preserving; offering/selling; consuming) in order to obtain as many data as possible about the characteristics and functions of aliments and of foodrelated habits. We also intend to find a generic phrase to describe and define that construction ֊ house, building or public place - which, being generated by the needs for food, water and shelter (of a family or community), could be considered a food institution. Regarding the concept of institution, Mary Douglas’ How Institutions Think mentions the idea of solidarity and cooperation as a result of founding a common fiind of recognised, accepted and respected
knowledge and moral standards. (Douglas 2002: 13-17) Institutions work as authorities. Anthropologically, the institutions’ essence and function are contained by the initial will and by the legitimate and legitimated purposes. Society’s intrinsic norms, hierarchy and values are generated by communication systems and codes, by the rigorously organised structure of fundamental institutions. (Bonte, Izard 2007: 327). Food hypostases represent the contexts where an aliment is placed: aliment in itself / vital aliment or nutriment·, food offering / tribute-aliments; food gift / cardinal aliment; commodity-aliments. “The same gift (bread, for instance) could have connotations related to feasts, in a festive ceremonial context, or funeral-ritual connotations, in a fimeral context. Yet, generally speaking, it conveys friendship, Zf m
gratitude, devotion, goodwill or just the intention of maintaining relations.” (Văduva 1997: 71). “In theological works, the gifts offered to God are called “sacrifice”, “oblation”, “tribute” (Abrudan-Comiţescu apud Văduva 1997: 56). The four chapters of this book deal with food hypostases: tribute-aliments, representative of the calendar-related cycle; vitalaliments and commodity-aliments which support life within and outside a family (victuals, water); cardinal aliments, with a crucial role in influencing human destiny, during passing rituals. We consider the mother’s milk, the primordial food, and the steam of food, the ideal aliment, the first and last nourishment, meant for the baby, after birth, and for the deceased, after passing into the world afterlife. The two important aspects of food - daily practices, and ceremonial and ritual customs - naturally generate connections among group members, in relation to the direction of aliments circulation (from procuring to consumption). The concreteness and the symbolism of the routes shaped by food in daily or festive, solemn situations emphasise the links between people with clear fimctions: giver and receiver. (Văduva 1997: 23, 46-47). The giver ֊ receiver - beneficiary triadic relation is visible in the case of oblations for the dead or for the Divinity. The term alms describes clearly the route where the giver has the responsibility of initiating the act of giving, the receiver mediates, actively participating in the ceremonial context (accepts and consumes the food given), yet, the offering is meant to reach a
beneficiary whose identity is named or whose existence is mentioned. Starting from the definitions given to ceremonial and ritual food (Văduva 1999: 19-23) we try to describe daily food objectively and as exhaustively as possible. We would define the daily food as the system of food goods and food habits, strongly related to the family hierarchy, in which each member is involved in the processes of providing food and perpetuating life, contributing every day, directly or mediated, to maintaining family cohesion, to functioning and strenght of social relations and the creation of contexts of symbolic communication with God and ancestors. We owe to Ofelia Văduva the conceptual frameworks of ceremonial foodways: “a system of foods and feeding habits wigh differ from every-day ones through special preparation techniques, mode of eating, and strict rules of conduct, contributing to render more solemn some events with higher implications in community social relations” (Văduva 1999: 19). The same author analyzes in depth the ritual feeding and defines it “as the system of foods and feeding practices whose symbolic language is used in well
outlined sequences, either independent or belonging to a ceremonial succession, with a view to communicating with supernatural powers divinity or ancestors” (Văduva 1999: 23). Mythologiques I. The Raw and the Cooked places the gustatory code (the five codes correspond to the five human senses) on a privileged position. The myths related to the origin of cuisine, of cooking food, focus on the transition from nature to culture, and raise the topic of short life, mortality and immortality. (Lévi-Strauss 1995: 213-214) Petru Ursache considers the food code a “cultural dialect with strict rules for identifying human groups”: “In pottery: the pots used for cooking regular non-fasting food, de dulce (even this phrase is coded and nowadays has a narrower circulation area), are left aside during fasting time. When participating in and establishing social, human, administrative, religious, family roles: the head of the household (priest, ruler, man) sits at “the head of the table”, on both work and feast days, as a sign of importance and power, as in the saying: «The one who gives me food, is both my mother and my father».” (Ursache 2014: 61-62). In Romanian traditional society, family food can become Food for the Paradise Table if the sanctity of food and meals is observed, if the purpose in life (within extended family / community) is achieved, if people express their will and aspire to find God on earth or in Heaven: “The food model transmitted to us through time is based on the Christine beliefs which consider food as divine gift and its processing and assimilation in the
