Gra o Niemcy: międzynarodowy kontekst wstąpienia Niemiec do Ligi Narodów w roku 1926
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| Main Author: | |
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| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Polish |
| Published: |
Poznań
Instytut Historii UAM
2015
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| Series: | Publikacje Instytutu Historii UAM
121 |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Game for Germany Bibliogr. s. 241-249. Indeks |
| Physical Description: | 266, [1] s. il. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788363047542 |
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GAME FOR GERMANY.
INTERNATIONAL RESONANCE FOLLOWING
GERMANY'S ACCESSION
TO THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS IN 1926
Summary
The book’s title faithfully conveys the intentions of the author, who presents the struggle for the political
shape of interwar Europe, at the centre of which stood Germany. It goes without saying that there is noth-
ing new in the book’s watchword. It has been present from the beginning of the interwar period, in which
agreements from Rapallo and Locarno entrenched themselves a special place. Their impact on the situa-
tion unfolding in the then Europe and the world was emphasised in hundreds of monographs, papers, sa-
tirical texts. The employment of the term The game for Germany’ stands at the same time as a reference
to the research project carried out in the Poznań research milieu on the role of Germany in international
relations of the interwar period. In the last sentence of the introduction to the first volume, its editor wrote
that ’the game for Germany’ continuing throughout the interwar period was a glaring example of the an-
fractuosity of the path the then Europe was treading on’ (S. Sierpowski, Wstęp, [in:] Niemcy w polityce
międzynarodowej 1919-1939, vol. I: Era Stresemanna, ed. S. Sierpowski, Poznań 1990, p 8).
For the first decade of the interwar period, Germany’s accession to the League of Nations was an ex-
pression of the evolution of the post-war world and a characteristic element of this ‘game’, in which en-
gaged were, often dramatically, a preponderance of over 50 members of LN. The atmosphere accompany-
ing the accession of subsequent adversaries from the period of The great war ’ was congenial. The concerns
of the League members, who were beneficiary in relation to the neighbour defeated in the war, were to
be eased with special declarations of the loyal implementation of peace treaties. Austria or Bulgaria, and
even Hungary, most anti-system disposed among them, did not evade such expectations, unlike Germany,
who definitely and consistently refused to sign such declarations. This was one of the main reasons why
Germany’s accession to the League, even if ever considered, seemed unmanageable.
The breakthrough came with the parley, i.e. negotiations over benefits and compromise, which was
finalised in Locarno. This was accomplished without the participation of the League, and even in spite of
its program-related tasks: Geneva was to become an area of pacification of relations and building a com-
promise. It is a fact that the Locarno agreements were of the utmost, if not revolutionary, importance for
the history of the League. For some, the turning point was marked by optimism, whilst for a large group
by pessimism.
For countries, which claims for the guarantee of their borders met with the Weimar Republic’s refus-
al, the issue of the declaration of the respect for international obligations took on an added importance.
Countries bordering Germany from the south and east did not share the admiration for the agreements de-
veloped in Locarno, considering them to be a thinly veiled encouragement to seek revisionist satisfac-
tion in the East, or alternatively in southern Europe. The settlements were believed to herald the ‘wreck-
ing’ of the post-war international system and the League of Nations was deemed to be a mainstay of that
system.
The assessment of the Locarno negotiations and their consequences has been manifold in historiogra-
phy too. This regards also one of its important elements ֊ Germany’s accession to LN. The issue aroused
a flood of emotions throughout the world, Europe, notably the politicians and the public of the Reich. This
also applies to medium sized and smaller countries that responded with resistance - the only one of this
kind in the history of the League. Considerations over the pros and cons, gains and losses resulting from
the cooperation of Germany with Europe and the world with the participation of the League of Nations
lasted for several years, to be intensified owing to the surprising failure of the extraordinary Assembly
of the League in March 1926. The crisis triggered off by these events affected a large group of countries,
264
Game for Germany
in particular Germany, Brazil and Spain. A belief emerged, or was heightened, of injustice, selfishness of
‘the others’; developed or cemented was rancour; national pride hurt. The proponents of Germany’s ac-
cession suffered bitter disappointment and became silent; their opponents were convinced of the justness
of their stance.
