Ključ 1014 g.:
Saved in:
| Main Author: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Bulgarian |
| Published: |
Sofija
Nov bălgarski universitet
2015
|
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Englische Zusammenfassung mit dem Titel: Klyuch 1014 |
| Physical Description: | 175 Seiten Illustrationen, Karten |
| ISBN: | 9789545358838 |
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Record in the Search Index
| _version_ | 1811916845721059328 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
CftAftPftANMe
yBOflHM 3YMM / 7
rnABA i. rEorPAOCKM nPErnEA
flojiMHaTa Ha p. CTpyMwu;a/CTpyMeiHHMii¡a.
npeflejiM, rpaHMijM vl npocTpaHCTBO / 9
§ 1. IlnaHMHH / 10
§ 2. XHflporpac|)MH / 13
§ 3. ÜBTHma / 14
§ 4. TonoHHMH / 22
1. TonoHHMM, cnoMeHaTM b n3BopwTe / 23
2. TonoHMMM ct c CBBpeMeHHa eTMMonorwH / 36
rnABA IL H3BOPHTE / 39
rnABA in.nonHTwnECKA obctahobka / so
rnABA IV. CTPATErnflTA / 58
§ 1. B'bJirapcKOTO u,apCTBO / 58
§ 2. PoMewcKaxa MMnepwa / 64
rnABA V. yKPEnnEHMETO / 73
rnABA vl cpa;kehweto / 79
rnABA VIL PE3ynTATW M M3BOAM / 127
BMBnMorPAOnn / 143
§ 1. Ü3BOpW / 143
§ 2. KapTH / 146
§ 3. HwTepaTypa / 146
CBKPAIItEHnn / 160
SUMMARY / 161
nmOCTPAUMM / 165
161
KLYUCH1014
Summary
If we pay attention to the fact that from the end of the first decade of the 11th century the
Bulgarians adopted defensive strategy against Basil II then the battle of the Klyuch/Kleidion pass
is not sudden i.e. an attack, defeat or victory. Bearing this in mind, the most obvious definition
for the so-called Battle of Kleidion Pass or Belasitsa, I believe, is to determine it as the „Klyuch/
Kleidion operation", directed by Basil II with intention to clear and to destroy the defences or the
so-called "palisades" with ditches that the Bulgarians had thrown across his way to the center of
Samuel's dominions.
The Chronicle of John Skylitzes, written at the turn of the 11th and 12th centuries, takes the
first position among the sources describing the war between Basil II and the Bulgarians in 1014.
There is no reason to make considerable corrections in the description of the Battle of Belasitsa
recorded by John Skylitzes. Some details can be added to Skylitzes'data by using other Byzantine
sources, especially Kekaumenos'military and political manual, Michael Attaliates'Chronicle, pos-
sibly the Chronicle of John Zonaras, and others, which are less important.
Exceptionally valuable description of the 1014 Battle is to be found in the late Greek Chroni-
cle called Historia Imperatorum, which is considered a part of the Chronicle of George the Monk
continuation. It was published by Eduard de Muralt (1808-1895) in Petersburg already in 1859 as
part of a compilation including several chronicles, the first of which was the chronicle of Georges
the Monk. However, Muralt's edition cannot be regarded as a critical one. The text it contains, of
various origins, were not isolated and examined individually. The name Historia Imperatorum
in the strict sense can only be used for those chapters of Muralt's publication which referred to
the events of the second half of the 10th century and the 11th century. The original manuscript of
Historia Imperatorum was created not earlier than 12th century, and perhaps even later (the old-
est manuscripts are from the 15th century). It contains passages about ancient and medieval his-
tory, which were included in the extensive compilation much later than the Chronicle of George
the Monk, or even its first continuation (based on the work of Symeon the Logothete from the
10th century) was written. The entire work showcases a rather late version of the Greek language,
so it was probably the work of a compiler from a later period, who was familiar with the region
of the Valleys of Strymon and Strumeshnitsa and adapted the used material. The description of
the Battle of Belasitsa (called hereafter 'Anonymous account (of the battle)') may, therefore, even
come from a military manual or oral tales transferred within a generation into folklore.
