Investigări ale culturii materiale medievale din Transilvania:
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| Main Author: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Romanian |
| Published: |
Cluj-Napoca
Ed. Mega
2008
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| Edition: | [Ed. 2-a, rev. şi adăug.] |
| Series: | Medievalia
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| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Abstract Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania. - [2. Ausg. geschätzt, da kein Nachweis im Buch] |
| Physical Description: | 366 S. Ill. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9789731868530 |
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| 650 | 4 | |a Excavations (Archaeology) / Romania / Transylvania | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Material culture / Romania / Transylvania / History / To 1500 | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Civilization, Medieval | |
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Investigations of medieval material culture in
Transylvania
Contents - Abstracts
Why? / p. 7
The introduction formulates a series of opinions on the state of the art in Romania,
by comparison to medieval life. Historiography in the field of material culture in
the country is considered lethargic, disconnected from its European counterparts
and extremely un-critical.
The introductory pages present the motifs behind the present collection of
studies. They stand as preliminary investigations of a wider intention of the author
to research material culture in Transylvania. The various topics approached in this
work receive varied interpretations. Some of the studies have been published before
and now revised, while others are novel.
1. Debating professionalism
Radu Popa and the development of medieval archaeology in Romania / p. 11
Radu Popa was part of the second generation of medieval archaeologists working in
Romania. This made him a pioneer. After his death in 1993, his former pupils and
friends started to pay their respects, repeatedly, through several symposiums,
homage volumes (Feschrifts), and through re-editing his works. The present article
attempts to critically re-evaluate Radu Popa s contribution in the context of the
latest developments in Romanian medieval archaeology.
Through his writings prior to 1989 (the political turning point in
Rotnania), Radu Popa already positioned himself as a possible dissident. Soon after,
he published some of the harshest pages on the subordination of historiography to
338 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
un-normal stereotypes. He was not supported by his colleagues and it seems that
his initiative was taken up again only in the recent years.
Radu Popa was the first to initiate archaeological research in the medieval
districts with large Romanian population. He wrote two fundamental monographs,
one on Maramureş and the other on Haţeg. The works were of unequal value, with
the first surpassing the latter. Unfortunately, the district of Maramureş did not
attract further interest while Haţeg, on the contrary, was the focus of recent
research. According to Radu Popas methodology, other of his followers continued
his research on Banat (placing less emphasis on the written sources) and on
Făgăraş (dealing less with archaeology). His working formula, starting from a good
knowledge of the written sources, was very difficult to apply considering that
archaeology is drastically separated in Romanian universities from the study of
history.
Initiating research in the territories chartered to the Teutonic Knights
(Bârsa, 1211-1225), Radu Popa did not have the time to reach consistent
conclusions. The only contribution was a monograph on Feldioara.
The establishment of new quality standards in the research of historical
monument is also due to Radu Popa. One needs to compare his efforts to those of
the specialists from the former Direction of Historical Monuments or those of
museographers.
He also opened up research on castellology, focusing especially on small
fortifications. One also needs to acknowledge his contribution to the history of
Byzantine fortifications from the time of the Macedonian Dynasty.
Radu Popa was paradoxical in his research of material culture, but this
was due to the chaos that limited the research of specialists both before and after
1989. Focusing on the small world of Romanian medieval elites in Transylvania,
one could only guess the richness of material culture in the province. All those
involved in the research of such items were left frustrated by their relative scarcity
with the elite, the major ecclesiastical centers, and the cities. Some researches have
already indicated that there might be much more to be discovered. Only after Radu
Popa’s death did the first synthesis works on weapons, various tools, glass, bronze
or bone items appear. Radu Popa was also the one who first studied stove tiles in
Romania, but his followers rather focused on quantity and not quality analyses of
this rich material.
Extensive rescue excavations in towns, partly published, unfortunately
cannot be compared to the similar research performed in the rest of Central and
Eastern Europe. These rescue excavations have focused excessively on fieldwork,
lacking to an alarming degree their historical fundaments and understanding.
Contents - Abstract | 339
Among the drawbacks of the period after Radu Popa’s passing, some have
insisted on the lack of research on Romanian rural settlements. The problems can
be extended to all villages, since the meanwhile progresses indicate that archaeology
alone cannot point to the characteristics of Romanian medieval villages.
The absence of Radu Popa as a personality had serious repercussions on
related fields such as the organization of archaeological research, the teaching of
the discipline, and the specialized periodicals and publications. Since his syntheses
on the development of medieval archaeology in the ‘70s, there was hardly any
interest in assembling an overview on the topic.
In Romania, archaeology and medieval studies in general did not manage
to impose clear chronologies for their fields of interest, as in Western Europe.
Specialists still debate over obscure periods, such as that between the end of
Antiquity and the beginning of the second millennium A.D., just as some talk
about the “feudal age” until the eighteenth century.
There is also much to say about the political and administrative
dispositions of the Ministry of Culture and Cults that lead to a series of regrettable
effects, such as: the regional archaeological monopoly of the museums; a
hierarchical formal classification of archaeologists based on dubious “professional
files”; the use of a plagiarized work by a high official of the same ministry as
regulation guide for research excavations; the limitation of the right to practice to
favored companies directed by the youngest and most faithful followers of Radu
Popa; the embarrassing obedience of archaeologists to sham architects or engineers
in monument restoration; and the unsanctioned transfer of specialists from
archaeological fields to medieval archaeology.
The “school” of medieval archaeology in which Radu Popa was involved
was neither the one from Bucharest, Cluj-Napoca nor Iaşi (the capitals of the
former large historical provinces of Romania), but it was a conjectural one
grouping all those passionate about their work who had the patience to surpass the
hardships of life in Romania. They were not selected by value but by chance. The
same school continues to function, with all its problems, in the absence of
specialized theoretical education.
There still exist bipolar relations between master and pupils, who are
reunited in the daily practice of their work, in “producing” direct archaeological
documentation and not in the classic and established teaching context. The
obtuseness of the directors of universities has denied Romanian students from
Transylvania the theoretical education in medieval archaeology so that the field is
now almost the monopoly of Hungarian students. For the latter, they had the
determination to refuse the exaggeration of Dacian and Roman archaeology
because they were more persistent in the search for their national archaeology, and
340 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
because they were favored through the support and infusion of highly prepared
specialists from Hungary.
Most medieval archaeologists active nowadays in Romania are located in
Transylvania. We still need to evaluate Radu Popa s direct contribution to this state
of the art. But comparatively, medieval archaeology in Moldavia, once the most
productive and full of achievements, is in decline, while those in Wallachia and
Dobrudja hardly produce any studies.
As a mentor, the historian we are writing about and who will always be
mentioned in future studies, did not have the chance to create solidarity in his
branch neither through specific associations, nor around any periodical or
publication. Only someone familiar in detail with the development of European
archaeology could have warned against what was to follow in the new capitalism.
The respect one feels for Radu Popa becomes constructive only when it
leads to continuations or corrections of what he did and not when it changes him
in an untouchable classical figure or when it leads to unfounded critics of his works
that go beyond normal historiographical enterprises.
2. Taking over
Antique material continuity in the district of Haţeg (in the Pre-Renaissance and
Early Renaisance periods) / p. 25
Limiting the present enquiry to the territory of Haţeg seemed an easier task in
the beginning. In this district, the elements of material continuity have entered
historiography more than anywhere else in Dacia. The antiquities were so often
re֊used, that one is not surprised to find enduring transfigurations as well. The
church in Densuş was labeled as "mausoleum of Longinus Maximus” or “temple
of Mars”. The fortification in Haţeg (the village of Subcetate, in Sântămărie
Orlea) has also received such classicist denominations. Since Giovanni Andrea
Gromo (1564) and until the relatively recently published map Tabula Imperii, the
keep of the fortification with a six-side ground plan has been considered a
Roman watch tower.
Medieval men and women had lots to choose from the Dacian civilization.
They did not go for Grădiştea de Munte, the ancient capital of the Dacian kings,
but to closer objectives. The case is exemplified by the re-use of fortifications such
as those in Băiţa and Piatra Roşie. Today it is almost impossible to discern the
contribution of each era and the medieval chronology is only attested, with certain
precautions, for the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Other Dacian
fortifications erected in the Iron Gates of Transylvania have received topographic
Contents ֊ Abstract | 341
attention relatively late and the surveys are still to be published. One should note in
those cases the accumulation of interventions from different periods.
The number of Roman edifices and installations in the area is impressive.
It is due to the location there of the provincial capital (Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa),
with its means of communication and network of roads. The ancient Roman
topography was superposed by that of the Romanians. Sarmizegetusa alone bares
evidence of a perfect overlapping of the medieval habitation on top of that of the
ancient city. When documents first appear, they mention on the spot a certain
Britonia, later becoming Grădişte or Varhel. Both the Slavic and the Hungarian
place names testify to the existence of a fortification on the site.