prescribed time and space bring people closer to the Divinity.” (Văduva 2011: 8). In the case of hospitality, the gift of food could be equivalent to life itself, while the lack offood could mean death. According to the Christian model, the hospitality giver and beneficiary feel like they have met their destiny. Both Marcel Mauss, in Essay on the Gift (1997), and Ofelia Văduva approach hospitality from the perspective of “the ultimate gift!’. Apparently, a present is a material thing, yet, the atmosphere of receiving guests and the hosts’ joy when offering food and shelter attach spiritual significance to it: “a guest is considered God sent, a messenger of divine will.” (Văduva 1997: 86-87). Due to the alternation between day-to-day and festive, fasting days and non-fasting days, the Romanian food system is complex and difficult to analyse. Families’ daily meals throughout a week will include dishes influenced by religious constraints, by food resources "Հր 951
and supplies, by financial situation, by season, by the age of the family members, by culinary competences, etc. Those placed at both ends of the food exchange/offering process either have the ability and competence to provide food, i.e. the givers, or can obtain or consume food only with the aid of other categories of people, i.e. the receivers. “Some societies - Romanian traditional society being one of them - created a system of family relations which enhances even more the «alliances». It is about «siblings-by-oath» («brothers-by-oath» and «sisters-by-oath»), as well as the very important institution of godparenting.” (Constantinescu 2000: 51). On these occasions, happening regularly, anthropomorphic dough figurines are made and offered. These are dependency relationships created and perpetuated at the level of each group, as a consequence of family duties, social obligations, specialisation, (ceremonial and ritual) fimctions and roles played by the mother, wet nurse and mid wife for the new-born baby, by the wife, mother, daughter, daughter-in-law for children and adults (husband, parents, parents-in-law, godparents, neighbours, strangers), by specialised people and relatives for the dead. Starting from the nuclear family integrated within the extended family, and further to all the families which create the rural community (which becomes synonym with the village), from this level on the analysis can focus on gender-based distinction and separation of roles. Direct relations between the giver and the beneficiary, leading to food procurement - thus, ensuring survival -
for the beneficiary, are mediated by people who are food providers at a different level. As food means life, from a strictly biological perspective, then food protection and perpetuation of life are guaranteed by a whole system of (magic, religious) actions and practices meant to prevent dangers, to protect performers, to enhance food. “The major difference between family and other social groups is the fact that the former is a primary group, with direct relationships, where members are means in themselves, and the family life is centred on each of its members.” (Rada 2013: 11). Men’s purpose is to identify with, to aspire to the leading mission exercised within the entire extended family. When a man / men leave the village, women / the female group are to ensure the food and life of those who live there and who do not leave the village area: children, old people, ill people. A woman’s role is to give food. “Completely helpless, just like animal babies, children need longer time to become somehow independent to procure food, to protect against enemies, to have a shelter, etc. All through this period of time, children are almost
exclusively cared for by their mother, their father’s role being often negligible.” (Constantinescu 2000: 55). Women could also be perceived as a group, activating within community, most often inside the house, by the hearth and within the village area, each of them according to their aims, place and sometimes helping each other. Unlike men, they do not travel (frequently and very far). Outside their homes and beyond the village borders, the male group could or have to organise themselves as a closed group, rejecting women’s presence or contribution (shepherds at sheepfold, fishermen on lakes or rivers, monks). Food is passed from the giver to the beneficiary, with the help of those who gather, produce and prepare it and involving those who perform gestures of mediation (in the case of offerings), due to their knowledge and by the power invested in them. From starting to leaving (physically) the family, people living in this world and in the afterworld feed on milk, bread, meat, wine, water, steam, meaning aliments, gifts and offerings. Van Gennep considers that the aggregation and integration rites preformed when new members enter a community are based on gift exchanges and communal meals. When other worlds are represented, the model of the known, concrete world is used, a world where belonging to the group means survival, and also life knowledge and continuation, the fundamental condition being food offering and acceptance: “[.] l’entrée dans l’autre monde est calquée sur l’entrée de l’étranger sur le territoire de la tribu et que dans la légende il y a une
transposition des institutions humaines et terestre au monde extra terrestre. De même que manger avec l’hôte crée un lien spécial d’appartenance à sa famille, de même accepter quelque nourriture dans le monde outre-tombe, c’est s agréger au monde des morts et oublier le monde vivants, vers lequel le héros de la légende ne pourra ensuite revenir que par des procédés spéciaux de séparation” (Gennep 1910: 103-104). Translation by Anca Stere Remeta 953
Abstract Title and hypotheses An ethnological approach to Romanian food system, as it could be perceived through the 19th-and 20th-century documents, is focused on daily food and on Romanian family, essential frame within which alimentary goods are prepared and offered, thus opening a research path on ceremonial/ritualfood, seen as foodfor the Paradise Table. Afamily should function in its every single detail to have plentiful dailyfood and respected meals. The general scenario of celebrations harmoniously unfolding on Romanian territory could be considered in connection with the traditional way of eating entailing fasting, animal sacrifice, baking bread, consecrating and offering food (sweet) gifts and offerings, and, in the end, the feast (the banquet) - consuming celebration-related food during a communal meal (where all family members participate and have roles according to their competence, gender, age). The same pattern can be found during a regular week: fasting days (Monday, Wednesday, and Friday) alternating with regular days (Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday), and culminating with Sunday when some poultry were sacrificed and the daily bread is baked for the meal gathering the entire family around the table. The title chosen for this book is Mother ’s Milk and the Steam of Food. Ethnological Contexts and is based on the hypothesis that the great communal meals, the perfect moments in passing rituals - both in the calendar-related cycle and in the life circle - could be prepared and celebrated only on the condition of deep knowledge and thorough understanding of the
