Świadomościowe korelaty struktury społecznej:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
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| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Warszawa
Instytut Rozwoju Wsi i Rolnictwa PAN
2018
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| Ausgabe: | Wydanie pierwsze |
| Schriftenreihe: | Studia nad strukturą społeczną wiejskiej Polski
tom 3 |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Literaturverzeichnis Register // Personenregister Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | 174 Seiten |
| ISBN: | 9788373838581 |
Internformat
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | Spis treści Wprowadzenie........................................................................................................... 7 1. Postrzeganie struktury społecznej.................................................................. 10 1.1. Wprowadzenie............................................................................................... 10 1.2. Struktura społeczna w społecznej świadomości - niektóre koncepcje teoretyczne..................................................................................................... 13 1.3. Badania nad percepcją struktury społecznej w Polsce................................ 16 1.4. Obrazy struktury społecznej w badaniach CBOS...................................... 26 1.5. Mieszkańcy wsi we własnym oglądzie.......................................................... 33 1.6. Podsumowanie................................................................................................ 39 2. Charakterystyka badań empirycznych: założenia, dobór próby, charakterystyka badanych zbiorowości.......................................................... 2.1. Współczesna struktura społeczna wsi i jej zróżnicowanie.......................... 2.2. Założenia i hipotezy....................................................................................... 2.3. Operacjonalizacja problematyki badawczej................................................. 2.4. Dobór i realizacja próby .............................................................................. 2.5. Umiejscowione przestrzenie społeczne: charakterystyka badanych
zbiorowości...................................................................................................... 2.6. Charakterystyka respondentów................................................................... 41 41 45 50 55 58 70 3. Postrzeganie samych siebie.............................................................................. 76 3.1. Wprowadzenie: perspektywa jednostkowa, perspektywa zbiorowa .... 76 3.2. Samooceny...................................................................................................... 77 3.3. Percepcja własnego miejsca w społeczeństwie w perspektywie funkcjonalnej igradacyjnej................................................................................................... 81 3.4. Idealne i materialne: segmenty struktury społecznej wsi według subiektywno-obiektywnych kryteriów............................................ 96 3.5. Wieś przeżyta, wieś wyobrażona..................................................................... 103 4. Wpływ kontekstu społecznego na opinie, postawy, zachowania ............106 4.1. Wprowadzenie.................................................................................................. 106 4.2. Zróżnicowanie opinii.......................................................................................107 4.3. Postawy: nasilenie syndromu autorytarnego.................................................116 4.4. Zachowania społeczne: przejawy w stylach życia ........................................ 122 4.5. Podsumowanie: typ relacji międzyklasowych a kontekst społeczny .... 128
6 Spis treści 5. Wiejska Polska o sobie. Zakończenie........................................................ 131 Aneks. Powiaty jako umiejscowione przestrzenie społeczne charakterystyka (Dominika Zwęglińska-Gałecka)...................................... 136 Powiat koszaliński (typ inteligencko-robotniczy)......................................................137 Powiat myszkowski (typ robotniczy).............................................................................140 Powiat lubartowski (typ rolniczy)................................................................................... 142 Bibliografia........................................................................................................150 Studies on the Social Structure of Rural Poland, Volumes 1-3....................159 Indeks nazwisk...................................................................................................171
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Indeks nazwisk A Adorno T.W. - 116,150 В Baczko B. - 11,150 BanaszczykT. ֊ 38,150 Banaszkiewicz B. - 132,150 Bauman Z. - 36,150 Biernat E. - 123,150 Binder P. - 155 Bishop J.A. - 78,150 Blau P.M. - 47,150 Bogunia-Borowska M. - 32,33,150 Boguszewski R. - 26,30-32,150 Bokszański Z. - 76, 77,150 Books J.W. - 47,150 Borucki A. - 16,157 BottE. -49,150 Bourdieu P. - 45,150 Broom L. - 154 Brown J.D. - 77,150 Burszta W.J. - 122,123,150 D Daszykowska J. - 123,151,157 Derczyński W. - 26,29, 31,151 Diatłowicki J. - 132,150 Dobrowolski K. - 36, 37, 39, 40,151 Domański H. - 10,16,19,20,33,48,82-84, 89,123,151 Dunning D. - 78,151 Durkheim E. - 37,46 Dutton К.A. - 77,150 Dyczewski L. ֊ 123,151 Dymkowski M. - 77 Dzwonkowska I. - 79,151 E Engelking B. - 150 Erikson R. - 83,151 F Festinger L. - 78,151 Fila-Jankowska A. - 77,151 Fuga A. - 90,99,152 C Chałasiński J. - 16, 33-37, 39, 40, 89, 133, 150,151,156,158 Cichocki R. - 9 Cook K.E. - 77,150 Cottrell L.S. - 154 CoxK.R.-47,151 Craighead W.E. - 77,155 Czapiński J. - 45, 151 Czarnowski S. - 34, 39,151 G Gałaj D. - 90,152 Gardawski J. - 32,152 Gdula M. - 96,102,106,123,152 Giddens A. - 33, 69,122,152 Giddings F. - 14 Gilejko L. - 131,152 Godeher M. - 40, 76,152 Goldthorpe J.H. - 83,151