Aware that Basil II led invasions along the main roads leading from the Empire into the Bul-
garian interior Tsar Samuel conducted a large-scale fortification of the south east border routes.
In the fortified area, built by Samuel across the Strymeshnitsa Valley, were stationed strong Bul-
garian troops. It should be said at once that Klyuch/Kleidion Pass was not defended with a
simple and temporary wooden palisade but carefully planned and built defensive line. It was
located on the northern slopes of the Belasitsa mountain, descended to the East from the Klyuch
river and extended to the south slopes of the Ograzhden mountain. It comprised a defensive
stone wall, wooden palisade, rampart, ditch and dotted with strongholds on the Belasitsa moun-
tain (Gergevtche, Tchykata and ,,N" fortress near the modern village of Kolarovo) and on the
162
Ograzhden mountain (Georgovets, Markovi kladentsi), an observation and command point the
so-called 'the fortress of Samuil' with a big tower near the Strumitsa River. The defensive wall
was with length of 3 km and the intermediate width of the barriers was 500 Metre. In practice, this
was a fortified camp with 80 dwellings. They were arranged into four rows (by 20 on row) on an
area of 3 x 0,5 km and each of them was shelter for 20 soldiers. This leads us to conclusion, that
the number of the defenders was 2000. Moreover, the guard-posts at Gergevtche, Tchykata and
Izgorelite bartchini at the foot of the Ograzhden mountain were intended for insignificant num-
ber of soldiers and not to hold the entire Bulgarian army. The Kleidion defenses were designed
to be an outpost and not for a unit wait in ambush or contingents located for battle or by-pass the
enemy wings. In spite of this it was not a simple and temporary barrier but a deep echelon system
of defense. According to the 'Anonymous account (of the Battle)' the main Bulgarian forces were
camped less than a day away, near Matzykion (between the present-day villages of Makrievo and
Borisovo on the Strumitsa Plain), which was also where Samuel stayed, at least temporary. So,
the Tsar was at a distance - far enough to be out of the enemy's reach but close enough to come
to the aid of his soldiers defending the fortifications.
The Byzantine army arrived in the area of the Strumeshnitsa River in 1014, through the route
that connected the old Roman road Via Militaris with the Strymon Valley. All we can reasonably
deduce from the sources is that there is no slightest evidence for any military operation in the
Rupel Pass. The reason for this might have been the fact that Samuel also fortified the pass and
planting there a garrison to guard it. This leads us to conclude that the Byzantines had not used
the route led from the area near Serres and the Strymon Valley along the Strumeshnitsa River
towards the town of Strumitsa. The geographical testimony of the 'Anonymous account (of the
battle)' tends to support such a view. In confirmation of this we may glance to the intention of
Theophylact Botaneiates, the Doux of Thessalonica, to use Bulgarian captives like a shield against
the defenders of the Rupel Pass. It seems to me that Basil II decided to follow via Militaris from
Constantinople through Adrianople to Philippopolis where Nikephoros Xiphias joined the Em-
peror's forces. From there through Trajan's Gate, then via Samokov, Upper and Middle Strymon
Valley, they reached the Lower Strumeshnitsa or Petrie plain, where the terrain was flat (it can
possibly be identified with 'Kimba Longu' mentioned in the sourses).
Storming the Bulgarian fortifications built by Samuel strung across the Strymeshnitsa Val-
ley repeatedly, Basil II endangered his soldiers to continuous losses and exposed them a sud-
den counter-attack. This forced him to change his plans. The new plan was to be executed not
by one but by two generals, whom the Emperor required to be self-reliant, while following the
overall conception of the action dictated by him. In the text of the 'Anonymous account (of the
battle)'- their actions are not shown in a linear scheme but are interwoven. The author does not
give their names but refers to them as 'the first' and 'the other'. Both groups of soldiers were to
march along difficult mountain routes, which first had to be found with the help of guides who
knew the terrain. The strategos of Philippopolis Nikephoros Xiphias was in charge of a military
unit called ('other'or 'second') which having bypassed the Bulgarian position through the Bela-
sitza range, launched a surprise attack (on 29 July) on the Bulgarian unit protecting the passage
along the valley near the dema and together with the Emperor, broke through the fortifications
and then marched towards the large Bulgarian camp. According to me Xiphias with 500 men
accomplished his manoeuvre for three days. Very likely he managed to find helpers among the
Vlach shepherds who not only knew the high mountains but also knew the way to move on this
163
terrain. His way runs as follow: he turned back with his men to the east from the Byzantine camp
near the country of Mousovitsa (ca. 8.5 km from the dema) and ascended from the small watch-
fortress of Tchykata to the pass of Sidera (Demir capi), after that he passed south under the ridge
and after he crossed the ridge, through the steep walk, located west from the river of Klyuch, he
descended suddenly on the positions of the Bulgarian defenders of the fortifications from the
rear, scaring them at dawn with war cries and clamour, which could have simultaneously served
as a signal for the imperial forces in the Valley to attack the Bulgarians. The terrified defenders
started to run away, so fewer of them were killed than taken prisoner. Furthermore, the unit of
Xiphias was probably incorporated into the forces marching west together with the Emperor.