Medieval circulation on the Roman roads of Haţeg depended on the road
from Sarmizegetusa to Ostrov, Unciuc, Sânpetru, Sântămărie Orlea, continuing
north on Strei Valley. Another road might have also been in use on Strei valley, but
going up to the river’s springs, towards Merişor Pass. When circulation was
blocked along the imperial route leading down to the Danube, by the Iron Gates of
Transylvania, no foreign military group or political authority could enter Ţara
Haţegului and so the region became an enclosure opened only to the north.
One does not know when the imperial road was closed, but there is
evidence for the time when it was re-opened, right after the middle of the
fourteenth century. A bridge associated to a custom tax is mentioned in 1439, in a
place once called the Pons August։ station.
It is only in Haţeg that specialists suspected the continuity of ancient
hydrographic works. The district obviously benefits from an extremely rationalized
network that preventively divides the streams richly supplied by the precipitations
from the Retezat Mountains, in the lowest part of the homonym valley.
Any abandoned place that proved to be a good building investment
became a “treasure place”, understood in general, as resources. The search for such
building resources has been limited by the right of property. It is impossible to
imagine that such searches could have been exterior, free, and unsanctioned
enterprises. The Roman stones from Sarmizegetusa reached beyond the villages of
Clopotiva, Râu de Mori, Ostrov, Unciuc, Sânpetru, Reea, or Fărcădin only after the
Middle Ages, either through legal commerce or through the mix or division of
noble properties. Therefore all Roman stones included in medieval monuments are
of local origin. The origin of certain epigraphs thus needs to be re-discussed.
The continuation of ancient buildings can be exemplified with the case of
the royal fortification from Haţeg (last third of the thirteenth century). Roman
building material has been brought from a near by villa rustica while Roman
marble was used in the making of mortar. But it was churches that most benefited
from Roman spolia. That from Sarmizegetusa contained inscriptions, but it has
342 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Lransylvania
been demolished in the middle of the seventeenth century. The best example is
nevertheless the cult place in Densuş that still impresses through its superimposed
altars that form central supporting pillars, its columns lined up against the exterior
wall like false buttresses, its canal openings becoming skylight windows, and its
bricks lined as a zigzag frieze under the cornice or used for the inner floor. The
“model” of Densuş is also followed in the case of other churches: Peşteana (XIII-
XV c.), Ostrov (XIV-XV c.), Sânpetru, Mălăieşti (XV c.), Galaţi, Nălaţi şi Vad
(before 1500, all disappeared), Tuştea (before 1500, but with radical interventions),
Haţeg (XIV-XVI C-, lost), Zeicani (lacking clear dating).
Roman spolia are not very numerous in medieval military or residential
architecture.
Other antique materials have been re-used, such as those made of iron or
bronze. The coins were treasured for their silver content. In rare cases, the re-use of
Roman pottery (tableware) is also testified.
A reactivation of the connection between Antiquity and Middle Ages took
place in Haţeg only after the second half of the fifteenth century, in the context of
major changes inside the noble class. Part of its members accepted Catholicism
and, implicitly, Latin culture. They were educated in humanist schools from the
Kingdom of Hungary or the near-by states. Some Romanian noble families, such as
Areas from Densuş and Mores from Ciula, had important merits in the knowledge
of Roman antiquities from Haţeg.
The medieval attitudes towards Roman relics in Haţeg never disappeared.
The most significant episode, with yet insufficiently studied effects, took place
when the local peasants gave up wooden architecture for buildings in favor of more
resistant materials.
3. Non-material things
Representations of plows on the wall paint of the medieval monument in
Streisângeorgiu (Hunedoara County) / p. 41
The medieval church in Streisângeorgiu (Hunedoara County) has been
archaeologically researched in 1975. A large part of the wall paint in the altar, dated
to 1313-1314, has been cleaned for restoration and conservation. Numerous
inscriptions and incised drawings became apparent on the occasion. Twelve
representations on plows must the noted, most of them scratched on the southern
wall of the altar (11, 12) and only two (11, 12) on its eastern wall. Each of them is
described separately.
Contents - Abstract | 343
Dating elements are researched according to iconographical and
archaeological sources. The author concludes that the ploughs from Streisângeorgiu
have been drawn sometime in the fourteenth or the fifteenth century.
Because ploughs are not independent iconographie themes, one must
think of their connection to Saint George, the patron of the church in
Streisângeorgiu, initially a protector of peasants, of plowmen. His feast, on April
23rd, corresponds to a folk feast called “The oxen of Saint George” or “Tânjaua” that
celebrates the plowman who goes out in the filed for the first time that year.
The author draws attention to the value of these drawings that cannot be
interpreted as common images or as desecrations, but as expressions of a mentality
from the margins of the art-producing world.
PI. 1. a. Distribution of plows on the southern wall of the altar; b. Detail of plow
no. 3;
PI. 2. Drawings after the plows from Streisângeorgiu.
4. Depicted objects
“Corpus Christi” from the fortification of Oradea. On how much we know
about a type of fourteen-century liturgical inventory / p. 53
The author focuses on a small gilded bronze representation of the crucified Christ
discovered in 1997 during the archaeological excavations from the fortification in
Oradea. The item has been uncovered in the area between two of the medieval
curtain walls, on the western side of the site.
After describing the artifact (PL 1), the author briefly mentions the
Corporis Christi cult, the feast instituted in 1264 and its use as dedication of
churches, altars, or religious confraternities in Transylvania.
The most ancient analogies have been produced in the eleventh centuries
in western European workshops. Among them, only the workshop in Limoges
(France) can be identified with certainty. During the subsequent century, the
archaeological items from the former bishopric of Oradea are already relatively well
attested. It is only towards the end of the thirteenth century that the analogies
become stylistically more similar to the item from Oradea. Two small sculptures
must be highlighted under this respect, one from Dvorniky (Slovakia) and another
from a collection in Budapest.
The author lists all similar discoveries. Some items, from southern and
eastern Transylvania, seem to belong to lesser quality workshops. Unlike these, a
344 I Investigations of medieval material culture in L'ransylvania
sculpture from Dăbâca can be related to a similar group of items from Visegrad
(Hungary).
The Corpus from Oradea can certainly be dated to the fourteenth century,
probably from the middle of the interval. Considering its technical details, the
artifact lacks direct analogies. It probably belongs to a workshop that did not stand
out through the creation of such small sculptures so far. It might have functioned
somewhere around the place of discovery. One knows about the existence, in the
area around Oradea, of bell makers’ settlements and mines (with metals fit for the
alloy necessary for the production of bells). During the time of king Ludovic I, the
bishopric could afford to have brothers Martin and George from Cluj cast some of
the most remarkable bronze sculptures of the entire central-european Middle Ages.
PI. I. Corpus Christi from the fortification in Oradea: a. Photos; b. Drawings;
PI. 2. The casting of a Corpus (after Ornamenta ecclesiae);
PL 3. Corpuses from the fourteenth century: a-b. Veszprem (after Bodor I.);
c. Dăbâca (after P. Iambor);
PL 4. Analogies: a. Oradea (detail); b. Dvorniky (after M. Slivka); c. Budapest
(after Lovag Zsuzsa);
PL 5. Corpus Christi from Transylvania.
Star-shaped medieval brooches / p. 68
Several building complexes and artifacts have been discovered in 1992 during the
archaeological excavations performed in the area of the Apor palace in Alba Iulia.
A small item resembling a star-shaped bronze buckle appeared from section III. Its
discovery context did not allow researchers to establish its origin and dating. It
came up from above the ancient Roman legionary agger, from medieval layers that
contained mixed pottery fragments dated to the thirteen century or even earlier.
Similar items have been previously discovered in Romania, in Alba Iulia
(kept in the museum deposits), Copaceni (Vâlcea County) (from the ruins of a
former Roman castrum), Orăştie (Hunedoara County) (fortification), Bogdan-
Vodă (Maramureş County) (noble residence), Dăbâca (Cluj County) (fortification),
Deta (Timiş County) (collection item), Cefa (Bihor County) (medieval village).
Such buckets/brooches were also made of precious metals. Two superb
items of gild silver from the former medieval kingdom of Hungary can be given as
examples. One was discovered in Kelebia/Baja (present-day Hungary) and the
other in Banatski Despotovac (Serbia).
The available iconographie sources containing representations of these
items are extremely numerous. The most ancient depictions of such brooches can
Contents - Abstract | 345
be seen worn by the personified Synagogue on St. Peter’s cathedral and on St.
George’s choir in Bamberg (Germany), dated to 1225 and 1237 respectively.
Another brooch is to be noted on a statue from the dome in Magdenburg, dated
1240- 1250. Around 1250, Uta’s statue from the western choir of St. Peter and
Paul’s cathedral in Naumburg (Germany) was also endowed with a similar brooch.