meaning attached to everyday food, daily family meals, to the hierarchy and consecrated roles: man provides, woman cooks, woman offers, priest consecrates and family / bloodline / community receives՛, all the members of a family, of a lineage, of a community coexisting. Researcher Ofelia Văduva’s theories dedicated to food ethnology reveal the profound meanings of food practices: “regulated by prescriptions and interdictions in the traditional life, and characterised ти
by repeatability, food practices can be included in ritual daily phenomenology. Therefore, the act of having a meal in the Romanian traditional village ֊ started (and finished) with the sign of the cross followed by a prayer ֊ happening in total silence, with a respectful (almost mystical respect) attitude towards food, and mainly towards bread, represents a daily ritual phenomenon, which gets exceptional dimensions in a festive context.” (Văduva 2011:21). The book Paşi spre sacru. Din etnologia alimentaţiei româneşti (Steps Towards the Sacred. On the Ethnology ofRomanian Food) states that “ethnology has a wide investigation fields where the correlation of various material and spiritual elements related to food could lead to rebuilding (and to breaking it down to its characteristic features) the food system with its subsystems: procuring, preparing and consuming food.” (Văduva 2011: 14). The domains of ethnography and folklore are also to open ways towards the meanings of daily alimentation ֊ i.e. the vital food and beverage related to family hierarchy, of ceremonial and ritual food, as well as towards identifying the iconic traits of Romanian food practices. “With no intention to diminish the undeniable value of the archive documents, we have to admit that, due to its «un-institutionalized» nature or to its unreliable authorship, the ethnographic or folkloristic document is difficult to be analysed or interpreted. However, although more unstable or variable, sometimes more hidden or less relevant in form, the ethnographic or folkloristic document could still replace,
modify or add to the actual archive document [.]” (Vulcănescu, Simionescu 1974: 6). Professor Silviu Angelescu emphasises the fact that folki ori c texts “legends, as well as epic songs, charms, carols, fUneral or nuptial songs are, in a traditional society, the components which set the rhythm, explain and ensure the efficiency of larger social systems” (Angelescu 2008: 20). The recent studies of Academician Sabina Cornelia Ispas, Sinele şi Celălalt; Masa Domnească - Masă de sărbătoare (The Self and the Other; the Royal Meal - the Festive Meal) proves the meaning and the power of coexistence within cultural traditional systems: “The most significant gesture, present both during a festive meal and during hajduks’ or brave men’s meals, or on any occasion when peers gather, is the “raising” of the wine glass. The ancient libation was a ritual act which involved sipping, then pouring out a certain quantity of wine to honour the Divinity, or the person the party was thrown for. Romanian people still pour out a drop of wine before drinking it at a meal
commemorating a dead person. The very raising of the glass is a way of showing respect and of honouring somebody - the Divinity, the next one up on hierarchical level or a special person worth respecting.” (Ispas 2012: 131-150). Researcher Cornelia Belcin Pleşca highlights the profound elements in the Romanian culture, the aspects of durable civilisation, in relation to Claude Lévi-Strauss’s theory on cultural food code ֊ seen through the processes involving fire, kitchen (from raw to cooked) and social hierarchy. “From a time-related perspective, food has a long history with decisive moments marking the passage from nature to culture, from raw to roasted, baked, boiled. Each innovative step related to obtaining the raw material, to techniques of processing, preserving and storing food, as well as to equipment and tools, was being taken slowly, but continuously throughout centuries and millenniums, being kept, developed and transmitted within peasants’ civilisation.” (Belcin Pleşca 2010: 38). The research conducted in the last 200 years offer the full image of field (agricultural) work, connected with the traditional calendar, involving all members of extended family and also all members of some specialised groups, inside or outside a village (craftsmen, merchants). We mainly refer to that family pattern socially and culturally organised in order to generate a certain autonomy of the (rural) societies, in accordance with its status as fundamental unit. Xenia Costa-Foru defined family as “a local system of spiritual, economical, juridical and political facts, cosmically,
biologically, psychologically and historically conditioned, and integrated within a series of social relations and processes” (Costa-Foru 1945: 30). It is a well-known fact that, most of the times, members of a family provided (produced) their furniture, textiles, work and festive clothes, their daily food and supplies, the tools and equipment for work or crafts. Men’s roles were related to hard work, outside the house perimeter, while women’s roles were connected with permanent chores, especially those in the proximity of the fire. (Ispas, Coatu 2011: 8). The need for centres clearly dedicated to protecting life and preparing food (shelter for people and animals and part of producing and storing food processes) is also present outside family borders and village boundaries. Food - from starvation to abundance ֊ seem to be the reason for these buildings placed on the village land or near the roads. Food generates its own institutions: the peasants ’ household or m