Indeks nazwisk 172 Gołka M.- 123,152 Gołębiowski B. - 152 Gorlach K. - 46,152 Gostkowski Z. ֊ 12,152,154,156,157 Grabowski ƒ. - 150 Grzegołowska-Klarkowska H. - 77,152 Grzelak Z. - 152 Gurvitch G. - 38,152 H Halamska M. - 9, 13, 27, 37, 39, 41, 43-45, 48, 50, 51, 75, 76, 90, 99, 106, 107, 118, 131-133,136,152-154 Halbwachs M. - 37 Hayes A.F. - 78,151 Hochfeld ƒ. - 16,153 Hoffmann R. - 9, 13, 41, 43, 44, 48, 50, 51, 107.131.136.153 Hosman С.М. - 78,154 Huckfeldt R. - 47,153 Kruglanski A.W. - 78,154 Kucia M. ֊155 L Lachowicz-Tabaczek K. - 78, 79,151,154 Lafertė G. - 45-47, 50,135,154 Lazarsfeld RE - 47,154 Leary M.R. - 77,154 Leder A. - 89,154 Lefebvre H. - 45,154 Lipset S.M. - 130,154 Luginbiihl Y. - 152 Lunt P.S. - 96,157 Lutyńska К. - 12,16,154 Ł Łaciak В. - 155 Laguna M. - 79,151 M I Inderbitzen Н.М. - 78,150 J Jagiełło-Łysiowa E. - 36, 90,153 Jakubczak E - 90,152 James W. -77,153 Janczur A. - 123,153 Janicka К. - 17, 18, 22-24, 40, 69, 132, 151, 153,156-158 Janicki J. - 16,153 Jarosz M. - 152 Johnston R.J. - 47,157 MacDonald G. - 77,154 Mach В.W. - 16, 17, 20, 21, 24, 105, 153, 154,156 Malanowski J. - 16,17,154 Mann M. - 78,154 Marchlewska M. - 29,154 Markowski D. - 15,154 Martin R. - 78,156 Mayseless О. - 78,154 McHale S.M. - 77,155 Mendras H. - 34,45,154 Merton R.K. - 10,13,48,154 Michalska S. - 9,13,27,41,112,152-154 MillsC.W! - 11, 155 Mucha J. - 150 K Kacprowicz G. ֊ 16, 18,156 Karpiński Z. - 84,151 Klein W.M. - 78,153 Kofta M. - 152 Kohn M.L. - 24, 117 Koralewicz J. - 16, 17, 21, 22, 24, 116-118, 120.153 Korzeniowski K. - 119,153 N Narkiewicz-Niedbalec E. - 150
Narojek W. ֊ 16, 17, 36, 39, 40, 155 Neckar J. - 154 Niebrzydowski L. - 155 Niedźwieńska A. - 154 Nowak S. - 16,155,156 Nowak W. - 117,122,155
173 Indeks nazwisk O Ossowski S. - 10,11,14-16, 37, 40, 155 P Paiska H. - 36,155 Panek T. - 151 Podedworna H. - 123,124,155 Pohl A. -155 Pokropek A. - 84,151 Polczyk R. - 77,156 Pope A.W. - 77,155 Porankiewicz-Żukowska A. - 45, 77,155 Portocarero L. - 83 Prysby C.L. - 47,150 Przybysz D. ֊ 16,151 R Redfield R. - 45,155 ReweraM. ֊123,151,157 Reykowski J. - 77,78,155 Roguska B. - 26-29,155 Rosenberg M. - 78, 79, 94,155 Rosner A. - 135,136,146-149,155,156 Runciman W.G. - 49,155 S Sadura P. - 96,102,106,123,152 Šarapata A. - 16,151,155 Sawiński Z. - 19,20, 84, 151 Schaalma H.P. - 78,154 Siciński A. - 123,156 Sienkiewicz H. - 12 Słomczyński K.M. - 13, 16, 18, 24, 25, 40, 69, 84,132,151,156-158 Snochowska-Gonzalez C. - 9 Soszyńska M. - 16,156 Sprague J. - 47,153 Stanný M. - 9,13,41,43,44,48, 50, 51,107, 131, 135,136,146-149,153, 155,156 Starosta P. - 56,156 Stomma L. - 40,156 StraczukJ. - 151 Suis J. ֊ 78,156 Sweet D.C. - 151 Szacka B. - 48,156 Szacki J. - 96,156 SzafraniecK.-117-119,156 Szczepański}. - 10,37,156 Szpitalak M. - 77,156 Sztabiński R - 12,156 Sztabiński P.B. - 12,156 Sztompka P. - 12, 69,130,155,157 Szustrowa T. - 152 Ś Śniecińska J. - 78,154 Śpiewak R. - 9,13, 27,41,152-154 Święcicka M. - 16,157 Święcicki M. - 16,157 T Tangney J.P. - 154 Taylor P.J. - 47,157 Thomas W. - 10,107 Tobera J.- 12,157 Tobera P. -16,157 Tomczok P. - 12,157 Trzciński R. - 84,151 Tucholska A. - 157 V Vos S. de - 47,157 Vries N.K. de - 78,154 W Ward L. - 14 Warner W.L. ֊96,157 Wasilewski J. - 157 Weber M. - 13, 83 Wejland A.P. - 12,157 Wesołowski W. - 16,40,69,132,156-158 Wheeler L. - 78,156
Widerszpil S. ֊ 16,153,157 Wilkin J.- 153 Wnuk-Lipiński E. - 17,153,154, 157 Wojciechowska A. - 20,157 Wojciszke B. - 78,157
174 Indeks nazwisk Zaborowski W. ֊ 13,15,16, 22-24,49,156, 158 Zarycki T. - 47, 48,106,158 Zielińska M. - 150 Znaniecki F. - 35, 158 Zonabend F. - 38,158 Zwęglińska-Gałecka D. - 9,131,136,153 Ż Życzyńska-Ciołek D. - 24,158 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Munchen
Studies on the Social Structure of Rural Poland, Volumes 1-3 Summary What is rural Poland like? Over a quarter of a century ago, rapid and radical changes began on many levels of social life. These transformations were different in extent and rhythm, and were the result of both internal and external forces. Not only the political system but also the structure and functioning of the economy, the principles regulating social life, and the place of groups and individuals in the social hierarchy changed. There was a shift in society’s attitude to the countryside, which began to be called “rural areas”. However, it is not the areas but the people living in them that constitute “rural Poland”. Rural Poland matters, because two fifths of Polish society live in rural areas. It is thus legitimate to ask who these people are, what their occupations are, what characterises their social position in comparison with the rest of society (including its urban part), whether this community is homogenous or diverse, what factors influence social diversification, how rural Poland sees itself in comparison to the rest of the country, and how it perceives internal variations. Such a list of questions forms the core of the research project “The Rural Social Structure and Its Correlates of Consciousness”, which is financed by the National Science Centre. Voi. 1. Aspects of New and Former Social Differences1 The volume is composed of three parts. The first study ( The Social Structure of the Rural Population at the Beginning of the Twenty-First Century, by Maria Halamska) describes rural Polands