Representations of the sort also appear in the kingdom of Hungary. Something
similar features already on ordinary denarii in Slavonia minted towards the end of
the thirteenth century. The coat of arms of the Cudar family offers much more
solid analogies. Representations of six-corner brooches can be found on heraldic
shields, on the field of family seals or on the tombstones of bishop Ladislas Cudar
of Bocs (Borsod, Hungary), in Pannonhalma (1372) and of bishop Emeric Cudar
of Ónod (Borsod, Hungary). Their heraldic devices could be seen, due to their use
by family members, not only in the centers where the two bishops have lived, but
also in other places where they were active, in Croatia, Slavonia, in the counties of
Abaúj, Borsod, Sáros, Szepes, Trencsén, Zelmplén, at Diósgyőr, Székesfehérvár or
Visegrad, or across the kingdom, everywhere they received dignities such as those
of judex regni, magister of the court or cupbearer. Another iconographic testimony
can be found on the tombstone of Martin von Seinsheim (t 26 December 1434),
from Mary’s chapel in Würzburg. The deceased is shown wearing a necklace with
five pendants consisting of star-shaped brooches.
The most certainly dated iconographic sources indicate that the brooches
of this sort have been created and used from the middle of the thirteenth century
until the first decades of the fifteenth century.
Most studies on artifacts tend to create taxonomies, but they seem to have
ignored the identity and the distribution of such accessories. Star-shaped brooches
have been discovered in Germany, the Czech Republic, Austria, the largest part of
the Kingdom of Hungary, and even beyond these areas, at least in Wallachia and
Bulgaria. Their spread seems to have been determined to some extent by the
activity of several workshops. In the kingdom of Hungary, at least, these
production centers abused of a typical Angevin heraldic symbol, the lily that was
represented, in a more or less stylized manner, on the corners of the brooches.
This is another indication of the fact that these brooches were preferred during the
fourteenth century.
The shape of all items under discussion clearly indicates how they were
worn, pined on less resistant materials such as textiles or thin leather. There are
two main types of brooches, those with closed front and those created in
openwork. Few items belonging to the first group have been discovered. Based on
iconographic representations, German and Anglo-Saxon researchers have called
them brooches (Broschen), but also pins (Spange). A Hungarian art historian
346 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
prefers the French term for fastener (fermai!). I have also noted the use of the term
clothes appliqué. It is true that in the beginning brooches were used as dress
ornaments, taking over the function of the largely used antique fibulae. The
iconographie sources suggest that they were worn on the upper chest, towards the
neck, not necessarily to pin down materials but solely as decorations
I suggest the following classification, each category allowing for several
variants:
L Star-shaped brooches with six corners, ending in stylized lilies, and the
surface decorated with punched circles or left undecorated.
II. Star-shaped brooches with eight corners.
II. Star-shaped brooches with more than eight corners.
PL 1. Brooches from Romania: a. Copăceni; b. Alba Iulia; c-d. Dăbâca (after
P. Iambor);
PL 2. Brooches from Romania: a. Cuhea - Bogdan Vodă (after R. Popa, M. Zdroba);
b. Orăştie; c. Cefa (after I. Crişan); d. Deta;
PL 3. Distribution map of star-shaped brooches from Romania;
PL 4. Iconographie representations: a. Uta from Naumburg; b. Martin von
Seinsheim from Würzburg; c. Coat of arms of the Cudar family;
PL 5. Similar brooches: a. Banatski Despotovac (Serbia); b. Kelebia/Baja (Hungary);
c and e. Pilis (Hungary); d. Krásno (Slovakia); f. Ducové (Slovakia).
On battle knives from medieval Transylvania / p. 86
The study starts with the observation that several iconographie sources (such as the
representations of master Bâlea from Crişcior ֊ 1412, of Saint Ladislas from
Ghelinţa - around 1330, a stratēģos from inside the church of Saint Margaret from
Mediaş - 1420, and a knight from Mărtiniş - in the fifteenth century) depict a type
of short weapon, without guard and with the handle shaped as for a single blade.
More examples could be found, but the sample is relevant enough to shed some
light on the function of this type of weapons. A preliminary chronology would
place them in the interval 1330-1420, while their spread can be noted for entire
Transylvania. The weapon is not associated with people too poor to afford a sword
but with one or two kings, a stratēģos, a knight, and a Romanian noble, a “jupan”.
One should also note that these sources indicate the use of the weapon across most
ethnical contexts in the province, by the Szeklers, the Saxons and the Romanians.
One thus starts the analysis of battle knives as weapons distinct from the
sword, the spade or other weapon with blades pertaining to the same group.
Contents - Abstract
347
In its daily use, the knife was indispensable for everyone in the Middle
Ages, despite social condition, age, or even gender. It was common and therefore
remained anonymous. His use was so intense that from time to time knives became
an issue of European-scale commerce and production. Knife production in Central
and Eastern Europe has already been discussed. By the end of the Middle Ages the
production of knives was strongly associated with towns.
One must decide which knives were used as weapons (like those from the
iconographical sources) and which just as tools. The images suggest that the battle
knives were larger than the common ones. In commercial documents the
difference is never stated so one must turn to the archaeological sources.
A lot of previously unpublished knives have been discovered in the
fortification of Codlea. The author inventories and discusses several other
discoveries and published items, sometimes re-interpreting them.
A large knife can be seen as a battle one especially when it is accompanied
by a sheath, attached or not to a belt, and its metal tip. Scabbard mounts are
analyzed as interesting discoveries, starting with those from Codlea and continuing
with others from Cladova and Dăbâca. Other examples, though not very frequent,
come from the regions neighboring Transylvania.
As a weapon of the military elites, in the western part of present-day
Romania, the battle knife seems to have been used from the thirteenth century, and
at least in Transylvania it was frequently used in the fourteenth century, and the
first decades of the next century.
PL 1. Iconographic representations: a. Jupan Balea (Crişcior); b. Saint Ladislas
(Ghelinţa); c. Stratēģos (Mediaş); d. Stove tile with an unidentified scene
(Bucharest);
PI. 2. Knives from the fortification of Codlea;
PL 3. Metal tips from knife scabbards: a. Codlea; b-d. Dăbâca;
Pl. 4. Metal frames for knife scabbards: a-g. Codlea; h-o. Cladova;
PL 5. Distribution of battle knives in Transylvania.
From metal to pottery. Adam and Eve: the dispersion and the transition of
decorations / p. Ill
The study focuses on the depiction on stove tiles of the well-known iconographic
motif of Adam and Eve by the Tree of Knowledge.
The author refers to the main representations known so far on tiles from
Central Europe (Germany, Austria, the Czech Republic and Hungary). The most
ancient items from the Kingdom of Hungary date back to the time of king
348 ļ Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
Sigismund of Luxemburg (1384-1437). In Transylvania, only a small series of tiles
discovered in Feldioara (dated to the end of the fifteenth century) can be certainly
ascribed to this group. It is important to note that none of them have been directly
inspired by the tiles discovered so far in Hungary.
For a while now, the historiography of artistic representations on metal
objects is aware of the so-called “Hosman patera” that contains the representation
of Adam and Eve. The vessel is part of an impressive series spread throughout
Central and Eastern Europe. It has been probably produced in the workshops of
Niirenberg.
Paterae have been imitated in clay, and their decoration was also
reproduced on pottery in a manner that was not very usual for this type of
containers.
In this context the author argues that the decoration of the Niirenberg
paterae and that of stove tiles could have influenced each other. Comparing a stove
tile from Vienna, the Niirenberg paterae, and the stove tiles from Feldioara, one
notes a series of impressive similarities. The study does not reach definitive
conclusions, but it sets the formal similarities that testify for the existence of
decorative transfers between items discovered in close proximity.
PI. 1. Stove tiles depicting Adam and Eve: a. Točnik (The Czech Republic);
b. Altenberg (Austria); c. Vienna-Nurenberg;
PL 2. Stole tile fragments from Feldioara (after Daniela Marcu Istrate);
PI. 3. The Hosman patera;
PI. 4. Paterae from Niirenberg: a. Berlin (Germany); b. Inowlodz (Poland);
c. Dubrovnik (Croatia); d. Korčula (Croatia); e. Budapest (Hungary); f. Lišov
(Slovakia);
PI. 5. Ceramic patera from Buda (after Veres Szilvia Edit).
Medieval glass from Transylvania. Outline and archaeological sources / p. 122
General considerations
No research on medieval glass items in Transylvania has ever been performed. In
the first part of this study the author refers to those elements that could recompose
such a history.
After the year 1000 Byzantine glass items permeated today’s Romanian
territory from the south. Most of them were jewels, such as bracelets, beads,
buttons, and rings. No such discoveries have been made for the thirteenth century
and only in the fourteenth does the situation change radically due to western
imports. The author goes on to mention several categories of glass items.