the inn. Following this idea, we intend to highlight the profile of some food and hospitality institutions, when the following criteria are met: a shelter, water source, a hearth, norms for living and organising the space, cohabitation criteria, confessional rules, work rules, work role assignment, prescriptions and interdictions for procuring, storing and processing a food item, processing and eating habits. The family integrated within the autarchic household - a food and hospitality institution - is eloquently described by Stefania Cristescu-Golopenţia: “The economic aspect is striking in our rural life. The household appears as a group of people who, together with their animals and things (tools) and under the same harsh fight-for-life determinism must work hard all the time. Therefore, it is perceived as a work community, where each member, from old ones to children, has their own well-defined (work) role for the higher benefit of the whole family group and not for the benefit of every single member. [.] The economic function of the household is thus doubled by a spiritual function which has to be defined fiirther, both being in a tight correlation.” (Costa-Foru 1945: 28). Professor Ion Ghinoiu, the coordinator of the Romanian Ethnographic Atlas, refers to the effort the Christian family dedicate to food procurement mentioning the biblical meaning of work (Ghinoiu 2018: XVTII): “Because you have listened to the voice of your wife and have eaten of the tree from which I commanded you not to eat, cursed is the ground because of you; through toil you will eat of it all
the days of your life.” (Genesis, 3, 17)293 Therefore, the punishment inflicted for disobeying the command acquires a higher meaning. The forgiveness of the sin and the promised salvation are in consequence of the attitude towards food and the demeanour during meals. The holiness of bread and meal is a recurrent theme in Romanian traditional culture. Village family follows the model of the biblical family, Adam and Eve being thus seen as the first Christian forebears, the old parents of human kind (Ispas, Coatu 2017: 7-10). Eve is God’s gift to Adam, created from his rib to help him and perpetuate family on earth (life’s fruitfulness). The ideal related to union and complementarity is reached in marriage. Couples with an ideal way of living constitute role models, being frequently mentioned during the Orthodox religious service. Holy and righteous Joachim and Anna represent a spiritual standard, as well as an example for male-female role assignment. Each spouse chose 293 English version: httos://biblehub.com/hebrew/6093 .htm
significant retreat spaces where to beg God for granting the strongest family wish (having children): Joachim went far away from home, in the desert, for 40 days, while Anna was also praying but at home and in her garden. In a precise mechanism, made up of matching, complex and complementary components, articulated and activated also by the contribution of the male segment (with an essential role in procuring, preserving and mainly consecrating food), women are present around the hearth (breast feeding a baby, feeding the family), while men work outside the village area or have a higher mission blessing the food steam in church. The significance of daily meals, of festive food, of celebrations, is well-known and described by the leading figures of traditional communities and shared with everybody else, thus ensuring the group cohesion (starting from the family level, the bloodline, to the entire society and nation). Women’s central role and involvement in the main contexts related to food preparing and offering come from the very essence of Romanian family. Their innate capacities are to be proven, the high status of their purpose within the family and in the world is to be acquired and lived up to, considering that it is only a woman who can breastfeed babies and, on certain occasions, can send the food steam to the soul of the dead. In Woman and the Salvation of the World, Paul Evdokimov’s theological approach reveals and clarifies essential aspects of world’s profound and mysterious structures. Ever since Genesis, women are identified with maternity spirit, while men are
related to strength and courage, a complement to female nature. (Evdokimov 2015: 21). The Romanian food system clearly separates genders due to a need to order (the avoidance of anxiety, fears, chaos) and to govern the simple acts and events that happen daily in the neighbouring and familiar space, but also to provide food and even facilitate life, beyond everyday existence, beyond living area. Book Chapters The materials analysed during documentation years structured this book in four chapters. The first chapter, Offering and providing food for family. Calendar-related events: tribute-aliments, intends to analyse the significance attached to food in calendar-related contexts, conditioned
by divine mercy and human effort, going through several processes: acquiring, preparation, preserving and consumption. We have tried to define the tribute-aliments, emphasising their role in the actions and practices meant to protect the crops and ensure the abundance (related to traditional activities), essential for their endeavour to reconcile the Christian saints, guardians of harvest, of living beings, of working people (ploughmen, wine growers, shepherds, fishermen, hunters, bee keepers). Food protection represents a set of intentions, gestures, (ritual, ceremonial) practices directed towards divine characters, consecrated as masters or guardians of the sky and meteorological phenomena, of the earth and life on earth, of people and their primordial occupations. The effort made for acquiring food is supported by observing the prescriptions and interdictions that guarantee and protect plants’ and animals’ biological cycle. Disregarding or ignoring the divine order could trigger unhappy and unexpected situations, as well as the action of evil forces. This part of the book deals with the roles men play. With strength and vitality, and with the power to know the signs of time and space, according to seasons and work calendar, the male segment is involved in providing and ensuring nutritional resources (food, water, salt). Village and household tools and specialised equipment contribute to turning resources in vital aliments. In a village family, women are in charge of preparing and offering food. In the religious calendar, the two hallmarks (fasting and feasting) create
