Gărcija i Makedonskijat văpros: (1950 - 2000 g.) ; bălgaro-makedonskijat sindrom na grăckija nacionalizăm
Saved in:
| Main Author: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Bulgarian |
| Published: |
Sofija
Tangra TanNakRa
2014
|
| Edition: | 1. izd. |
| Series: | Bălgarska večnost
99 : Bălgari i gărci |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Physical Description: | 551 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9789543781119 |
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| 689 | 0 | 3 | |a Geschichte 1950-2000 |A z |
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Record in the Search Index
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| adam_text |
СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ
ПРЕДГОВОР
.9
УВОД
.32
ПЪРВА ГЛАВА
ЕГЕЙСКИТЕ БЪЛГАРИ СЛЕД ГРАЖДАНСКАТА ВОЙНА
(1950-1966)
1.
В условията на „националното помирение"
.77
2.
През призмата на международните измерения
.107
ВТОРА ГЛАВА
ВОЕННАТА ХУНТА И СЛАВОФОНИТЕ
(1967 - 1974
г.)
1.
В годините на диктаторския режим
.142
2.
Активизиране на антибългарската пропаганда
.157
3.
„Македонците" в триъгълника Атина-Белград-София
.169
ТРЕТА ГЛАВА
ТРЕТАТА ГРЪЦКА РЕПУБЛИКА И МАКЕДОНСКИЯТ ВЪПРОС
(1974-1991)
1.
Сънародниците ни от Егейска Македония в жертва
на българската външна политика
.191
2.
Атина между добросъседството със София,
национализма и българофобията
.232
3.
„Македонското малцинство" и противоборството Гърция
-
СФРЮ
.307
ЧЕТВЪРТА ГЛАВА
ПРОМЕНИТЕ НА БАЛКАНИТЕ И ГРЪЦКИЯТ НАЦИОНАЛЕН
ЕКСТРЕМИЗЪМ
(1991 - 2000)
1.
Независимата Скопска държава и гръцкото противопоставяне
. 3 64
2.
Двубоят „елинизъм
-
македонизъм" извън ринга на историческата
истина
.385
3.
Сътворената гръцка общност в България
-
превантивен ход срещу
припознаването на българите в Гърция
.422
ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ
.492
ПРОСВЕТЛЕНИЕ, РОДЕНО ОТ ДОКОСВАНЕ ДО ИСТОРИЧЕСКАТА
ИСТИНА (послеслов от Центъра за изследвания на българите)
.498
ИЗДАНИЯ НА ТАНГРА ТанНакРа ИК
.503
Библиотека „БЪЛГАРСКА ВЕЧНОСТ"
.503
Книги за България
-
албуми, пътеводители
.510
Поредица „ДРУЖБА „РОДИНА"
.511
Поредица „БЪЛГАРИТЕ ПРЕЗ ВЕКОВЕТЕ" и други книги за деца
.512
Други книги на ТАНГРА ТанНакРа ИК
.512
Библиотеки в чужбина, които получават книги на ТАНГРА ТанНакРа
ОБЩОБЪЛГАРСКА ФОНДАЦИЯ
.515
492 ·
ГЪРЦИЯ И МАКЕДОНСКИЯТ ВЪПРОС
(1950 - 2000
г.)
SUMMARY
The independent Greek state, which emerged in
1830,
united only part of
the Greek lands. Underlain by the Megali [Great] idea, its national strategy
was oriented in multiple directions. It covered not only the territories inhabited
by Greeks, but also lands in which they were a minority or were not present at
all. The six successive territorial expansions until around the end of the first
half of the 20th century resulted in the implementation of only a part of the
Great Greek national programme. It was broken down back in
1922
with the
military catastrophe of the Greek army in Asia Minor. 'Unresolved issues', like
the Cyprus Question and the North Epirus Question remained, while others
like the Macedonian and the Western Thrace Questions, resolved in favour of
Greece, were loaded with deep domestic and international controversy. The
presence of non-Greek population in these newly taken areas was the main
reason thereto.
The purposeful and planned policy of Athens during the interwar period
to eradicate the Bulgarian national spirit, customs, traditions, language and
culture in Aegean Macedonia and to ensure its Hellenization did not deliver
the expected results. In the region remained mass Bulgarian population that
had openly demonstrated its national consciousness during the Second World
War. Because of the wading protection of defeated Bulgaria, in the years of
the Civil War it relied on Macedonism, and because of that a part of it was
compelled to leave the country after the defeat of the leftists. Regardless of
the recurring demographic shock, our compatriots in Aegean Macedonia
retained their numbers and integrity.
Although the term 'Macedonian question' was excluded from the political
vocabulary of postwar Greece as non-existent, it was objectively present in
the public and political life of the country as early as the beginning of the
second half of the 20th century. In the years following the internal Greek
military conflict, in the period of the so-called National Reconciliation,
the government in Greece did not abandon its policy for denationalization
in the South Macedoian lands. Having united the domestic political forces
and benefiting from the auspices of the west, they fended off the attempts
Заключение
· 493
by Yugoslavia to raise the issue of a 'Macedonian minority' in the bilateral
relations. Taking well into account the true national character of this
population, Athens purposefully supported the Bulgarophobes and milked the
induced attitude of a 'danger from the north'.
The
1964
agreements brought a new start in the relations of Greece and
Bulgaria, which at the late
1
980's reached unprecedented heights given that the
countries belonged to different social systems and political-military units. In
the name of the good neighbour relations, and the interests of the Soviet camp,
our compatriots from Aegean Macedonia were excluded from the agenda of
Sofia in the bilateral dialogue. The repeated claims of the government in Sofia
that it didn't have minority or territorial claims to Greece were intended to
strengthen the trust between the two countries as well as the synergy against
the aggressive Yugoslav Macedonism.