In such an atmosphere fears and anxieties that politicians and officials of the Reich would not find
apt conditions for working in Geneva, that they would be isolated there were getting increasingly popu-
lar. Reservations and complaints about this were built up by information on scant personal influence in
the Secretariat of the League, which did not correspond to the position and role of Germany in Europe
and the world. It is a fact that reluctant to the general ‘influx’ of officials from Germany were those coun-
tries, which, according to their own assessment, did not have an adequately large representation in the
Secretariat or did not have any officials there at all. This was accompanied by the atmosphere exposing
the compliance of the German ‘representation’ with the directives from Berlin.
While all governments sought to treat its citizens in the Secretariat as still in the national service, the
loyalty of German officials was nevertheless a matter of major and common concern. In 1926 Germany
joined the governments of Japan and Italy as regards the clearly formulated expectations in this respect.
Some of the officials recommended by the governments were known to rather deserve to be called agents,
operating in the international institution for the contributory money. Not only did they receive sugges-
tions and commands, but sometimes even extra ‘subsistence allowance’. The idea was to succour, force
through, and attract agents, supporters from other countries.
The haggling preceding the appearance of the Germans in Geneva, the only of its kind in the history
of the League, was augmented by the fears that the struggle against the system of Versailles will also in-
clude the League of Nations, which acted as one of the pillars of the system, having been, after all, con-
structed on the assumption that it should defend the status quo: for many ‘in perpetuity’, for some, for ex-
ample Great Britain, as long as possible. Therefore any attempt to use the Geneva forum to change the
international order established after the ‘great war’ induced general fear, protests and concerns, or at least
reservations. The British Secretary-General and his French deputy harboured these feelings as well, this
being one the reasons why they effectively stemmed the growth of the German group in the Secretariat.
Such actions were all the more frustrating for Berlin that the most significant persons of the Secretariat
(notably the ‘all-powerful’ Sir Eric Drummond) were able to deprive the German Under-Secretary-General
of any influence on decisions that were of importance from an international point of view or more gener-
al operation of the League. Berlin’s efforts to increase the number of posts, or to gain effective leverage in
the Secretariat were futile. The name of Dufour-Feronce, who held the highest among the Germans posi-
tion of Under Secretaiy-General, is absent in syntheses discussing the work of the Geneva institution, ir-
respective of the time they were compiled: before the war or at the present time.
Considering this book’s interest in the international context of Germany’s accession to the League, it
is incumbent upon us to emphasise the withdrawal of two important countries from Geneva, that is to say
Spain and Brazil. The politicians less favourably disposed to the Germans, and particularly the opinion-
forming circles of adherents of the idealised League of Nations as an association of free and equal states,
attributed responsibility for the resultant situation to the Reich. The opinion was misguided. If we can talk
about a specific exchange of Brazil and Spain for Germany at all, it is only in the context of the shared re-
sponsibility of all the creators of the Locarno system for the violation of the foundations of the interna-
tional system created after the war. That the members of the Council generally reconciled themselves more
easily to the loss of Brazil than to the loss of Spain is also significant.
The foregoing statement provides a further argument in favour of ‘the Europeanization’ of the
League, a process markedly accelerated since 1926. The lost cause of Brazil, rationally justifiable, severe-
ly diminished the assets of America in Geneva. Neither the United States, Mexico nor de facto Argentina,
which did not particularly espouse Brazil’s aspirations, were represented in Geneva and this refers to most
countries in the region. There were several volunteers, usually mutually envious, ready to replace Brazil
as a non-permanent member of the Council. The Europeanization of the League was also bred of the re-
strained activity of Japan, which reserved for itself a privileged voice in the affairs of Asia, notably those
concerning China, which was of particular interest to it. Japan encountered little difficulty in blocking the
Chinese efforts for the permanent membership in the Council. In addition, unstable inner situation intensi-
fied rivalry for leverage between the world powers like the United States, the USSR, the United Kingdom,
and even Germany and France. The compromise granting China a two-year membership in Council did
not change its international status, nor did it affect the internal situation.