special contexts, the eve of a special day and the celebration itself, when ritual food and communal meals become identity marks. The calendar-related cycle has several offerings: first crops, ritual boiled or roasted fasting dishes (on Christmas Eve, Jesus ’ Cloths, Scutecele lui Hsus), dough figures with thick fillings (the Easter cake, Pasco), exquisite dishes (roasted, baked, filled; for the Annunciation and for Palm Sunday, fish dishes), consecrated drinks (wine). Chapter II, Food and hospitality institutions. Vital aliments, intends to clarify the structures generated by food and food habits. Within the Romanian food system women and men play complementary roles. The male figure has clear tasks in providing food, whereas the female element’s calling is manifested in preparing and offering the daily food, the vital aliments, within her family. A certain occupational profile could entail precise specializations and structural restrictions. Consequently, some shepherds’ or fishermen’s communities do not allow women’s presence and also their involvement in preparing and serving food. Therefore, in the mentioned
contexts, the male members acquire an extra-specialization which will be analysed in relation with aliments, approached as commodityaliments. While at family level, food offering is exclusively a woman’s task, it is noticeable that outside family, in other food institutions, the involvement and participation of male performers are substantial. The three-part chapter focuses on relations (and gender ratio) between those who offer and those who benefit from food, within hospitality institutions (household, sheepfold, apiary, inn, royal kitchen, refectory, etc) and of food processing and exchange institutions, where food merchants play the main role. The penultimate chapter, Cardinal aliments for starting a family and for the commemoration of the ancestors, dedicated to family-life cycle, shows that food gifts and offerings, which ensure the favourable passing of ritual thresholds (birth, marriage, death), consecrate women’s (young unmarried women, wives, mothers, wet-nurses, widows') mission to prepare and offer food. Mother’s milk could be considered primordial aliment, first food. Successive thresholds in people’s life are accompanied by a series of cardinal aliments, until the last meal, the ideal aliment, the steam following the soul into the other world or going up to heaven, to God Himself. Specific meals have distinct names and are highly formalized. The christening feast has a certain specificity, different other features define the wedding banquet, whereas for the funeral meal, the preparation and offering food gift transcend this world. The last chapter, Food for
the Paradise Table. Between the two worlds, offers a spiritual approach considering the primordial family, as well as other Christian models which inspired and influenced the Romanian family’s attitude towards food and its purpose. The complexity of the Romanian food system is visible in all fundamental aspects of each phase undergone by an aliment from its appearance to table. The involvement of family members, but also of hierarchically significant people (typical to Orthodox rural communities), in the processes meant to ensure and offer food is obvious both nowadays and in the past. We would like to highlight a quote by Cezar Bolliac that Henri H. Stahl chose when writing about the priests’ role in the change of the ethnographic landscape (forests turned into orchards!) and the complementary role of their parishioners in uplifting the soul and 9
enhancing the gifts of the fruitful land: “In the mountains there are forests of wild fruit trees, apple trees, cherry trees, pear trees, peach trees, plum trees, etc. and more often than not you encounter, in the middle of the forests, orchards planted and bearing excellent fruit, all kinds of trees. [.] These orchards are due to the devotion of the inhabitants who believe that their sins will be forgiven if they graft the best fruit, in the darkest woods. [.] In 1848, a brave Wallachian priest from Rucar village was telling me that the only penance he would give his parishioners after confession was to graft trees in the woods; he added that for minor mistakes, the penance was not lower than 10 grafts, whereas for more serious sins, the penance could be as high as 100 trees. Considering that each believer would confess about 4 times a year, you work out the total number of trees.” (Cezar Bolliac, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de la Roumanie;premier mémoire, Paris, 1856 apud Stahl, vol. 1 1998:231). One of the aims of the last part of the book is to prove that through their daily food (together with ritual-ceremonial food), thoroughly and properly prepared and perceived, families achieve apart of their ideal to be in communion with the Divinity. Reading it from a Christian perspective, one can imagine or project the idea of ascending towards the sacred, by idealising human beings and food, by living together with saints and even with God. Petru Ursache beautifully wrote in his book, Gastrosofia sau Bucătăria vie (Gastro-sophia or the Living Kitchen)·, “sometimes,