Contents - Abstract | 349
In architecture, glass was used for windows. In Transylvania, the sources
indicate the existence of more numerous glass windows in the end of the fifteenth
century, in cities such as Cluj, Sibiu, and Braşov, but also in the bishopric center of
Alba Iulia and in certain residences. The most frequent components were round
glass panes with looped edges. Panes with only slightly curved margins are used
from the sixteenth century.
Indirect sources are only available for tools and utensils, more precisely
from those who were supposed to use them: the miners, the alchemists and the
pharmacists. The written mentions of tools and utensils are also no older than the
fifteenth century.
The first documented mirror was exported to Walachia in 1558. As for
jewelry, there is no express mention that they were also being made out of glass.
One only finds written evidence of “gold imitations” and “beads”.
Evidence on the use of glass tableware can be found first of all from wall
paintings (the most ancient, from Ghelinţa, dating to the fourteenth century).
Fragments of glass vessels have been discovered during several archaeological
investigations on various sites.
Glass blowers were mostly living in Cluj, Sibiu, Râşnov-Braşov and
Oradea. Despite the fact that one should presume the existence of specialized
workshops, clear evidence of them can only be found in the sixteenth century,
when Italian masters were called in to improve the quality of local products.
Evidence of imported glass goods also intensify during the same century.
Such imports mostly came from the west. After the conquest of Central Hungary
by the Turks (1541), the commercial route through Poland was consolidated.
A rchaeologica l finds
1. A glass ring from Alba Iulia. The item was discovered on the northern
side of the fortification, in a house dated by two coins issued by king Bela III
(1172-1196). It has been made of milky, yellow glass paste, being probably a
Byzantine import.
2. The glass medallion from Vinţu de Jos (Alba County). The piece has been
discovered during an archaeological investigation from the former Dominican
monastery. The medallion (Fig. 4) is slightly ellipsoidal in shape (28 x 26 mm),
with a core made of a 3 millimeter-thick vitreous paste with high relief characters
raising with 1.5-2 millimeters more. The glass is purple-red, with numerous lighter
or black-blue veins. The front side of the medallion has been completely gilded.
The back side and the sides have been covered in bronze leaf. The item depicts the
Crucifixion accompanied by an inscription in Greek letters. The item is part of a
relatively small series of medallions preserved in important museums and
350 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
collections (from London, Philadelphia, New York, Paris, Madrid, Turin, Istanbul,
Athens and several formerly soviet museums). The Byzantines had produced such
pieces from glass in order to reduce expenses. The discovery of such medallions
accompanied by Latin inscriptions has led researchers to believe that Byzantine
workshops also functioned in the Venetian possessions created after the Fourth
Crusade (1204) or that there existed Venetian items working in the Byzantine
tradition. The dating of this group of items to the thirteenth century is generally
accepted. Admitting that the medallion from Vinţu de Jos has been created in that
century, it could have only reached the site after 1300. By that time the monastery
did not exist yet but was being planned.
3. The glass makers house from Alha lulia, from the time of Sigismund of
Luxemburg. Its remains have been unearthed in the same area where the glass ring
was discovered but in another complex (conventionally called L9) that was dated by
an obol issued by the Sigismund de Luxemburg (dated between 1390 and1427).
Fragments of glass containers mostly come from glasses with feet
delimited by small feet, with deep bottoms and walls decorated with “drops”. Other
fragments clearly come from glasses shaped like two cone trunks, having a central
looped ring, and one probably from a votive light.
4. Glass panes from the ancient bishop’s palace in la Oradea. The items
have also been published in the special volume dedicate to the archaeology of the
fortification. They certainly came from a lay building. Since their publication,
similar items started to be mentioned on other locations as well.
5. Glass panes from the ancient Dominican monastery and the Martinuzzi
castle in Vinţu de Jos (Alba County). A number of glass panes have been discovered
together, near the southern walls of the former monastic church. They include
fragments from round panes with looped margins, triangular panes and one
fragment from a lead window frame.
6. Several glass vessels from Sibiu. They have been discovered in 1991, but
were never published. One of the most important, a bottle, has been graphically
reconstructed.
PI. 1. Medieval glass from Transylvania (1000-1600). 1. Glass items in documents
and iconographic sources; 2. Archaeological discoveries; 3. Mentions of glass
makers; 4. Glass producing workshops;
PI. 2. Iconographic representations: a. Crazy virgin (Sâncraiu de Mureş); b. Last
Supper (Prejmer);
PI. 3. A glass maker’s house from Alba lulia and a glass ring;
Pi. 4. Medallion from Vinţu de Jos: a. Photo; b. Drawing;
PI. 5. Glasses with dots from Alba lulia;
Contents - Abstract | 351
PI. 6. Alba Iulia: a-b. Flasks; c. Middle ring from a flask; d. Fragment from a votive
light; c. Fragment from a chalice foot;
PI. 7. Vinţu de Jos: a-f. Glass elements from windows; g. Fragment from a window
frame;
PL 8. Reconstruction of a window from Vinţu de Jos;
PL 9. Glass jar from Sibiu.
Stove tiles from Transylvania (III). Three medieval decorative motifs / p. 159
Romanian historiography has been recently enriched by a vast work on medieval
stove tiles from Transylvania. The author intends here to present a few
complementary, diverging or new data to the above mentioned work. The initiative
seems only normal considering that Daniela Marcu Istrate was granted access and
publication rights to a large number of tiles discovered during the archaeological
campaigns led by the author.
1. The knighty the lion and the dragon. The scene features on stove tiles
from Făgăraş and Vinţu de Jos having been described as part of a “hunting scene”.
Another similar item has been relatively recently discovered in Alba Iulia. Other
tiles from Moldavia or Slovakia are decorated with similar representations.
The motif has been recently analyzed starting from a floor tile discovered
in the Cistercian abbey from Pilis. It bears a French influence (from Chretien de
Troyes’ Chevalier au Lion) and can be dated to the thirteenth century. Through
some unidentified way it reached an Angevine stove tile (from the fourteenth
century) from Buda castle.
2. The “end” of Melusine and the “rebirth” of the two-tailed siren. The
representation of half-woman half-fish siren on stove tiles has been called,
incorrectly, Melusine. The author makes the terminological correction and
analyzes the tiles from Turea, Cristurul Secuiesc and Feldioara. Similar items have
been published from Mihăileni and Sâncrăieni. New discoveries from Cluj-Napoca
and Oradea can be added to the discussion.
Martin Nejedly signed a detail analysis of nymph Melusine and her weekly
transformations into a snake (sometimes half snake, with dragon wings). The
Czech author rightfully considered that it would be unfair to continue confusing
the two tailed siren with the Melusine.
In Romania, the confusion existed too, being perpetrated by art historians.
Other representations, considered simply as “fantastic animals”, could
rather be identified with Melusine, especially a half-bird siren from a tile from
Hârlău (Moldavia).
352 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
All analogies from Hungary and the Czech Republic indicate that the
motif of the two-tailed siren was only popular on stove tiles in the fifteenth century.
Such can be the dating of the items from Turea and those discovered in Moldavia;
but not for the tile(s) from Feldioara. The item from Cristuru Secuiesc has been
dated to the end of the sixteenth century.
3. The preaching wolf A tile from Suceava described as depicting a fox
preaching to some geese has been published for the first time in 1988 and dated to
sometime before 1476.
In Transylvania, several fragments from Feldioara recompose the same
motif, despite the fact that they have been previously unrelated and un-identified.
Zdeněk Měřínský analyzed the scene and its dispersion. To the tiles from
the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia, one can add those from Romania.
Pi. 1. Stove tiles depicting the fight of the knight and the lion against the dragon:
a. Vinţu de Jos; b. Făgăraş (after Voica M. Puşcaşu); c. Alba Iulia (re-drawn
after Daniela Marcu Istrate);
PL 2. Stove tiles from Vinţu de Jos;
Pl. 3. Late variants: a. Baia (after Lia and A. Bătrâna); b. Târgovişte; c. Nitra
(Slovakia) (after Gertruda Březinova, M. Samuel, etc.);
PL 4. Pavement brick from Pilis (Hungary) (after Réthelyi Orsolya);
Pl. 5. Representations of two-tailed sirens: a. Diósgyőr (after Boldizsár P., Kocsis
Edit, Sabján T.); b. Cluj-Napoca (Eroilor Street); c. Sâncrăieni (after
Kémenes Mónika); d. Cristuru Secuiesc (after Benkő E.);
PL 6. The preaching wolf: a. Feldioara (re-drawn after Daniela Marcu Istrate);
b. Suceava (after Paraschiva-Victoria Batariuc);
PL 7. Preaching wolf from Banska Bystrica (Slovakia) (after Marta Mácelová).
Stove tiles from Transylvania (IV). The knight in tournament / p. 180
Situated on the footsteps of the Retezat Mountains, in south-west Transylvania, the
fortification in Mălăieşti was owned by the cnez family from Sălaş Valley. It
gradually developed along the centuries from a simple refuge keep to a proper
medieval noble residence.