Game for Germany
265
The Europeanization of the League, which became evident owing to the 1926 transformations, man-
ifested itself, perhaps above all, in the fact that most of the matters to be taken up by its organs (the
Secretariat, the Council, the Assembly) and the Permanent Court of International Justice, and even the
International Labour Organisation, concerned the ‘old continent’. The arrival of Germany in the League,
with the programme to use the Geneva forum for publicising injustice and fighting for the change of the
peace treaties, enhanced the disputes and provoked conflicts. There was little, if any, prospect of the pos-
itive settlement of the most salient expectations (disarmament, minorities, colonies). The situation was
complicated by typically empty promises given to the compatriots, which further enhanced variously ar-
ticulated dissatisfaction and frustration of societies of several countries, who believed they had been vic-
timised and unjustly adjudged. Eventual concessions or successes were denigrated by the opponents of
the League and the internal opposition who claimed that they were given what was rightly and long over-
due. The clinch of supporters and opponents of the revision of the post-war international order translat-
ed into a grievance against the League. It was criticised for not being a mainstay or a guarantee of justice
and blamed for upholding primarily forces and countries wishing to maintain the (insidiously!) defeated
in perpetual oppression.
The expectations of a significant part of the German society were heightened, inasmuch as in 1926
their country became a part of the elite, privileged circle. The Germans drew a conclusion that drastical-
ly unfair decisions would be withdrawn or fundamentally changed. Most frequently and most vigorous-
ly referred to were such accusations as the exclusive culpability of the Reich for the war, or such deci-
sions as reprehensible plebiscite consultations (Eupen and Malmedy, Upper Silesia), fragmentation of
the country by ‘the Polish Corridor’, giving France power in the Governing Commission in the Saar,
occupation of the Rhineland, and last but not least the already mentioned disarmament, minorities and
colonies.
All these decisions included in the Treaty of Versailles were challenged from the beginning of the
emerging international order as a result of the war. The winners were cognisant of the fact that the Geneva
edifice under construction, whether they liked it or not, had anti-German foundations. At the same time,
aware that without a positive German voice a solution or progress in any of the main objectives of the
League would be unmanageable, notably the British and the Americans assumed that the situation would
gradually change. ‘The era of compliance’ launched by Stresemann’s government in 1923 and coupled
with the active involvement of international capital in the reconstruction of the German economy, ade-
quately reflected in the Dawes Plan, were all wings of the gates actually opening the march of Berlin to-
wards Geneva.
The final of this march was hailed as a great success, even a landmark. Germany returned to the inner
circle of countries which determined the shape of the then Europe and the world. Its presence in Geneva
was emphasised as essential also for the League itself, for the reason that without Germany, especially
in matters concerning Europe, the League could not accomplish much. The activity of Germany opened
the possibility of effective changes, starting from the liquidation of the Allied Control Commission.
Emphasised was the progressive universalization of the Geneva institutions, which in 1926 expanded to
include an important, perhaps the most important European country, which was at the same time a promot-
er of the accession of another superpower, namely the Soviet Union. Widespread on German soil became
arguments referring to the Wilhelminę tradition, exploiting the victorious march of the Reich for a more
dignified place in Europe: the strongest was to have a decisive voice.
The views of this kind were espoused by the manifested cordiality towards the German delega-
tion at the 7th Assembly, which approved Germany’s request to join the League by acclamation.
Minister Stresemann became a prominent figure, not shunning from being a rival for the role to Briand
and Chamberlain, the latter actually the least active in this specific game. The position of the head of
Auswärtiges Amt (the Federal Foreign Office) was empowered by confidential meetings with ministers of
Britain and France, which were to precede ordinary public sessions of the Council or committees appoint-
ed at the Annual Assemblies. These far-famed tea parties held in the office of the Secretary-General or at
Briand, Chamberlain and Stresemann’s were the most vivid expression of the changes that occurred in the
negotiation practice of the League. People talked and wrote that in Geneva rehashed were old methods,
typical of a bygone era that that was to cease to exist with the formation of the League. Dissatisfied with
this practice were other permanent members of the Council. The problem was that Mussolini as a foreign
minister did not bother to come to Geneva. Likewise, the Japanese minister did not trouble to visit Geneva,
deterred by the distance and limited interest in debates held therein. They were represented by diplomats
266
Game for Germany
with the rank of plenipotentiary ministers, as well as officials of the Secretariat, as Italy and Japan held the
positions of under-secretaries-general.