The 'Anonymous account (of the battle)' mentions that the Emperor's army set off towards
the place where 'that great army' was stationed, where the ruler must have been staying. Before
then, Basil II had managed to complete the first stage of the planned operations it can be called
the Battle of Klyuch. The outcome of the struggle was still far from certain and a lot depended
on the clash with Samuel's main forces in the next stage of the operation. The march of Basil II
west along the Strumeshnitsa Valley was certainly delayed by certain precautions, which needed
to be taken, mainly the necessity to eliminate two Bulgarian patrols, controlling the communica-
tion between the dema and the main Bulgarian army. They had to be eliminated from a further
struggle in a way that prevented the news about the approaching danger from reaching the main
Bulgarian camp, located near Makrievo and Borisovo on the Strumitza Plain.
It can be calculated that the march lasted from the dawn of 29 July to the evening of 29 July
or the morning of 30 July. The attack was launched at dawn; which ensured that the opponent
was surprised and at this point the other unit of the imperial forces played its assigned role. Ac-
cording to the 'Anonymous account (of the battle)' this was the 'first' unit commanded by no
named general. Its task during the struggle is described as analogous to the 'second' one although
it supposedly followed a different route.
After crossing the Ograzden mountain in the three days, the first unit reached a different area
i.e. the saddle of Preslap and after a night march the soldiers hid in a 'wood and hidden place'
close to the Basilitsa River, between the peaks of Veli Vrav from the East and Krst from the West,
or about 5 km from the Bulgarian camp near Matzykion. In the morning on the fourth day, they
joined the action of Basil II, attacking the Bulgarian camp from the opposite side to the Emperor.
The Battle near Matzykion brought the Bulgarian side heavy losses. The source emphasizes
the surprise of the Bulgarian forces as a result of the two-sided attack and the commotion which
made it impossible to organize resistance. However, the fact that the high command (like Tsar
Samuel himself and his son Gavril Radomir) and probably some of the warriors survived meant
that the defeat was not complete. At the same time the Bulgarian forces were unable to engage
in an equal battle against the Byzantines. The son of Samuel, however, soon returned to the
battlefield. He organized successfully the resistance against Basil II and set up palisades to block
his path to Thessalonica. In this way one detachment of the Byzantine forces under Theophylact
Botaneiates was heavily defeated, and Basil himself retreated to his established base.
What does seem certain is that the Battle of Belasitza was not a single clash but an operation
consisting of several military actions of various types. If we try to sum up them, the following
chronological order might be drawn:
27 July - the departure of the unit marching for three days and one night along the Ograzh-
den range to the west, i.e. towards the Bulgarian camp near Matzykion. This would make it
164
the 'first7 unit according to the 'Anonymous account (of the battle)'.
26-29 July - the departure of Nikiphoros Xiphias'unit, marching probably for three days
through the highest point of Belasitza and then descending the mountain near the Bulgar-
ian fortifications near Klyuch. According to the 'Anonymous account (of the battle)' it was
called 'other' or 'second'.
29 July - at dawn Nikiphoros Xiphias'unit and the Emperor's forces launch a joint attack
against the dema near Klyuch and capture the fortifications.
29 July - from morning to evening the Emperor's troops march along the Strumeshnitza
Valley; during the march two Bulgarian patrols protecting the road leading from the dema
to the west are taken prisoner.