there is no distinction between the «upper heaven» and the «lower heaven». One could say that it was between the levels of the two «heavens» where the common ethic was searching for the good and the beautiful, the light, knowledge, kind words, pleasant and useful food. God and His devotees, always around, could be asked for help. The old Dacians had similar beliefs. Hermits would go down to be among common people. On special occasions, entire villages would go up to sketes hidden in forests or up in the mountains, where Zamolxe was waiting for them.” (Ursache 2014: 16). Terminology Faithfully following the food ethnology literature and respectfully approaching Romanian culture and scholars’ work, we used specialised terms and phrases and added more to them in order to describe, explain and interpret essential phenomena to the Romanian food system. We considered adequately to revisit and highlight the terms and concepts employed by the researchers who substantially and beneficially contributed to the preservation, protection and
interpretation of Romanian food patrimony. We mentioned and described the hypostases of aliments, and we highlighted the terms or phrases which could particularise different types of family meals or communal meals. For a proper approach and understanding of the phenomena connected with traditional food and for finding a way to cover the “endless” routes described by aliments, as well as our traditional culinary customs, the ideal solution discovered by Ofelia Văduva is to classify the Romanian food system in three main subsystems: “procuring, preparing and consumption [bolded by the author, L.I.T.]” (Văduva 2011: 14). It is also important to study the contexts generated by the actions and practices related to food protection, distribution (transportation) and offering, as well as to trading and selling, once we go beyond the area of traditional family. We are planning to analyse (as a whole and in detail) the four complex subsystems (procuring-protecting; preparing-preserving; offering/selling; consuming) in order to obtain as many data as possible about the characteristics and functions of aliments and of foodrelated habits. We also intend to find a generic phrase to describe and define that construction ֊ house, building or public place ֊ which, being generated by the needs for food, water and shelter (of a family or community), could be considered a food institution. Regarding the concept of institution, Mary Douglas’ How Institutions Think mentions the idea of solidarity and cooperation as a result of founding a common fund of recognised, accepted and respected
knowledge and moral standards. (Douglas 2002: 13-17) Institutions work as authorities. Anthropologically, the institutions’ essence and fimetion are contained by the initial will and by the legitimate and legitimated purposes. Society’s intrinsic norms, hierarchy and values are generated by communication systems and codes, by the rigorously organised structure of fundamental institutions. (Bonte, Izard 2007: 327). Food hypostases represent the contexts where an aliment is placed: aliment in itself / vital aliment or nutriment; food offering / tribute-aliments; food gift / cardinal aliment; commodity-aliments. “The same gift (bread, for instance) could have connotations related to feasts, in a festive ceremonial context, or funeral-ritual connotations, in a fUneral context. Yet, generally speaking, it conveys friendship, m
gratitude, devotion, goodwill or just the intention of maintaining relations.” (Văduva 1997: 71). “In theological works, the gifts offered to God are called “sacrifice”, “oblation”, “tribute” (Abrudan-Comiţescu apud Văduva 1997: 56). The four chapters of this book deal with food hypostases: tribute-aliments, representative of the calendar-related cycle; vitalaliments and commodity-aliments which support life within and outside a family (victuals, water); cardinal aliments, with a crucial role in influencing human destiny, during passing rituals. We consider the mother’s milk, the primordial food, and the steam of food, the ideal aliment, the first and last nourishment, meant for the baby, after birth, and for the deceased, after passing into the world afterlife. The two important aspects of food - daily practices, and ceremonial and ritual customs - naturally generate connections among group members, in relation to the direction of aliments circulation (from procuring to consumption). The concreteness and the symbolism of the routes shaped by food in daily or festive, solemn situations emphasise the links between people with clear functions: giver and receiver. (Văduva 1997: 23, 46-47). The giver - receiver - beneficiary triadic relation is visible in the case of oblations for the dead or for the Divinity. The term alms describes clearly the route where the giver has the responsibility of initiating the act of giving, the receiver mediates, actively participating in the ceremonial context (accepts and consumes the food given), yet, the offering is meant to reach a
beneficiary whose identity is named or whose existence is mentioned. Starting from the definitions given to ceremonial and ritual food (Văduva 1999: 19-23) we try to describe daily food objectively and as exhaustively as possible. We would define the daily food as the system of food goods and food habits, strongly related to the family hierarchy, in which each member is involved in the processes of providing food and perpetuating life, contributing every day, directly or mediated, to maintaining family cohesion, to functioning and strenght of social relations and the creation of contexts of symbolic communication with God and ancestors. We owe to Ofelia Văduva the conceptual frameworks of ceremonial foodways: “a system of foods and feeding habits wigh differ from every-day ones through special preparation techniques, mode of eating, and strict rules of conduct, contributing to render more solemn some events with higher implications in community social relations” (Văduva 1999: 19). The same author analyzes in depth the ritual feeding and defines it “as the system of foods and feeding practices whose symbolic language is used in well