Non-permanent members of the Council, de facto overlooked in the debate, which was to make fa-
mous their countries and sometimes long-awaited representation, won at the time, in 1926, aired even
more grievances. This was especially true of the newly elected members of the Council. It is noteworthy
that due to the controversy following Germany’s accession, none of the non-permanent members of the
Council of the spring of 1926 was included as its member in the autumn of the same year.
The specific, according to many privileged role of Stresemann irritated ministers from other coun-
tries, engaged in the work of the Council. The awareness that the essential matters were discussed, or even
settled in a small group, before the rest of the session participants presented their point of view, aroused
vehement opposition and sometimes violent emotions. This also regards the Polish delegation, which
raised doubts as to the validity of the Polish membership in the League, notwithstanding Poland’s honour-
able semi-membership in the Council. Józef Beck also gave vent to his displeasure. Alongside Piłsudski,
he participated in the famous (also because it started about 10.30 pm) Council session on Vilnius. The
Head of Cabinet of the Minister of War noted that Stresemann was treated there 'after all, like some kind
of a criminal’, even by such conciliatory persons like Briand. The German minister had to be aware of this
situation, which really irritated him {Polska polityka zagraniczna w latach 1926-1939 [wrongly printed,
the correct date is 1932-19391 Na podstawie tekstów min. Józefa Becka, edited by A. M. Cienciała, Paryż
1990, pp 50-51).
The acclamation of the Assembly on 8 September 1926 was an attempt to give satisfaction to the
German society. A friendly and cordial speech of Briand, welcoming the German delegation at the
Assembly Hall, was supposed to fulfil the same function. Universal approval was accompanied by con-
cerns, the major source of which was rooted in the general, manifested hatred of the Germans to the
Versailles system. A privileged place reserved in this system for the League of Nations gave rise to the as-
sociations reluctant to the Weimar Republic. Particularly meaningful were claims in the course of negoti-
ations regarding the participation in the work in Geneva. The government in Berlin was subject to intense
pressure from the German society. Given that its ultimate aim was to divest the limits of the Treaty, we
have to concur with the view of the destructive effects of the presence of Germany in Geneva.
Even though the mere fact of Germany’s accession may be regarded as the apogee of hope rest-
ed on the blessing of the Geneva institution, it soon turned out that dissatisfaction with the achieved re-
sults boosted the number of people critically assessing the suitability of the League for the German poli-
cy. Neither in Geneva, standing as a synonym of the League, was the admiration uniform or universal. At
the same time, it was in 1926 that a new perspective for the activities of the League was opening up, re-
lated to a number of important areas, such as disarmament, which became the axis of subsequent politi-
cal seasons in Geneva.
Translated by Agnieszka Tokarczuk
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SPIS TREŚCI
Wstęp. 5
Rozdział I. Trudne początki
1. Twórcy Ligi Narodów. 13
2. Organizatorzy. 25
3. Przyjęcie Węgier. 44
4. Akcesja Irlandii, Etiopii i Dominikany (1923-1924). 49
Rozdział II. Liga bez Niemiec
1. Passive Mitgliedschaft. Niemiecka niechęć do Ligi Narodów. 58
2. Techniczna obecność Niemiec w Genewie. 63
a. Międzynarodowa Organizacja Pracy. 63
b. Aktywność społeczno-humanitarna. 66
c. Prawa kobiet. 68
d. Próby zorganizowanej walki z narkotykami. 73
e. Współpraca intelektualna. 75
f. Spory reparacyjne. 77
Rozdział III. Kierunek Genewa
1. Oswajanie Ligi Narodów w Niemczech. 81
2. Przełom 1923/1924 . 88
3. Cień Locamo. 104
4. Bunt „średniaków”. 115
5. Szach niemiecko-rosyjski. 129
6. Sukces, kompromis, klęska.124
7. Sekretariat ֊ walka o wpływy i stanowiska. 152
Rozdział IV. Wygrane z nadzieją w tle
1. Likwidacja Sojuszniczej Komisji Kontroli. 178
2. Przymiarki do rozbrojenia. 190
3. „Gra w mniejszości”. 205
4. Genewa trampoliną rewizji systemu wersalskiego?. 217
Zakończenie. 22 ^
Bibliografia selektywna. ^1
Wykaz skrótów. ^0
Spis ilustracji i ich źródła.