sociooccupational structure, including its particular traits and the processes of change that occurred in it in the past quarter century. The authors analysis relies on the databases of representative nationwide research: the Polish General Social Survey (1991) and the Social Diagnosis (2003 and 2013). The theoretical foundation for the study is the Polish tradition of research into the social structure (consisting of research into the rural social structure extending back to the 1930s). Three elements of social position are analysed: education, occupation, and income. The key element of the description is occupation, which indicates a persons level 1 Polish title: Stare i nowe wymiary społecznego zróżnicowania. The volume appeared in 2016, with 179 pages.
160 Summary of education and potential income; the authors basis for differentiating sociooccupational groups is the International Standard Classification of Occupations 1988 and 2008 (ISCO-88 and ISCO-08). In 1991, at the beginning of the analysed period, the socio-occupational structure of rural areas was significantly different than that in the rest of the country, as farmers were the decidedly dominant group (46.4%). They were more numerous than all the other groups of rural workers together, including workers providing personal services and salespeople (41.1%). The diverse collective of the intelligentsia-middle class (groups 1-4) formed scarcely 12% of the rural population. Twelve years later, the group of farmers had diminished by around 9 percentage points and labourers and (physical) service workers became the dominant groups in the structure of the working population (40.3%). The intelligentsia had significantly increased its share—to one fifth (21.8%) of the working population. This trend continued in the following decade: the group of farmers diminished, while the group of labourers and physical service workers grew substantially; various groups of the intelligentsia also grew, if less strongly (to 22%). The rural social structure has lost its specific agricultural nature, although that nature is still visible in the internal structure of socio-occupational groups (occupations, level of education, income), particularly in comparison with their structure in cities. The analysis also takes into consideration specific, though rarely studied, categories of rural
inhabitants: people at a crossroads, above all the young, who are seeking their place in life and whose situation is the result of globalisation as well as of the post-communist transformation (Ch. 4: Beyond Structure: Groups or Only a Temporary Situation?). Table 1. Socio-occupational structure of the rural population in the years 1991-2013 (%) Socio-occupational groups 1991 2003 2013 0. Armed forces 1. Public officials, higher civil servants, and managers 2. Specialists 3. Technicians and associate professionals 4. Clerical support personnel 5. Service and sales workers 6. Skilled agricultural, forestry, and fishery workers 7. Craft and related trades workers 8. Plant and machine operators 9. Elementary occupations 0.0 0.4 0.4 2.5 0.4 2.8 1.8 7.0 6.6 7.5 9.3 5.2 3.3 6.5 46.4 5.2 8.8 37.7 4.7 10.9 27.4 16.4 7.8 10.4 15.5 9.0 7.0 22.5 9.5 7.3 Source: Voi. 1, Table 2, p. 23. These three processes become more visible when selected socio-occupational groups are aggregated in broader categories: labourers, farmers, and the middle
161 Summary class. There has been spectacular growth in the middle class (177%) and in the factors influencing that growth: the “new middle class” has increased by as much as 230%, while the share of the “old middle class” has stabilised. The rural social structure has changed faster than the structure of Polish society in general, and consequently much more rapidly than the urban socio-occupational structure. Table 2. A simplified picture of the evolution of the rural socio-occupational structure Segments of the structure 1991 2003 2013 Farmers** 46.4 37.6 27.2 1991 =100 59 Labourers** 33.4 35.7 45.4 136 Middle class*** 15.3 26.1 27.2 177 “new middle class՞ 9.1 20.0 20.9 230 “old middle class 6.2 6.1 6.2 100 of which: Legend: * group 6, minus the self-employed; ** groups 5 and 6-9, minus the self-employed; *** groups 1-4, minus the self-employed and the self-employed in all groups. Source: own work using the databases of the Social Diagnosis 2003, Social Diagnosis 2013, and the General Polish Social Survey of 1991. The focus of this part is the process and dynamics of change in the rural social structure. The changes appear as three processes: disagrarianisation/ depeasantisation, proletarianisation (the process by which rural society is saturated with labourers), and gentrification (a growth in the share of diverse categories of the middle class). The changes in the social structure that have occurred in the last quarter century in the Polish countryside are not specific in themselves. The same processes occurred in Western Europe at the end of the 1950s. With a certain