outlined sequences, either independent or belonging to a ceremonial succession, with a view to communicating with supernatural powers divinity or ancestors” (Văduva 1999: 23). Mythologiques I. The Raw and the Cooked places the gustatory code (the five codes correspond to the five human senses) on a privileged position. The myths related to the origin of cuisine, of cooking food, focus on the transition from nature to culture, and raise the topic of short life, mortality and immortality. (Lévi-Strauss 1995: 213-214) Petru Ursache considers the food code a “cultural dialect with strict rules for identifying human groups”: “In pottery·, the pots used for cooking regular non-fasting food, de dulce (even this phrase is coded and nowadays has a narrower circulation area), are left aside during fasting time. When participating in and establishing social, human, administrative, religious, family roles: the head of the household (priest, ruler, man) sits at “the head of the table”, on both work and feast days, as a sign of importance and power, as in the saying: «The one who gives me food, is both my mother and my father».” (Ursache 2014: 61-62). In Romanian traditional society, family food can become Food for the Paradise Table if the sanctity of food and meals is observed, if the purpose in life (within extended family / community) is achieved, if people express their will and aspire to find God on earth or in Heaven: “The food model transmitted to us through time is based on the Christine beliefs which consider food as divine gift and its processing and assimilation in the
prescribed time and space bring people closer to the Divinity.” (Văduva 2011: 8). In the case of hospitality, the gift of food could be equivalent to life itself, while the lack offood could mean death. According to the Christian model, the hospitality giver and beneficiary feel like they have met their destiny. Both Marcel Mauss, in Essay on the Gift (1997), and Ofelia Văduva approach hospitality from the perspective of “the ultimate gift”. Apparently, a present is a material thing, yet, the atmosphere of receiving guests and the hosts’ joy when offering food and shelter attach spiritual significance to it: “a guest is considered God sent, a messenger of divine will.” (Văduva 1997: 86-87). Due to the alternation between day-to-day and festive, fasting days and non-fasting days, the Romanian food system is complex and difficult to analyse. Families’ daily meals throughout a week will include dishes influenced by religious constraints, by food resources 7 951
and supplies, by financial situation, by season, by the age of the family members, by culinary competences, etc. Those placed at both ends of the food exchange/offering process either have the ability and competence to provide food, i.e. the givers, or can obtain or consume food only with the aid of other categories of people, i.e. the receivers. “Some societies - Romanian traditional society being one of them - created a system of family relations which enhances even more the «alliances». It is about «siblings-by-oath» («brothers-by-oath» and «sisters-by-oath»), as well as the very important institution of godparenting.” (Constantinescu 2000: 51). On these occasions, happening regularly, anthropomorphic dough figurines are made and offered. These are dependency relationships created and perpetuated at the level of each group, as a consequence of family duties, social obligations, specialisation, (ceremonial and ritual) junctions and roles played by the mother, wet nurse and mid wife for the new-born baby, by the wife, mother, daughter, daughter-in-law for children and adults (husband, parents, parents-in-law, godparents, neighbours, strangers), by specialised people and relatives for the dead. Starting from the nuclear family integrated within the extended family, and fiirther to all the families which create the rural community (which becomes synonym with the village), from this level on the analysis can focus on gender-based distinction and separation of roles. Direct relations between the giver and the beneficiary, leading to food procurement - thus, ensuring survival -
for the beneficiary, are mediated by people who are food providers at a different level. As food means life, from a strictly biological perspective, then food protection and perpetuation of life are guaranteed by a whole system of (magic, religious) actions and practices meant to prevent dangers, to protect performers, to enhance food. “The major difference between family and other social groups is the fact that the former is a primary group, with direct relationships, where members are means in themselves, and the family life is centred on each of its members.” (Rada 2013: 11). Men’s purpose is to identify with, to aspire to the leading mission exercised within the entire extended family. When a man / men leave the village, women / the female group are to ensure the food and life of those who live there and who do not leave the village area: children, old people, ill people. A woman’s role is to give food. “Completely helpless, just like animal babies, children need longer time to become somehow independent to procure food, to protect against enemies, to have a shelter, etc. All through this period of time, children are almost
exclusively cared for by their mother, their father’s role being often negligible.” (Constantinescu 2000: 55). Women could also be perceived as a group, activating within community, most often inside the house, by the hearth and within the village area, each of them according to their aims, place and sometimes helping each other. Unlike men, they do not travel (frequently and very far). Outside their homes and beyond the village borders, the male group could or have to organise themselves as a closed group, rejecting women’s presence or contribution (shepherds at sheepfold, fishermen on lakes or rivers, monks). Food is passed from the giver to the beneficiary, with the help of those who gather, produce and prepare it and involving those who perform gestures of mediation (in the case of offerings), due to their knowledge and by the power invested in them. From starting to leaving (physically) the family, people living in this world and in the afterworld feed on milk, bread, meat, wine, water, steam, meaning aliments, gifts and offerings. Van Gennep considers that the aggregation and integration rites preformed when new members enter a community are based on gift exchanges and communal meals. When other worlds are represented, the model of the known, concrete world is used, a world where belonging to the group means survival, and also life knowledge and continuation, the fundamental condition being food offering and acceptance: “[.] l’entrée dans l’autre monde est calquée sur l’entrée de l’étranger sur le territoire de la tribu et que dans la légende il y a une