Indeks osób. 255
Game for Germany. International resonance following Germany’s accession to the
League of Nations in 1926 (Summary). 263 |
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| geographic | Niemcy / stosunki zagraniczne / 1918-1933 jhpk Deutschland (DE-588)4011882-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Niemcy / stosunki zagraniczne / 1918-1933 Deutschland |
| id | DE-604.BV042623796 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2025-01-30T11:01:29Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788363047542 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-028056471 |
| oclc_num | 922015275 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 266, [1] s. il. 24 cm |
| psigel | DHB_BSB_DDC DHB_JDG_ISBN_1 |
| publishDate | 2015 |
| publishDateSearch | 2015 |
| publishDateSort | 2015 |
| publisher | Instytut Historii UAM |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Publikacje Instytutu Historii UAM |
| series2 | Publikacje Instytutu Historii UAM |
| spelling | Sierpowski, Stanisław 1942- Verfasser (DE-588)119299186 aut Gra o Niemcy międzynarodowy kontekst wstąpienia Niemiec do Ligi Narodów w roku 1926 Stanisław Sierpowski ; [projekt okładki Piotr Namiota] Poznań Instytut Historii UAM 2015 266, [1] s. il. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Publikacje Instytutu Historii UAM 121 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Game for Germany Bibliogr. s. 241-249. Indeks Liga Narodów / Niemcy jhpk Völkerbund (DE-588)36500-2 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1926 gnd rswk-swf Niemcy / stosunki zagraniczne / 1918-1933 jhpk Deutschland (DE-588)4011882-4 gnd rswk-swf Völkerbund (DE-588)36500-2 b Deutschland (DE-588)4011882-4 g Geschichte 1926 z DE-604 Publikacje Instytutu Historii UAM 121 (DE-604)BV010879172 121 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028056471&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028056471&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Sierpowski, Stanisław 1942- Gra o Niemcy międzynarodowy kontekst wstąpienia Niemiec do Ligi Narodów w roku 1926 Publikacje Instytutu Historii UAM Liga Narodów / Niemcy jhpk Völkerbund (DE-588)36500-2 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)36500-2 (DE-588)4011882-4 |
| title | Gra o Niemcy międzynarodowy kontekst wstąpienia Niemiec do Ligi Narodów w roku 1926 |
| title_auth | Gra o Niemcy międzynarodowy kontekst wstąpienia Niemiec do Ligi Narodów w roku 1926 |
| title_exact_search | Gra o Niemcy międzynarodowy kontekst wstąpienia Niemiec do Ligi Narodów w roku 1926 |
| title_full | Gra o Niemcy międzynarodowy kontekst wstąpienia Niemiec do Ligi Narodów w roku 1926 Stanisław Sierpowski ; [projekt okładki Piotr Namiota] |
| title_fullStr | Gra o Niemcy międzynarodowy kontekst wstąpienia Niemiec do Ligi Narodów w roku 1926 Stanisław Sierpowski ; [projekt okładki Piotr Namiota] |
| title_full_unstemmed | Gra o Niemcy międzynarodowy kontekst wstąpienia Niemiec do Ligi Narodów w roku 1926 Stanisław Sierpowski ; [projekt okładki Piotr Namiota] |
| title_short | Gra o Niemcy |
| title_sort | gra o niemcy miedzynarodowy kontekst wstapienia niemiec do ligi narodow w roku 1926 |
| title_sub | międzynarodowy kontekst wstąpienia Niemiec do Ligi Narodów w roku 1926 |
| topic | Liga Narodów / Niemcy jhpk Völkerbund (DE-588)36500-2 gnd |
| topic_facet | Liga Narodów / Niemcy Völkerbund Niemcy / stosunki zagraniczne / 1918-1933 Deutschland |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028056471&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028056471&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV010879172 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT sierpowskistanisław graoniemcymiedzynarodowykontekstwstapienianiemiecdoliginarodowwroku1926 |