degree of simplification it can be said that, from the 1950s until today, the social structure of rural Europe has undergone disagrarianisation, then proletarianisation and, lastly, gentrification, as is shown in the diagram below. Processes Year ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 Countries Disagrarianisation Proletarianisation Western Europe Gentrification Disagrarianisation Proletarianisation Poland Gentrification Source: own work. * The shade of the colour signifies the intensity of the processes. Fig. 1. Diagram showing the changes in the rural social structure in Europe and Poland
162 Summary In Poland, these processes assumed a different form. They began later than in the West, and the conditions in which they occurred were thus dissimilar: for example, in a time of disindustrialisation, the labour force leaving agriculture cannot be absorbed by industry. Actually, proletarianisation and disagrarianisation began in Poland at nearly the same time as in the West, but Polish industrialisation first absorbed the agrarian overpopulation and then both processes stopped, as if halfway, to produce a countryside of peasant-labourers. These processes accelerated only in the period 1990-2010; gentrification was added to them. The delay in time, as well as the simultaneous appearance and overlap of the processes, constitutes the specificity of their occurrence in rural Poland. It is difficult to decide to what extent this is due to a different social era and to what — to Poland’s peripheral place in the “world system”. In the second part (Sex, Gender, and the Social Structure by Sylwia Michalska), the author discusses the methodological problems encountered by researchers who want to take differences of gender — biological and cultural — into account in studying social structures. The author also reflects on research that shows how the rural social structure differs when the sex of the respondents is taken into consideration. The author discusses theoretical and methodological issues connected with studying social structures, and the difficulties encountered by researchers who want to encompass the presence of women in the structure. For a long time, the basic
unit in the social structure was the family, and its position was signified by the man — the head of the family. A change in attitude and the inclusion of women as subjects of research into social structures has produced many methodological problems which remain difficult to resolve. Methodological problems related to considering sex in the study of structures led to the incorporation of the category of gender, which describes cultural rather than biological sex. In Poland, however, this term has become strongly ideological and may either facilitate or hinder the progress of research and analyses. The second part contains a review of the literature and a discussion of research that encompassed gender in investigating rural communities. The author points to the changing interests of researchers, who have noticed that a description of a social environment is less complete if it does not encompass all social groups. Over time, research involving gender criteria has become ever more complex and is no longer limited exclusively to comparing the situation of men and women. It has also begun to reflect the internal diversity of the group of women. The intersectional perspective, in which attention is paid to the situation of manifoldly marginalised individuals, has currently become an important element in analyses. The author points out that rural women are marginalised due to their gender and place of residence, among other reasons. The study also contains a discussion of research into rural communities in Poland and an analysis, using the Social Diagnosis 2013 databases, of the
present situation of rural women. Level of education, socio-occupational situation, and
Summary 163 income level are taken into consideration. Thus, in regard to education, the data from the SD 2013 confirms that rural women spend a longer time in education than men, and that an important change in this regard has occurred in the recent years. In 2013, rural women were slightly better educated than men: the education rate for women was 102% of the education rate for men, while 10 years previously it had been only 99%. This is caused by the significantly larger share of women in the group of people with a higher education (65%) or secondary education (55%) in nyal communities. In the case of both men and women, education level is a factor favouring employment. In rural areas, the employment rate for women with a higher education in 2013 was 73.3%, and for men with a higher education it was 83.3%. The occupational structure of the working rural population indicates a fairly clear division into men’s and womens occupations. Women are decidedly dominant in the group of specialists (350, where M=100), services personnel and salespersons (360), clerical workers (219) and mid-level personnel (187), while there are decidedly fewer women in management positions (60) and physical labour categories (27-13). Analyses indicate that women belonging to the occupational group with high social prestige — upper civil servants, public officials, or management — spent more years in education than men in similar positions, and their share in these occupational groups is smaller. In order to obtain a prestigious position connected with the real possession of power, women must have