transposition des institutions humaines et terestre au monde extra terrestre. De même que manger avec l’hôte crée un lien spécial d’appartenance à sa famille, de même accepter quelque nourriture dans le monde outre-tombe, c’est s agréger au monde des morts et oublier le monde vivants, vers lequel le héros de la légende ne pourra ensuite revenir que par des procédés spéciaux de séparation” (Gennep 1910: 103-104). Translation by Anca Stere Remeta |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Toader, Laura Ioana 1970- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1248751027 |
| author_facet | Toader, Laura Ioana 1970- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Toader, Laura Ioana 1970- |
| author_variant | l i t li lit |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV047304350 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)1256415504 (DE-599)BVBBV047304350 |
| era | Geschichte gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte |
| format | Thesis Book |
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| geographic | Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Rumänien |
| id | DE-604.BV047304350 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-03T17:24:15Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T09:08:20Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9786060670070 |
| language | Romanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-032707451 |
| oclc_num | 1256415504 |
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| physical | 955 Seiten |
| psigel | BSB_NED_20220104 |
| publishDate | 2020 |
| publishDateSearch | 2020 |
| publishDateSort | 2020 |
| publisher | Editura Etnologică |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Colecţia de etnologie |
| spelling | Toader, Laura Ioana 1970- Verfasser (DE-588)1248751027 aut Familia şi hrana în cultura tradiţională românească Laptele matern şi aburul hranei contexte etnologice Laura Ioana Toader Bucureşti Editura Etnologică 2020 955 Seiten txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Colecţia de etnologie Dissertation ursprünglich unter dem Titel: Familia şi hrana în cultura tradiţională românească Dissertation Universitatea din Bucureşti, Facultatea de Litere 2019 Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Lebensmittel (DE-588)4034870-2 gnd rswk-swf Familie (DE-588)4016397-0 gnd rswk-swf Nahrung (DE-588)4171117-8 gnd rswk-swf Ess- und Trinksitte (DE-588)4015556-0 gnd rswk-swf Ernährung (DE-588)4015332-0 gnd rswk-swf Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 gnd rswk-swf Kulturanthropologie (DE-588)4133903-4 gnd rswk-swf Ernährungsgewohnheit (DE-588)4136846-0 gnd rswk-swf Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4113937-9 Hochschulschrift 2019 Bukarest gnd-content Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 g Ernährung (DE-588)4015332-0 s Ernährungsgewohnheit (DE-588)4136846-0 s Familie (DE-588)4016397-0 s Ess- und Trinksitte (DE-588)4015556-0 s Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 s Lebensmittel (DE-588)4034870-2 s Geschichte z DE-604 Kulturanthropologie (DE-588)4133903-4 s Nahrung (DE-588)4171117-8 s Digitalisierung BSB München 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032707451&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB München 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032707451&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB München 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032707451&sequence=000005&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Literaturverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Toader, Laura Ioana 1970- Laptele matern şi aburul hranei contexte etnologice Lebensmittel (DE-588)4034870-2 gnd Familie (DE-588)4016397-0 gnd Nahrung (DE-588)4171117-8 gnd Ess- und Trinksitte (DE-588)4015556-0 gnd Ernährung (DE-588)4015332-0 gnd Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 gnd Kulturanthropologie (DE-588)4133903-4 gnd Ernährungsgewohnheit (DE-588)4136846-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4034870-2 (DE-588)4016397-0 (DE-588)4171117-8 (DE-588)4015556-0 (DE-588)4015332-0 (DE-588)4008017-1 (DE-588)4133903-4 (DE-588)4136846-0 (DE-588)4050939-4 (DE-588)4113937-9 |
| title | Laptele matern şi aburul hranei contexte etnologice |
| title_alt | Familia şi hrana în cultura tradiţională românească |
| title_auth | Laptele matern şi aburul hranei contexte etnologice |
| title_exact_search | Laptele matern şi aburul hranei contexte etnologice |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Laptele matern şi aburul hranei contexte etnologice |
| title_full | Laptele matern şi aburul hranei contexte etnologice Laura Ioana Toader |
| title_fullStr | Laptele matern şi aburul hranei contexte etnologice Laura Ioana Toader |
| title_full_unstemmed | Laptele matern şi aburul hranei contexte etnologice Laura Ioana Toader |
| title_short | Laptele matern şi aburul hranei |
| title_sort | laptele matern si aburul hranei contexte etnologice |
| title_sub | contexte etnologice |
| topic | Lebensmittel (DE-588)4034870-2 gnd Familie (DE-588)4016397-0 gnd Nahrung (DE-588)4171117-8 gnd Ess- und Trinksitte (DE-588)4015556-0 gnd Ernährung (DE-588)4015332-0 gnd Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 gnd Kulturanthropologie (DE-588)4133903-4 gnd Ernährungsgewohnheit (DE-588)4136846-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Lebensmittel Familie Nahrung Ess- und Trinksitte Ernährung Brauch Kulturanthropologie Ernährungsgewohnheit Rumänien Hochschulschrift 2019 Bukarest |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032707451&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032707451&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032707451&sequence=000005&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT toaderlauraioana familiasihranainculturatraditionalaromaneasca AT toaderlauraioana laptelematernsiaburulhraneicontexteetnologice |