Among the variety of stove tiles discovered during archaeological
excavations on the site, several fragments drew attention. When put together, they
re-created four or five tiles decorated with a knight in tournament. Unlike their
published analogies, these tiles have vertical frames with star-shaped decorations,
one frame in the lower part consisting of groups of three leafs, and under the
Contents - Abstract | 353
horse's belly there are two relief representations of a Turk's head and a unicorn.
The items were neither in open-work, nor glazed. They were in use for a long time.
The models for the knight in tournament tiles were first created for a stove
from Buda (the capital city of the Kingdom of Hungary). A series of observations,
largely still valid today, have been made on the transmission of the motif. Several
tiles decorated with it have been discovered in Transylvania. One of the best
known, but lost in the meanwhile, is a tile from the castle of Hunedoara that
belonged to the family of governor loan of Hunedoara (Hunyadi) and his heirs (his
widow Elisabeth and his son, king Mätiä I Corvinus). It has been presumed that
those tiles have reached Hateg due to the relation between the noble owners of the
castle in Hunedoara and those from Mäläie§ti/Säla$u de Sus.
Imre Holl (the Hungarian author who first dealt with tiles with knight in
tournament) was not aware of the tiles from Malaie§ti. When they were published,
a larger number of analogies unknown to Imre Holl have been indicated. A
fragment from Sibiu, depicting a knight turned towards the right, had already led
to the conclusion that the stove from Buda was repeatedly copied in Transylvania.
Other copies from the collections of the museums in Sibiu and Cluj have been
mentioned on that occasion.
Daniela Marcu (Istrate) was next to focus on the motif, but her initial
classification criteria were wrong. The author retraces and corrects her intricate
and faulty taxonomy, establishing that the tiles in Malaie^ti are closer to those from
Ora§tie and that the items from Alba Iulia were directly related to those from Pecs.
Other groups of tiles, from Cluj and Lita, then from Cristian and Fagara§, are
imitations of lesser quality.
In fact, the conclusion is that Daniela Marcu (Istrate) completely lost the
red thread of her argumentation, not focusing on the main decorative element of
the motif but digressing towards the peripheral representations, pushing the
analysis beyond the limits of Gothic art. In the presence of several tile fragments,
the author has forced them into diverging or identical groups, on the base of
random criteria. She should have left out the irrelevant or too small fragments. One
can see that there is a group of tiles certainly depicting the knight in tournament,
and other that only contain Gothic arches identical or similar to those framing the
knight in question. The classification error was continued by random restrictions.
Certain frames, that could have accompanied knights in tournament but other
representations as well, became the components of an analysis already confusing
due to the discontinuities in the text, the faulty descriptions, and the improper
detail comparisons. Several tiles have been analyzed repeatedly, in different parts of
the text and under different groups, and this indicates that the author could not
find for them a clear place in the designed structure.
354 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
None of the new items indicated as analogies for the series of the knight in
tournament did not lead to chronological corrections for their presence in
Transylvania. The author mentions Imre Holl’s chronology, but also the more
recent ones, established by a larger group of researchers.
One of the most important issues left unsolved relates to the connection
between the tiles with the knight in tournament from Transylvania and those
discovered previously in Moldavia. Paraschiva-Victoria Batariuc most often
researched the topic. Her very good observations made her conclude on a later
dating, “from the end of the fifteenth century, probably in the last years of Mathias
Corvinus”, so before 1490, but also “the end of the fifteenth century and the first
decades of the subsequent one”.
In Walachia, closely related tiles have been discovered among the ruins of
the princely court in Targovi§te. Considering the new chronologies of the
prototype, the tiles from Targovi§te should also be re-interpreted.
PI. 1. a-d. Stove tile fragments from the fortification in Malaie$ti;
Pi. 2. a. Stove tile fragment from the fortification in Malaie$ti; b. Graphic
reconstruction of the stove tile from Malaie$ti; c. Stove tile from Buda;
d. Stove tile from Hunedoara;
PL 3. a. The “fake” knight in tournament from Moldavia; b. Tile fragment from
Vintu de Jos; c. Tile fragment from Cluj-Napoca;
PI. 4. a, f. Tile fragments from Cluj-Napoca; b-c. Tile fragments from Lita;
d-e. Tile fragment from Ora^tie (after Daniela Marcu Istrate);
PI. 5. Comparisons: a. Stove tile from Ora^tie (after Daniela Marcu Istrate);
b. Stove tile from Malaie^ti;
PL 6. Comparisons: a. Stove tile from Pecs (after Holl Imre); b. Stove tile from
Alba lulia; c. Stove tile from Fagara$ (after Daniela Marcu Istrate);
Pi. 7. Stove tile from Moldavia: a. Suceava - castle; b. Suceava - court of prince;
c. Suceava - detalil with heraldic shield (after Paraschiva-Victoria Batariuc);
d. Spatare§ti (after Maria-Venera Radulescu).
Contents - Abstract j 355
Stove tiles from Transylvania (V). Contributions to the provincial cult of the
saints / p. 214
Previous studies have already approached the study of representations of saints on
stove tiles from Romania (Lia and Adrian Bătrâna, Paraschiva-Victoria Batariuc,
Daniela Marcu Istrate).
1. The “reinvention ” of Saint Martin. The saint can be identified in several
postures among the stove tiles published by DMI. A first group is composed of tiles
from Făgăraş and Lăzarea. The second group includes another tile from Făgăraş
and an unpublished item from Târgu Mureş. The final variant has been discovered
in Vinţu de Jos.
2. On kings and saints. The iconographic manner of representing saints on
stove tiles is influenced by the peculiarities of clay. This is why saints can often be
confused with each other or can remain un-identified.
Some depicted kings were not saints as well. A number of unidentified
characters wear crowns. The actual depictions of saints begin in the time of King
Sigismund de Luxemburg. On a tile from Turea, a “holy king” can now be
interpreted as Magus Balthazar. A first example of holy kings who were not
depicted with royal attributes can be found on a tile from Vinţu de Jos. Copies after
it have been discovered in Râşnov.
3. On the depictions of Saint George. The military saint was one of the most
popular holy characters depicted on stove tiles. A statistic from 2006 counted 63
such tiles discovered on the territory of present-day Romania.
The cult of Saint George was promoted by the royal court of Hungary
through the establishment of a knightly order in 1326 (by King Charles Robert).
The most ancient depiction on stove tiles represents the saint on the upper
half of a large item decorated in open-work that dominated the composition of a
series of stoves from the beginning of the fifteenth century from Buda, Old Buda,
Pomáz, and Székesfehérvár. The type did not reach Transylvania.
Another tile from Buda dated ca. 1440 has more or less accurate analogies
in Suceava. It has also been found in Slovakia (Banska Bystrica).
Tiles with Saint George form real series from the second half of the
fifteenth century. DMI tried to order them as well, but we need to readjust her
descriptions, dating and classification criteria. There is a group depicting the saint
on horseback, fighting with a spear, on horseback using a sword, or on foot.
As in the case of kings or holy kings, Saint George risks of being identified
wrongly when the stove tiles are only preserved fragmentarily. There are also other
saints associated with dragons (like the knightly saint Michael ֊ Cetatea de Baltă,
Cluj or like certain female saints). The depiction of the episode with the knight and
356 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
the lion fighting the dragon appears on stove tiles from the end of the fourteenth
century. Both main symbols appear there, the knight and the dragon, but there is
no Saint George. In their turn, (royal) knights in tournament can easily be
confused with the saint.
4. More general observations. Stove tiles with religious representations can
be classified as containing: Old Testament scenes (group A), episodes from Christ's
life (group B) and Mary’s life (group C), proper saints (group D), and special
Christian symbols (angels, crosses, symbols, allegories, etc.) (group E).
The analysis of the material should follow certain methodological steps:
a) Establishing the proportion of tiles with religious representations
among all discovered tiles. It seems that religious scenes have dominated the
decoration of stove tiles until the middle of the sixteenth century. The other
decorations, geometric-architectural, vegetal, knightly ones, probably did not
outnumber, all together, the religious motifs.
b) Comparing tiles in Transylvania with those from Moldavia, Hungary,
or other parts of Europe. Tiles reached Moldavia through Transylvania, many
bearing clearly Catholic representations. Still, some motifs have not yet been
discovered in Transylvania.
As for the comparison with Hungary, it has been noted that many tile
representations from there have also been found in Transylvania. The tile material
from the latter region is richer, through variety and quantity not through quality,
than what has been published so far, at least from Central Hungary. Identifying the
origin of the models is important if we want to determine whether Transylvania
was just a territory of reception and transit, or what was chosen and produced
locally. One cannot formulate yet a conclusion on the originality of the province
under this respect, and the impression, so far, is that decorative themes have been
selected almost randomly.
c) Attempting to create a general chronology. Religious tiles, belonging to
groups A through D, certainly did not prevail among the first generation of tiles
produced until the fourteenth century. They reached a peak of popularity in the
fifteenth century.
d) Associating tiles with the other data related to the cult of the saints in
the province. The direction has already been outlined. It has been suggested that
wall paintings were used as sources of inspiration. But wall paintings are just the
best preserved representations from the Middle Ages, and only scarce remains have
been preserved from the other decorative items (jewelry, furniture, manuscripts,
etc.). In this case, the testimony of stove tiles can contribute to the re-creation of
Gothic art.