higher skills than men, and better (and longer) education. Income is also an indicator of the meritocracy of a given social structure. As appears from the DS 2013 data, income discrimination against rural women exists in all socio-occupational groups: in the group of public authorities, civil servants, and managers, women earned 85% of what men did in 2013 — in the group of specialists 75%; technicians and mid-level personnel 85%; clerical workers 90%; personal services workers and salespeople 77%; farmers, gardeners, and fishers 82%; industrial workers and physical labourers 71%; machine and equipment operators and assemblers 68%; and unskilled workers 71%. In no socio-occupational group did women’s incomes equal men’s. The situation of women in rural communities is therefore ambiguous. While their incomes, lower rate of occupational activeness, and kinds of work place them lower in the hierarchy, having higher education levels than men raises them. Women have a chance to achieve high and valued positions, but in order to do so they must remain in education longer than men, and regardless of their job and socio-occupational group they always earn less, even when they have higher qualifications and more experience. The third part (Rural Gentrification: Definition, Significance, and Effects of the Process by Ruta Śpiewak) discusses nyal gentrifìcation and its effects on the social structure of the Polish countryside. Gentrifìcation, an idea which appeared in analyses of the 1980s primarily by British geographers, is occurring in the Polish countryside but appears
sporadically in Polish research. The lack of study could result from researchers’ dislike of the
164 Summary concept itself and their preference for the idea of suburbanisation. In recent years, the study of “second homes,” their location and owners, has also begun; this phenomenon is treated as “wild gentrification” in the literature. Rural gentrification is a vague and multidimensional phenomenon, both in regard to the forms it takes as well as the effects it brings. In terms of social structure, the results of migration to rural areas can be viewed from quantitative and qualitative angles. In the first, gentrification is visible in the growing number of people with higher education and relatively high income who have moved to a rural area, mostly from a city. To a certain degree, this process overlaps with suburbanisation, because the majority of persons migrating to rural areas choose an area near a large town or city. Such migration has had an impact on changes in the social and demographic structure, and in the price of real estate. Gentrification can also be viewed through the prism of its qualitative effects: the impact on local society, the strengthening of local social and cultural capital, and changes in the local economy — where the further decline of agriculture is visible and evokes the original meaning of the word “gentrification” — improvement. In Polish conditions, gentrification is too recent a phenomenon to be able to speak of its essential influence or lack of influence on the social structure. The problem is also one of the proper choice of indicators. To what degree can we say that gentrification in Poland is analogous to gentrification in
countries where more advanced research has been done on the issue (as mentioned in the first part of the work)? In terms of the social structure, what effects of the migration process on rural areas can be expected, given the Polish conditions? Does the fact that a significant number of migrants to suburban areas are rural inhabitants constitute the Polish specific of the phenomenon? The answers to these questions can only be found in individual case-study analyses, which to date have been conducted only sporadically. For example, from a study of the district (powiat) of Prażmów (in the Mazowieckie Voivodship), it appears that the new inhabitants of Polish rural areas are not causing the other inhabitants to migrate. Their presence, however, speeds up the process of leaving agriculture. They cause the social structure of a given area to change. The newcomers (or relative newcomers) are better educated and occupy more advantageous places in the socio-occupational structure. This is clearly correlated with culturally defined patterns of behaviour, including consumption. They are also more active socially and culturally. They go more often to the cinema and the theatre, meet with their acquaintances, and read more books. Above all, the differences are visible in the sphere of social and civil behaviour — significantly more newcomers belong to foundations or associations. Their social and civil activity influences the development of the community. Gentrification can affect various types of rural areas — those lying closer to an agglomeration as well as those in peripheral
districts. In reference to the typology of Thierry Marsden’s team, the examples presented in the publication can be considered to be of the type described as “preserved countryside”, that is, an attractive rural area that draws a new middle class, and where the local economy is developing based on new types of services.