29/30 July - the first strategos'unit reaches by night the area of the Strumeshnitza Plain not
far from (at about 5 km) the Bulgarian camp near Matzykion.
30 July - at dawn the Emperor's troops and the first strategos'unit attack the Bulgarian camp
near Matzykion.
The great commotion did not necessarily cause many casualties among the Bulgarians. The
number of mutilated was almost certainly smaller than 15,000 claimed by byzantine accounts, but
the sorrowful trail of blinded men was too much for Samuel. When they arrived in early October,
the shock is said to have killed the Tsar.
I retain the assumption that the number of blinded Bulgarian captives (14,000 acc. to Kekau-
menos or 15,000 acc. to Skylitzes) in the Byzantine sources is no other but the true number of
the Bulgarian army. Tsar Samuel split his army of three dissimilar contingents. First unit, which
numbered 1,600 soldiers, was sending out as a strong guard to keep the Klyuch/Kleidion Pass
safe. On the so-called fortress of Samuel ('Samuilova krepost') with the dug-outs and near the
river the number of the defenders was no more than 400. Hence, the total number of the soldiers
was 2,000. The second unit, with strength of nearly 5,000, was headed by the most able General
Nestoritsa and moved towards Thessalonica. The third part with a number of 8,000 soldiers was
under the command of Samuel and his son Gavril Radomir, and gathered east of the town Stru-
mitsa. A reasonable hypothesis would require us to believe that the Bulgarian captives or blinded
numbered 7,900. And here, another consideration may be worth of mentioning. Of course, the
number of blinded is again high. It will be helpful to recall that about 60 % of the wounds during
the war lead to death and only 40 % from the wounded survive. Bearing this in mind, the most
obvious solution I believe is to assume that a few days after the clashes at the fortifications near
Klyuch and Matzykon unknown number of the captives died. I believe, hypothetically of course,
that their number was at least 1,000-1,500. From this it follows that the Byzantine military medial
personal was sufficient to blind the rest of 6,400 captives. It may be admitted, however, that the
blinding can cause an infection and usually a three days after the manipulation 60% of the blinds
died. This leads us to conclude that the survivors were about 3,000 (only 30 of them were blinded
in only one eye). Perhaps only half of them were able to arrive in early October in the residence
of their Tsar.
As for the Byzantines, I think that in all probability the Byzantine army was numbered at
least 12,000. To them we must add the unit of Nicephoros Xiphias (1,200 - 1,500), the strategos
of Philippopolis, and the contingent (5,000 as the usual strength of a ducate) of Theophylact
Botaneiates, the Dux of Thessalonica. In that case the total number of the Byzantines was round
18,500 soldiers. |
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| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-10-03T18:02:38Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789545358838 |
| language | Bulgarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-028936830 |
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| publishDate | 2015 |
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| publisher | Nov bălgarski universitet |
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| spelling | Tomov, Toma 1967- Verfasser (DE-588)1100085432 aut Ključ 1014 g. Toma Tomov Sofija Nov bălgarski universitet 2015 175 Seiten Illustrationen, Karten txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Englische Zusammenfassung mit dem Titel: Klyuch 1014 Text bulgarisch Kyrillische Schrift Schlacht von Kleidion (DE-588)104551294X gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4016928-5 Festschrift gnd-content Schlacht von Kleidion (DE-588)104551294X s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028936830&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028936830&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Tomov, Toma 1967- Ključ 1014 g. Schlacht von Kleidion (DE-588)104551294X gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)104551294X (DE-588)4016928-5 |
| title | Ključ 1014 g. |
| title_auth | Ključ 1014 g. |
| title_exact_search | Ključ 1014 g. |
| title_full | Ključ 1014 g. Toma Tomov |
| title_fullStr | Ključ 1014 g. Toma Tomov |
| title_full_unstemmed | Ključ 1014 g. Toma Tomov |
| title_short | Ključ 1014 g. |
| title_sort | kljuc 1014 g |
| topic | Schlacht von Kleidion (DE-588)104551294X gnd |
| topic_facet | Schlacht von Kleidion Festschrift |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028936830&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028936830&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT tomovtoma kljuc1014g |