Contents - Abstract | 357
e) Geographic distribution of motifs and identification of possible
workshops and types of buyers/users of religious tiles. It might have been expected
for such representations to be found preponderantly in ecclesiastic residences. But
the information available for the three medieval bishoprics of Transylvania (Alba
Iulia, Oradea and Cenad) is very limited. For Alba Iulia at least, one can presume
that it was an absorption center. Religious representations decorated stoves from
almost every monastery, like the Dominican one in Vinţu de Jos, the Franciscan
ones in Târgu Mureş (unpublished) and Teiuş (unpublished); the same is to be
suspected for Odorhei. They also feature in monasteries from cities (Bistriţa, Cluj,
Sibiu, Sighişoara). It would be normal for the tiles from Feldioara, Moşna, and
Târnava, to have been excavated from rich Saxon parish houses. The lay dispersion
of tiles with religious representations (in fortifications, noble residences, town and
city houses) is also significant.
f) Establishing the meaning of the representations. Due to the way it was
made, a stove tile always carries an individualized message. It was part of a certain
context (that of the entire stove) and should be analyzed as such, together with the
other neighboring representations.
Unlike the icons, stove tiles were never venerated. That is why they could
spread so well in Moldavia as well. Researchers have already wondered what was
the reaction of the Moldavian Orthodox Church to such religious representations
on stove ties. It seems that the institution did not take any attitude against the
proliferation of such tiles. They have not been so numerous, but they were
nevertheless used even in contexts under exclusive Church control such as in
monasteries.
The discovery of long series of independent tiles in the same place is not
attested. The most notable exception seems to be that of tiles not created in molds
depicting Saint Ladislas in Baia (Moldavia). They were most probably unique
products, created on a special order.
Stove tiles were not mass products. The series of identical tiles, created
with the same mold, could reach up to several tens of items, depending on how fast
the metal, wood or clay mold would wear out. In theory, each published
representation can be associated with a minimum number of items produced/used
in the past. Serial production limits the freedom of order and makes references to a
market dominated by ready-made products that depended on the inspiration or
market evaluation of the potter masters. The production-distribution circuit was
influenced by complex factors, such as the masters’ artistic and religious culture,
the influence of clerics, suggested motifs, and to a less degree, the economic power
of the buyers. When the master did not take his products to the local market or to
one close to his workshops, someone wanting a stove could visit his house and
358 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
order among the tiles or molds already available there. Masters had their own “tile
collections”, comprising their patrimony of tile positives or negatives available to
them at a certain point in their professional activity. There is strong evidence
suggesting that such collections were far from closed, but they borrowed and
renewed their range. This is how the first tile models permeated Transylvania.
Few of the tiles from the province are of exceptional quality. This means
that they were sold by mediocre masters to just as mediocre buyers. From an
artistic point of view, the tiles are comparable to the other artistic works from the
province. As one knows, engravers and sculptors, the true authors of tile motifs,
were not as numerous as the potters.
In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, certain types of tiles were
continually re-produced. But it is not yet clear if this was the result of the
degradation of the tile-master profession, of the restriction (religious or not) of tile
models, or some other factor.
Not even the large stoves intended for representative spaces do they
contain tiles creating unitary cycles. They are composed of a variety of registers
adapted to each area of the stove (base, heating chamber, crown). The existing
evidence suggests that stoves had combined and random representations on their
tiles.
Religious motifs on tiles become rarer and rarer among the other
representations from the first half of the sixteenth century.
PI. 1. Saint Martin: a. Vinţu de Jos; b. Făgăraş (after Daniela Marcu Istrate);
PI. 2. Saint Martin: a. Făgăraş (after Voica M. Puşcaşu); b. Târgu Mureş;
PL 3. Saint Martin from Vinţu de Jos;
PI. 4. Holy kings of Hungary from Vinţu de Jos;
Pi. 5. King from Târgu Mureş;
PL 6. Magus Balthazar from Turea (after Daniela Marcu Istrate);
PL 7. Stove tiles from Buda depicting Saint George (after Holl 1.): a. entire tile;
b. detail with the saint;
Pl. 8. a. Stove tile from Buda depicting Saint George (after Holl L); b. Stove tiles
from Suceava depicting Saint George (after Paraschiva-Victoria Batariuc);
PL 9. Stove tile from Târnava (after Astra Catalogue);
PL 10. Stove tile from Cecheşti (after Benko E.).
Contents - Abstract | 359
Stove tiles from Transylvania (VI). Some items with figurative decoration from
Sighişoara / p, 250
The lot of stove tiles from Sighişoara has been already published in 1942 and is
preserved in the collection of the local museum. Last time it was analyzed by DMI.
They have been discovered in the former Dominican monastery from the medieval
city of Sighişoara.
1. The crucifixion. Despite being fragmentarily preserved, the tile depicting
the scene can be easily identified. It can be compared to other tiles from Târgu
Mureş (unpublished), Vinţu de Jos and Făgăraş. In this case, one can follow the
manner in which they were copied. The tiles from the Franciscan monastery in
Tg. Mureş were the first that have been also glazed, then those from the Dominican “
monastery in Vinţu and from Sighişoara. A special group of tiles includes those
from Făgăraş (another type) and Moşna.
2. Samson and the lion. The variety of representations depicting Samson
on tiles in Transylvania is greater than in the previous case. The tiles from
Sighişoara are related to those in Vinţu de Jos, and other items from Cluj and Nitra
can be discussed as analogies.
A second series can be exemplified with a discovery from Roşia and the
third has been discovered in the Szeklers’ Land (Rugăneşti).
Stove tiles from Transylvania do not inherit elements from the most
ancient tiles depicting the scene discovered in Hungary (Buda, second half of the
fourteenth century). Much closer are the Czech tiles (Tocnik). Representations of
Samson are extremely varied and it is certain that the motif was used throughout
the Gothic period and spread over extensive areas.
Conclusions related to the two iconographic scenes. Despite previous
assertions, one cannot identify the workshop that produced the tiles from
Sighişoara.
3. Pair of tiles depicting a male bust placed in the right side of the item
and a small shield in the left side. The author describes the finds.
Pervious (and unexpected) interpretations have tried to guess the identity
of the depicted character. His cap and collar point to a common late medieval
fashion. The small shield is surmounted by a bishop’s miter that indicates the
character’s ecclesiastic function. Several elements point to the character’s identity:
the tile can be dated to the long interval between the end of the fifteenth century
and the middle of the sixteenth (before the Reformation), it belonged to a bishop
who probably had a close or specific relation to the city, since the items have been
discovered in the Dominican monastery of Sighişoara. Considering these
indications, the author suggests that the character might be Gabriel Polner, bishop
360 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
of Bosnia and Sirmium, born in Sighişoar and buried, by his request, in the
Dominican church on the city s hill.
Concluding the series of articles dealing with stove tiles, the author
expresses several general observations on the volume published on the topic by
DMI. All her descriptions of tiles are more or less faulty and contradictory in
different places in the text. Her interpretations should be revised in detail. These
drawbacks seriously hinder the importance of her research, threatening to
influence negatively the future studies on the topics. It is the reason why the author
recommends researchers to use to book with great circumspection and criticism.
On the other hand, the work has triggered several re-interpretations and
correction, of better quality. Ana Maria Gruia, Monika Kemenes and Benkö Elek
have published new groups of tiles and have generally chosen to ignore the above
mentioned drawbacks. They have just corrected them on focused topics where such
criticism was absolutely necessary. The author considers his present studies as
mandatory for the definition of a general attitude towards the book that had the
ambition to become a reference study but ended up just as a combination of
positivist diligence with modest qualities as synthesis and depository of
information.
PI. 1. Stove tile fragment depicting the Crucifixion;
PL 2. Stove tiles depicting the Crucifixion: a. Târgu Mureş; b. Vinţu de Jos;
c. Sighişoara;
PI. 3. Samson fighting the lion;
PL 4. Representations of Samson fighting the lion: a. Vinţu de Jos; b. Nitra
(Slovakia) (after Gertruda Březinova, M. Samuel); c. Sibiu (after H. Klusch);
d. Odorhei (after Benkö E.);
PL 5. Stove tiles depicting characters: a-b. Photos; c. Graphic reconstruction (after
Daniela Marcu Istrate);
PL 6. Details of the stove tiles depicting characters: a. head; b. head dress;
c. clothes and accessories;
Pl. 7. a-c. Analogies of medieval head-covers; d. detail from Sighişoara;
PL 8. a. Shields on stove tiles; b. analogy of a bishop’s mitre on a heraldic shield.