Summary 165 The middle class is migrating to the district of Prażmów and changing it from within, transforming the local economy. Specific services connected with the needs of the middle class are being created and the local social capital is strengthened. In this case, the appearance of new inhabitants — representatives of the middle class — has become an opportunity for the advance of lower classes: social capital should move from one group to the other. The access to various services is also increasing. Even though gentrification, with which we are undoubtedly dealing, is important in spatial, economic, and social terms, it is an elemental and uncontrolled process, as is shown by the reactive behaviour of the local authorities. It is also a process that has been little studied in Poland. ѴЫ. 2: The Spatial Diversity of the Social Structure2 This publication is the joint work of Maria Halamska, Radosław Hoffman, and Monika Stanný. It is devoted to the relations between social structure and space: the diversity of the social structure in the national space on the one hand, and the social structure as a trait differentiating space on the other. The authors focus on the ideas of “assimilated space” and “defined space”. The first is a situation in which various social groups occupy a known, assimilated space, and then the characteristics of that space come to be ascribed to a group and thus are used to explain the mechanisms of its functioning. Space becomes “defined” when social phenomena and group traits determine its nature. The first chapter of the work is devoted to the
relation between space and social structure and discusses the findings of the few other studies of this type. In the second chapter, the rural social structure is described within the framework of (1) various territorial configurations delimited by historical processes (especially the partitions, which lasted through the nineteenth century); (2) levels of economic development and urbanisation (mainly agricultural or urbanised and multi-functional); and (3) the borders of the current political and administrative regions (voivodships). Social structure is placed here in a certain known, assimilated space, which can be described by many recognisable traits. Analysis of structures in historical regions revealed the great complexity of processes of change (in the Partitions, up to 1918, the Congress Kingdom was under Russian control; Galicia was under Austrian control; Greater Poland and Pomerania were under Prussian control; and the Western and Northern Territories were under Prussian control until 1945). Analysis also uncovered the existence of many regional — and doubtless local — models, and the deepening effects of global processes: depeasantisation, gentrification, and proletarianisation. A main cause of diversification is the degree of agrarianism of a given region, as indicated by the importance of agriculture and farmers in the structure of household income, the position of farmers in the socio-occupational structure, and 2 Polish title: Przestrzenne zróżnicowanie struktury społecznej. The volume appeared in 2017, with 158 pages.
166 Summary income from agriculture in the regional hierarchy. The diversity of rural regions is deeper than might appear from a comprehensive analysis (including cities). Internally, rural regions are divided between those that are mainly agricultural and those that are urbanised and multifunctional. The urbanised, multifunctional areas are much more strongly populated by the middle class and service workers, and much less inhabited by persons with agricultural occupations. In these areas, while education levels are nearly identical to those in agricultural areas, the higher personal income of all socio-occupational groups (with the exception of simple physical labour) is noteworthy. Due to the different labour market in the urbanised, multifunctional areas (that is, easier access to a local labour market offering better income and more career opportunities) the largest differences in the two kinds of areas exist between groups of specialists and the least difference between office workers. The third chapter (which is central to this volume) shows how the configuration of socio-occupational groups defines the social structure, and how the type of social structure defines a rural space. By using the database of research from the Social Diagnosis 2013 (N 66645) and statistical analysis (applying indexes of spatial change and a method of taxonomic analysis based on the к-mean algorithm), four types of rural socio-occupational structures were distinguished: a mixed farminglabouring type, an intelligentsia-labouring type; a labouring type; and a farming type. Each of these
types (Tables 2 and 3) contains different proportions of the new middle class, labourers, and farmers. Table 3. Types of rural social structure (%) Type 1 : mixed Type 2: intelligentsia-labouring Type 3: labouring Type 4: farming Share of social segments in % New middle class 19.0 Farmers 34.1 Labourers 47.0 Total 100 40.6 16.9 15.1 8.6 16.3 59.0 50.7 66.3 100 100 25.7 100 Share in the total number of powiaty (NUTS 4) Number of powiaty 86 52 % of the number of powiaty 27.4 16.6 110 35.0 66 21.0 Source: Voi. 2, Table 23, p. 100. These types are located at a distance from each other in physical space (the NUTS4 level); we were thus able to produce a map of rural social structures in Poland — the first of its kind (cf. Voi. 2, p. 101, and also Voi. 3, p. 48). A specific type of social structure was considered to delimit and define a certain area. We
Summary 167 then applied classic measures of socio-economic development to the four types of rural areas in order to define the relations between the type of structure, the level of development, and the specifics of the local economy. In connection with the cultural turn in the social sciences, we wanted to discover to what degree the social structure, being an indicator of the cultural traits of a space, is related to other traits of the region or area and its rate of change. The fourth part of Volume 2 is devoted to the latter question, and shows that the types of social structure identified correspond to different rates of change, contributing to three main processes. The existence of spatial diversity in Poland’s rural social structure was one of the premises of the analysis contained in the second volume. Such diversity is indicated by variation in levels of socio-economic development in rural areas and by types of local economy. Diversity is governed by two divisions, that is, regional development forms a polarisation between the centre and the peripheries, while the regions are polarised in relation to one another along an east-west axis. This dual-axis variation in types and levels of development became our basis for displaying the diversity of the social structure. Comparing the diversity of the social structure on these two axes showed that the scale of differences between the central areas (urbanised multifunctional areas) and peripheral areas (mainly agricultural ones) is larger than between historical regions. Diversity on the centre-peripheries line is after
all a universal differentiation, appearing in every historical or administrative region. Voi. 3. Correlates of Consciousness in the Social Structure3 The search for relatively consolidated spaces (regions) showing social diversity and change was suggested by Piotr Sztompka’s theory of social becoming. Regions were selected on account of their specific social structure and were treated as structural fields conditioning the course of change and its final results, where “every social action occurs in the context of existing structures, which are themselves changed by the action” (Sztompka 2003:529). The limited spatial extent of the regions (powiat = NUTS 4) allowed them to be treated as “espaces sociaux localisés” (localised social spaces) — a new unit for the study of rural structures, defined by Gilles Laferté in the article “Des études rurales à l’analyse des espaces sociaux localisés” (2014). The third volume (the work of Maria Halamska), is devoted to correlates of consciousness in the social structure and is based on empirical research conducted in the late spring of 2016 on a sample of 480 households (1,051 persons). The research was conducted in four “localised social spaces,” chosen from among districts (powiaty) that had a labouring, labouring-intelligentsia, farming, or mixed type of social structure. The empirical research was intended to answer the questions of (1) whether the sociological makeup of the rural social structure is perceived by the people who help create that structure (socio-occupational groups, 3 Polish title: Świadomościowe korelaty struktury
społecznej.
168 Summary an individual’s place among others), and (2) how those people perceive themselves, that is, their group in the rural social structure, in global society, and among other individuals. An attempt was made to reconstruct the present imagination of social diversity. Special analysis was conducted in three distinct localised social spaces: labouring, labouring-intelligentsia, and farming types. The mixed type was omitted. An attempt was made to verify the hypothesis that the type of experienced (observed) socio-occupational structure has an influence on how social diversity is perceived. Reference is made to the concept of social context and its influence on behaviour, opinions, and attitudes. The influence of social position on behaviour, views and attitudes was also analysed in order to verify the next hypothesis, that is, that the position an individual occupies in the social structure, and the individual’s selfassessment of that position, influences how social diversity is perceived. Rural inhabitants could appraise their position in a dual manner: by indicating a sociooccupational category on the 11-rung EGP scheme (synthetically showing their position in the market through the nature of their work, qualifications, position, or property), and by indicating their position in a hierarchical class arrangement (upper, middle, or lower). Self-definition according to the EGP brought to the fore the characteristics of the studied community: the labouring nature of the Myszków area, the agricultural nature of the Lubartów area, and the gentrification of the Koszalin
area. In its own assessment, rural Poland is a middle-class society. It can be concluded that the division once described by Józef Chałasiński between the “world of the gentry” and the “world of the peasantry” has disappeared from the consciousness of rural inhabitants. It still existed in the 1980s; then the place of the “gentry” was occupied by people who did not do physical labour — the functionaries and bureaucrats of rural institutions. It can be supposed that the clear improvement in the material situation of rural inhabitants, along with education, professionalisation, and deagrarianisation, has had an impact. For example, only in the Lubartów community, which is dominated by farmers, is the feeling of belonging to the lower class widespread (in around half the population). The conclusion is that the feeling of inferiority is, or was, integrally connected with the condition of peasant-farmer and is disappearing along with that status. This change can be seen as turning rural inhabitants into real citizens, who no longer feel that they are worse than others. Rural inhabitants’ descriptions of their area and one of its basic traits — the social structure — reflect the ordre vécu, the experienced order. Thus, four-fifths of the inhabitants of an agrarian rural area point to farming as the main occupational category; the inhabitants of a proletarian area point to various kinds of physical labour as the main occupations; and in gentrified regions two-fifths of the inhabitants indicate various middle class occupations as predominating, although slightly more point to
labouring occupations. This means that the inhabitants of rural areas have various images of the rural social fabric: the ordre conçu is shaped under the influence of one’s own experiences. These imagined pictures of the
Summary 169 structure also contain models of the existing inter-class relations. They are not coincidental. The agrarian Lubartów community, which has a low level of development and an economy based on traditional agriculture, has an elitist model of relations between the middle class and the peasant class. The distances between the two are emphasised. The other two areas appear to be more egalitarian, and the social distances — which indubitably exist — are not accentuated. It is intuitively felt that this egalitarianism has different sources. In the labouring community, proletarian features can be found in the middle class group, which has a labouring genealogy and lives in a labouring environment. In the community that is rapidly changing its social image by gentrifying, the models of inter-class relations are marked by social aspirations rather than by the already experienced order. These two “egalitarian” communities, with different social compositions, have one common trait: a very small share of farmers. These different types of rural area — or rather of “rurality” — are the frame for the daily life of their inhabitants, and for easily observable normative arrangements and comparative reference groups, which are important for the inhabitants’ construction of their place in society and for a comprehensive picture of that society. A rural area with a specific type of social structure is a plane of reference, a context in which individuals perceive both the social structure and themselves. The social context influences the views of all the community’s inhabitants due to
the mechanisms by which social consciousness is shaped, attitudes are formed during socialisation, and behaviour is based on local or imported patterns. The effects of context can be observed in two large, fairly homogenous — or rather, similarly composed — sub-communities: the “new middle class” and the “peasant class”. Even though it is difficult to establish one model, the influence of the context can be perceived in every analysed case: for opinions, attitudes, and behaviour. In regard to opinions, the contextual effect concerns only those that were shaped locally, through observation or socialisation, while opinions shaped by the mass media appear to be fairly resistant to the influence of the local context. Thus, in the case of opinions about the causes of rural divisions, the peasant class, whose perception of these divisions is similar in all communities, is more resistant to the influence of the social context. Such influence becomes apparent only in comparing the structure of perceptions of members of the new middle class: their perceptions are similar to those of the peasant class in communities with egalitarian patterns of social relations, but differ in communities with an elite model. The same occurs with misogynist opinions concerning women’s place in society, where the influence of interclass relations is observable. The contextual effect is more visible in the case of attitudes; these are analysed here using the example of authoritarianism. The degree to which preference for authoritarianism depends on an individual’s level of education has been well