Contents - Abstract | 361
Tiles and shingles on medieval monuments (with an emphasis on religious
monuments from Transylvania and the surrounding areas) / p. 267
Introduction. An impressive number of historic monuments can be found in
Transylvania. One can estimate the existence of several thousands of objectives, but
still there is no special study on the history and shape of roofing solutions.
Short history of roofing solutions. Two main systems have been used, since
Antiquity, on the territory of today’s Romania: one very ancient, almost
a-historical, using vegetal materials such as grass, straw, reed, branches in leaf,
wood shingles, or clapboard, and the other introduced and perfected by the
Romans. For the Middle Ages and the pre-modern period, one can rely on the
information available through documents, archaeological discoveries, iconographic
sources and analogies from the regions around Romania. None of these types of
sources have been exhausted under this respect, so the research of roofing systems
can only be partial at the present stage of knowledge.
For a long period of time, until the thirteenth-fourteenth century, roofing
systems were fairly common, consisting of shingles, straw, and rarely of re-used
Roman bricks or stone slabs. The latter seem to have been preferred in certain
areas, such as in Hateg (in Strei, Densu$, Colti-Ráu de Mori, or Ostrov).
The most usual roofing elements were shingles and clapboards used both
for wooden churches and for those built of stone and brick. The medieval ones
seem to have been larger than those used in later periods.
The Romanian term for roof tile, tiglay is taken over from the German
Ziegel, which originally meant “brick”. The most usual ancient “tiles” seem to have
been tubular in shape. On the base of their resemblance with pots sectioned in half,
in Romanian they were also called olane (“semi cylindrical tiles”), a term
incorrectly extended to all shapes of roofing ceramics. In folk Romanian
terminology, another term was used, drip, from the Hungarian cserép (pottery),
indicating the presumed anteriority of semi cylindrical roof tiles over the flat ones.
The compound term cserepsindely was also used in Hungarian (from cserép-pottery
and [zjsindely-shingles), meaning literally brick shingles. Flat tiles are not attested
before the fourteenth century.
Indifferent of the material used for roofing, one must note an obvious
historical reality: their evolution was never linear or ascending. Let’s imagine
someone covering his house with simple shingles. In some 30 years, if there were
no accidents, like fires, the owner would have to change it. If he could afford it,
shingles would be replaced with more resistant and expensive materials. Lead or
copper sheets were very much appreciated and often stolen for other ends than the
architectural ones, so the roof in question was more probably re-covered with
362 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
ceramic tiles or shingles, according to possibilities. One can also imagine that older
monuments were sometimes robbed of their coverings and the materials were
re-used for new roofs. Depending on the material power of the owners, roofs were
often modified. In the same era, buildings from close proximity such as those in
cities or larger architectural complexes (fortifications, monasteries) were covered
with different roofing materials.
Roof tile variety. In Transylvania, goods and masters came from the west.
Ever since they appeared, according to the archaeological discoveries in the
fourteenth century, semi-cylindrical tiles came in different shapes, with narrow
necks at one end and hooks on the other, sometimes glazed. Specialists are still
researching their shapes and the possible solutions of overlapping such tiles.
Scale-type roof tiles are also attested for the fourteenth-fifteenth century,
but they are used more frequently in the sixteenth century. The iconographic
sources are eloquent on the massive use of tiles in either of the two classical ways:
with free semicircular endings and with endings cut in a sharp angle. Special
shapes, such as tiles for roof ridges and roof top decorations, have also been always
in use.
Roof tile color. Most tiles preserved their original color of burnt clay. But
there is evidence of glazed (golden brown or green) and painted items (striped
randomly).
Holder materials and other roof details. Roofs with sharp inclinations
have always been preferred. One also knows that tiles were connected to each
other with large quantities of mortar.
Areas of tile use. There are too few elements to reconstruct a distribution
of roofing systems on the territory of Romania. One knows more though on the
differences that existed between the areas inside and outside of the Carpathians,
there is more detailed information on the situation in cities, towns and their
surroundings. Other data could be inferred from the study of forested areas,
connected with that of the soils suitable for roofing ceramics, of the commercial
routes, and of the regions more affected by wars or flooding.
PI. 1. a. Belt buckle from Curtea de Argeş; b. Stove tile from Târnava; c. Crucifixion
scene from Mediaş;
PI. 2. a-b. Stove tiles from Ardud; c. Semi-cylindrical roof tiles from Sibiu (after
H. Fabini);
PI. 3. a. Semi-cylindrical roof tiles from Buia; b. Roof tiles from Merghindeal.
Contents - Abstract | 363
The chalice from Vintu de Jos (on the decoration and utility of medieval luxury
pots) / p. 291
The chalice fragment under discussion has been recovered from the ruins of the
former church of the Dominican monastery in Vintu de Jos. It is the lower part of a
glass foot, with several reductions in thickness, with openwork and a complex
decoration consisting of applied batons, stamps, notches and partial glazing with
two types of glaze. The reconstructed shape resembles a chalice.
Near the item has been discovered a fourteen-century coin, a denary
issued by Ludovic I between 1373 and 1382.
The author discusses formal analogies to this item, starting with metal
containers of liturgical use (goblets, monstrances, hermae, and fonts). Similar
vessels made of clay are much rarer, the discovered items being only partially
preserved. The decorations can be identified on a variety of ceramic pots. Similar
stamps are frequently used in the decoration of the so-called “Celje glasses”
(Slovenia). The use of glazing had not become very frequent in the second half of
the fourteenth century.
The components of the chalice from Vintu are so diverse that the analysis
of analogies does not lead to conclusions related to its origin. It would be risky to
hypothesize on its place of production, but it seems probable that it was not
produced locally due to the accumulation of rare decorations. The item is first of
all, an indication of what could have been produced, from a technical and only
partially from an artistic point of view.
The analogies indicate two possible interpretations: the piece might have
been either used for lighting or during mass. The author argues for the second
possibility, based on the site of discovery (the nave of the church). The issue could
be settled in the light of future discoveries that would confirm the incompatibilities
between canonic regulations and the archaeological realities.
Pl. 1. The chalice from Vintu de Jos;
PL 2. Formal analogies: a. Chalice from Bárlad (after M. D. Matei); b. Cup from
Coconi (after N. Constantinescu);
PL 3. Formal analogies: a-c. Celje-type glasses (after M. Gusin); d. Glass from
Diósgyőr (after Czeglédi Ilona); e. Candle holder from Székesfehérvár (after
Siklósi Gy.).
364 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
5. Ignored structures
Denied identity: the village between the walls (late medieval habitation inside
the fortification in Râşnov) / p. 305
The fortification is located between the city of Braşov and Bran castle. Its history
has been the topic of previous discussions especially due to its Dacian or presumed
Teutonic antecedents. It became a failed experiment for the local County Museum
and then for a half-private enterprise. In this context, the fortification was the site
of ample archaeological research.
One can see already on the most ancient modern map of the fortification
that only the upper enclosure appears covered by a series of small constructions
that seem to be groups of rooms, all with independent entrances. Some of them,
when the architectural remains can confirm it, even had two floors. In order to ease
the description and to locate all rooms, the author has created and uses a system of
numeric codes for each room.
The study describes all groups of rooms, those from East, South, West,
North and the two groups (islands) from the center of the fortification. The access
ways, streets and walkways are also presented.
In a synthesis of his findings, the author presents the following general
characteristics: the foundation of the houses directly on the native rock was not
general and in some cases it was used for the walls as well; the houses inside the
fortification were built over time, sometimes re-built; most houses were covered
with roof tiles; the medium surface was around 17 square meters, most frequently
(in 13 cases) the houses had 16 to 18 square meters, few (6) had under 10, and only
exceptionally (4 cases) the houses were larger than 25 square meters.
Archaeological excavations have revealed the existence of various types of
stove tiles, in use on the site from the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the
next century. During subsequent centuries tiles become more varied, testifying to
the existence of various and numerous stoves.
Other types of archaeological materials contribute to our understanding of
these houses. Iron items used in constructions could be considered as coming from
deposits or as having ended in Râşnov by chance, but their quantity suggests that
they fulfilled their primary function. Ceramic tableware objects were also varied as
shape (pots, jugs, pans, glasses, plates) and technique (all types of fabrics and firing
methods, glazing). Glass tableware objects were also used (jars, bottles, glasses).
There was a large quantity of table utensils, everyday items (needles, razors, a pair
of scales), and decorations (bone and silver appliqués, bronze brooches). The
Contents - Abstract | 365
diversity and quantity of all these objects contradict the hypothesis that the
fortification was only used occasionally.
The houses in Râşnov probably began to be built in the fourteenth-
fifteenth century. At first, they were neither too numerous nor too systematically
positioned. Matching the entire civilian architecture of the time, they were largely
built of wood, except for the foundations. In the sixteenth century one can speak of
a systematic habitation in the upper fortification, while the lower part was no
longer in use as living area.
In the existing historiography, it has been suggested that the fortification
was only used occasionally. The same was presumed to be the case with other
fortifications that lacked a church inside their walls (Saschiz, Vurpăr). On the other
hand, the impressively numerous rooms from inside the fortified churches have
been interpreted according to their most recent function, that of family depositing
buildings.
The author suggests, as a hypothesis, that the settlement in Râşnov had
quasi-urban characteristics. As shape, the still standing buildings or those
discovered through archaeology reveal simple ground plans, very typical for the
structure of the settlement. They had a ground floor functioning as workshop,
deposit, but also as living room and an upper floor destined exclusively for
habitation. More than that, the houses in Râşnov were endowed with tile stoves
that were used more intensely in the time of year (late autumn-winter-early spring)
when raids and wars were less frequent. Consequently, one can hardly presume
that Râşnov was just a refuge fortification, used in case of imminent danger.
The permanent habitation of the site is also indicated by written
documents. The entire general plan indicates permanent and always re-built
houses. Their number suggests that almost the entire population of Râşnov could
have lived in the fortification.
Taking into account these observations, the author suggests a
terminological change. Râşnov should be referred to not as a “refuge fortification”,
but rather as a “fortified market town”. Thus, all architectural remains from inside
Saxon fortified complexes should be re-analyzed from this new perspective. They
also seem to have been destined not for occasional habitation, but as permanent
homes. The latter function started to get out of use in the eighteenth century, along
the politic stability ensured by the new Habsburg administration.
The inner built heritage of the fortification of Râşnov is one example of
evolution in which the history of architecture has been too rarely interested. It
proves to be a container of information capable of introducing a new term for an
intermediary, fairly well preserved habitation area combined with elements of
military architecture.
366 I Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
PL 1. a. Aerial view of the fortification in Râşnov before the “restoration works”;
b. House no. 21;
PI. 2. Plan of the houses inside the fortification;
PL 3. a. House foundations around the fountain; b. Section through house no. 58;
PL 4. Remains of houses: a. Window panes; b-c. Stove tiles;
PL 5. Remains of houses: a-e. Ceramic vessels; f-h. Glass vessels;
PL 6. Remains of houses. Iron items: a. Scissors; b. Razor; c. Tinder; d. Lock;
PL 7. a. Fortification in Rupea; b. Fortification in Vurpăr; c. Fortified church from
Bălcaciu;
PL 8. a. Plan of the fortified church from Prejmer; b. Houses from Prejmer.
Cuprins
De ce? 7
1.
Profesionalismul
în dezbatere
Radu Popa şi dezvoltarea arheologiei medievale din România 11
2.
Preluările
Continuitate materială antică în districtul Haţegului
(epoca prerenascentistă şi a Renaşterii timpurii) 25
3.
Imaterialităţi
Reprezentări de pluguri pe fresca monumentului medieval de la
Streisângeorgiu (jud. Hunedoara) 41
4.
Materiile
în opere
„Corpus Christi” din cetatea Oradea. Despre stadiul de cunoaştere 53
al unui tip de inventar liturgic din secolul al XlV-lea
Catarame medievale informă de stea 68
Despre cuţitele de luptă din Transilvania medievală 86
De la metal la ceramică. Adam şi Eva: dispersia şi tranziţia decoraţiilor 111
Sticlăria medievală din Transilvania. Repere generale şi documente
arheologice 122
Cahle din Transilvania (III). Trei motive decorative medievale 159
Cahlele din Transilvania (IV). Cavalerul în turnir 180
Cahle din Transilvania (V). Contribuţii la cultul provincial al sfinţilor 214
Cahle din Transilvania (VI). Câteva piese figurate de la Sighişoara 250
Ţigle şi olane la monumentele istorice (cu privire specială asupra
monumentelor religioase din Transilvania şi vecinătăţile ei) 267
Potirul de la Vinţu de Jos (incursiune în decorul şi utilitatea vaselor
ceramice de lux medievale) 291
5.
Structurile
ignorate
Identitatea refuzată: satul dintre ziduri (locuirea târzie din interiorul
cetăţii Râşnovului) 305
Lista abrevierilor 335
Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania
Contents ~ Abstract
337 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Rusu, Adrian Andrei 1951- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)130552593 |
| author_facet | Rusu, Adrian Andrei 1951- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Rusu, Adrian Andrei 1951- |
| author_variant | a a r aa aar |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV042953986 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)932131086 (DE-599)BVBBV042953986 |
| edition | [Ed. 2-a, rev. şi adăug.] |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Transylvania (Romania) / Antiquities / To 1500 Romania / Transylvania fast Rumänien Siebenbürgen (DE-588)4054835-1 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Transylvania (Romania) / Antiquities / To 1500 Romania / Transylvania Rumänien Siebenbürgen |
| id | DE-604.BV042953986 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-10-18T18:11:57Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789731868530 |
| language | Romanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-028380023 |
| oclc_num | 932131086 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 366 S. Ill. 24 cm |
| publishDate | 2008 |
| publishDateSearch | 2008 |
| publishDateSort | 2008 |
| publisher | Ed. Mega |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Medievalia |
| spelling | Rusu, Adrian Andrei 1951- Verfasser (DE-588)130552593 aut Investigări ale culturii materiale medievale din Transilvania Adrian Andrei Rusu [Ed. 2-a, rev. şi adăug.] Cluj-Napoca Ed. Mega 2008 366 S. Ill. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Medievalia Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Investigations of medieval material culture in Transylvania. - [2. Ausg. geschätzt, da kein Nachweis im Buch] Excavations (Archaeology) / Romania / Transylvania Material culture / Romania / Transylvania / History / To 1500 Civilization, Medieval Fortification / Romania / Transylvania / History / To 1500 Antiquities fast Civilization, Medieval fast Excavations (Archaeology) fast Fortification fast Material culture fast Funde Geschichte Archäologie (DE-588)4002827-6 gnd rswk-swf Kunst (DE-588)4114333-4 gnd rswk-swf Kultur (DE-588)4125698-0 gnd rswk-swf Transylvania (Romania) / Antiquities / To 1500 Romania / Transylvania fast Rumänien Siebenbürgen (DE-588)4054835-1 gnd rswk-swf Siebenbürgen (DE-588)4054835-1 g Kultur (DE-588)4125698-0 s Kunst (DE-588)4114333-4 s Archäologie (DE-588)4002827-6 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028380023&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028380023&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Rusu, Adrian Andrei 1951- Investigări ale culturii materiale medievale din Transilvania Excavations (Archaeology) / Romania / Transylvania Material culture / Romania / Transylvania / History / To 1500 Civilization, Medieval Fortification / Romania / Transylvania / History / To 1500 Antiquities fast Civilization, Medieval fast Excavations (Archaeology) fast Fortification fast Material culture fast Funde Geschichte Archäologie (DE-588)4002827-6 gnd Kunst (DE-588)4114333-4 gnd Kultur (DE-588)4125698-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4002827-6 (DE-588)4114333-4 (DE-588)4125698-0 (DE-588)4054835-1 |
| title | Investigări ale culturii materiale medievale din Transilvania |
| title_auth | Investigări ale culturii materiale medievale din Transilvania |
| title_exact_search | Investigări ale culturii materiale medievale din Transilvania |
| title_full | Investigări ale culturii materiale medievale din Transilvania Adrian Andrei Rusu |
| title_fullStr | Investigări ale culturii materiale medievale din Transilvania Adrian Andrei Rusu |
| title_full_unstemmed | Investigări ale culturii materiale medievale din Transilvania Adrian Andrei Rusu |
| title_short | Investigări ale culturii materiale medievale din Transilvania |
| title_sort | investigari ale culturii materiale medievale din transilvania |
| topic | Excavations (Archaeology) / Romania / Transylvania Material culture / Romania / Transylvania / History / To 1500 Civilization, Medieval Fortification / Romania / Transylvania / History / To 1500 Antiquities fast Civilization, Medieval fast Excavations (Archaeology) fast Fortification fast Material culture fast Funde Geschichte Archäologie (DE-588)4002827-6 gnd Kunst (DE-588)4114333-4 gnd Kultur (DE-588)4125698-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Excavations (Archaeology) / Romania / Transylvania Material culture / Romania / Transylvania / History / To 1500 Civilization, Medieval Fortification / Romania / Transylvania / History / To 1500 Antiquities Excavations (Archaeology) Fortification Material culture Funde Geschichte Archäologie Kunst Kultur Transylvania (Romania) / Antiquities / To 1500 Romania / Transylvania Rumänien Siebenbürgen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028380023&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028380023&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT rusuadrianandrei investigarialeculturiimaterialemedievaledintransilvania |