described. The correlation was confirmed in our analysis: in every community
170 Summary studied, the authoritarian syndrome is weaker in the middle class than in the peasant class. The least difference between the two classes in this regard is in the stable, deagrarianised community of the Myszków area, and the largest is in the Koszalin area, where an expansive new middle class appears not only to be imposing its standards of behaviour on others but also to be influencing attitudes. In the Lubartów area, however, the middle class seems to be submitting to the peasant class, and is manifesting considerable self-satisfaction in doing so. The influence of social context appears most strongly in the everyday behaviours comprising the lifestyles of the two sub-communities: such behaviour accentuates the relations between the groups. Inter-group or inter-class relations ensue from the community s social composition, but ultimately it is those relations that determine the basic traits of the social context and its influence. The third volume of Studies is the culmination of our entire research project, which has been conducted according to strictly defined procedures. The first stage consisted in investigating the contemporary rural social structure and recounting the processes that have changed it and that are influencing further changes. Describing the structure of rural Poland required going beyond the borders of the sociology of rural areas, which takes the village as its research subject and refers to the concepts and tools of general sociology in regard to studying social structures. Our access to the Social Diagnosis database made the realisation
of this project possible. Because rural areas are very diverse, a description of the social structure had to take variations into account. The second stage involved seeking the factors that differentiate the social structure in the spatial aspect. Various territorial crosssections of such diversity were investigated using analyses of the diversification of levels and directions of development (Rosner, Stanný 2014; 2016). One result of the work at this stage was the idea that rural areas are differentiated by the shape of their social structure. Having a large database at our disposal, we were able to distinguish four types of rural social structure through a second, statistical analysis (the specific traits of the rural area were taken into consideration, and farmers were distinguished as one of three segments). We were then able to locate the types in territorial space (thanks to the low level of aggregation of the data). Thus we were able to return to the spirit of the sociology of rural areas, to a kind of reconstruction of that sociology’s research subject, and to analyses of the social structure of an entire local entity — the rural area called a powiat (district). We were inspired by Gilles Lafertes concept of localised social space (2014), which indicated the possibility of showing correlates of consciousness in the social structure of inhabitants of Polish rural areas. Translation from Polish by Michelle Granas
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Halamska, Maria 1978- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)171466349 |
| author_facet | Halamska, Maria 1978- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Halamska, Maria 1978- |
| author_variant | m h mh |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV046406613 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)1140176027 (DE-599)BVBBV046406613 |
| edition | Wydanie pierwsze |
| format | Book |
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| id | DE-604.BV046406613 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T08:43:47Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788373838581 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-031819305 |
| oclc_num | 1140176027 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 174 Seiten |
| psigel | BSB_NED_20210323 |
| publishDate | 2018 |
| publishDateSearch | 2018 |
| publishDateSort | 2018 |
| publisher | Instytut Rozwoju Wsi i Rolnictwa PAN |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Studia nad strukturą społeczną wiejskiej Polski |
| series2 | Studia nad strukturą społeczną wiejskiej Polski Problemy Rozwoju Wsi i Rolnictwa |
| spelling | Halamska, Maria 1978- Verfasser (DE-588)171466349 aut Świadomościowe korelaty struktury społecznej Maria Halamska Wydanie pierwsze Warszawa Instytut Rozwoju Wsi i Rolnictwa PAN 2018 174 Seiten txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Studia nad strukturą społeczną wiejskiej Polski tom 3 Problemy Rozwoju Wsi i Rolnictwa Zusammenfassung in englischer Sprache Studia nad strukturą społeczną wiejskiej Polski tom 3 (DE-604)BV044467153 3 Digitalisierung BSB München 25 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031819305&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB München 25 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031819305&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Literaturverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB München 25 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031819305&sequence=000005&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Register // Personenregister Digitalisierung BSB München 25 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031819305&sequence=000007&line_number=0004&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Halamska, Maria 1978- Świadomościowe korelaty struktury społecznej Studia nad strukturą społeczną wiejskiej Polski |
| title | Świadomościowe korelaty struktury społecznej |
| title_auth | Świadomościowe korelaty struktury społecznej |
| title_exact_search | Świadomościowe korelaty struktury społecznej |
| title_full | Świadomościowe korelaty struktury społecznej Maria Halamska |
| title_fullStr | Świadomościowe korelaty struktury społecznej Maria Halamska |
| title_full_unstemmed | Świadomościowe korelaty struktury społecznej Maria Halamska |
| title_short | Świadomościowe korelaty struktury społecznej |
| title_sort | swiadomosciowe korelaty struktury spolecznej |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031819305&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031819305&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031819305&sequence=000005&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031819305&sequence=000007&line_number=0004&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV044467153 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT halamskamaria swiadomosciowekorelatystrukturyspołecznej |