The growing Yugoslav propaganda among the 'Macedonians' in Greece
and the enhanced international activities of Belgrade and Skopje in their
support, forced Athens to make a shift in its policy on the Macedonian issue
as from the early
1980's.
The Greek scientific and propaganda potential was
mobilized to decisively confront and expose the Macedonist ideas. Regardless
of the formally
anti-
Yugoslav focus of this aggressive course, objectively
ssen, in its essence it was of an anti-Bulgarian nature.
The appearance of the Skopje state and the fact that Sofia was the first to
recognize it, displayed the Macedonian issue to the fore as a vital one for the
Greek society. It caused a sharp radicalization of Greek nationalism and its
growth into open chauvinism. The question of the name of the Skopje state
heated the nationalist passions in Greece in scale and extent unprecedented in
the postwar period. The word 'Macedonia' used by Skopjans in the name of
their country caused not only the powerful political resistance of Greece but
also mobilized its intellectual energy to 'prove' the unlawfulness of this act.
The biased Greek interpretation of history objectively led to a change in the
colours of the Macedonian question, whose Macedonist pattern faded at the
expense of its Bulgarian prototype. Therefore, the first scientific publications
about our compatriots in Aegean Macedonia which appeared in Bulgaria in
the 1990's were found rather annoying. They were strongly opposed and
perceived as a manifestation of a rising Bulgarian nationalism.
In the last decade of the 20th century, given the new realities in Europe, the
494 ·
ГЪРЦИЯ И МАКЕДОНСКИЯТ ВЪПРОС
(1950 - 2000
г.)
compact 'Slavophone' population in Northern Greece awakened the old Greek
complex of a 'threat from the north'. Modified by the new European human
rights forms and means, today it is no less 'threatening' to Greek interests. The
association attempts of persons of Bulgarian national consciousness came as
a confirmation of the above. In the name of its international image, Athens
had to unclog the valve of the Slavophonic energy and settle for the lesser evil
in the face of the Macedonist party founded in Aegean Macedonia. Moreover,
as a preventive move against Bulgaria, Athens stepped to the instigation of
minority issues to use if needed as 'open questions' in the Greek- Bulgarian
relations. The cultural and educational structures of Karakachans and 'old
Greeks', established in Bulgaria by the Greek emissaries, were aimed at
creating a 'Greek community'. If necessary, it was to be employed as a
bargaining chip against our compatriots in the South Macedonian lands.
Unlike the well designed and smoothly implemented Greek game, the
political forces in Bulgaria and their respective governments did not prove
up to the mark so as to defend our national interests. When the Bulgarians in
Aegean Macedonia were expecting the outstretched hand of mother Bulgaria,
she was not prepared to lend it. At the end of the 20th century our country was
left without a national doctrine, without a strategy and programme to counter
Macedonism in the South Macedonia lands, to strengthen the Bulgarian
consciousness of our compatriots and to support their aspirations for human
and national rights.
The first decade of the 21st century brought up the bitter fruits of this
irresponsible and maleficent national policy. The Bulgarian cause in Aegean
Macedonia lost positions in the face of the Macedonian invasion. FYROM
established itself as an official factor for the protection of the local Slavic
population. Skopje leaders repeatedly asked Athens to recognize the existence
of a 'Macedonian minority' in Greece. They did not miss a chance to raise
this issue before the international community, including the UN. The UN
Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination even recommended
Greece to recognize the existence of a 'Macedonian minority'.
The Rainbow [Vinozito] Party became the engine for the promotion
and dissemination of Macedonism. It gained ground as a political force
which defended the 'national otherness' of our compatriots under the veil
of Macedonist ideas, and was supported by some of them. Special credit
Заключение
· 495
for this should be attributed to some of the party leaders, distinguished by
their education, fighting spirit and, last but not least, by their worldview
against their own kin that was planted in them in Belgrade, the heart of Tito's
Yugoslavia.
As a member of the European Free Alliance, the Rainbow European
Political Party uses the
EU
and its structures in order to raise the issue of so-
called 'Macedonian minority' in Greece. The aim of the leaders is to get their
attention and win them against Athens' reluctance to admit it. In this respect,
they have achieved certain successes. They also use the European platform
to thank their patrons and donors from Skopje with the appeal their desired
state name to be recognized. This not only confirms the Rainbow
-
FYROM
symbiotic, but also the Rainbow members' loyal attitude to their creators.
They will also thank them by contributing to the international formalizing and
strengthening of the 'Macedonian language'. Thanks to the resources of the
European Parliament, wherein the contributions of Greece and Bulgaria flow
as well, the Rainbow Party issued a Macedonian- Greek dictionary. It has
been loudly promoted in Brussels, in the European Parliament itself, in Athens
and Fiorina. The same purpose has underlain the reissuing of the
Abecedar
primer in
1925
in Athens. Prepared pursuant to the Bulgarian-Greek Minority
Agreement concluded under the auspices of the League of Nations
(
September
29, 1924 )
and referring to the rights of the Bulgarian minority in Greece,
the primer was designed not to address some then unknown 'Macedonian
children' but for the small Bulgarians. It provided them the opportunity to
learn their native Bulgarian language. Conditioned by the forgery maneuvers
of their Skopje patrons, the Rainbow leaders concealed all the above during
the still noisy representation of the primer in Greece and abroad.
The myopic policy of Sofia to our compatriots in Aegean Macedonia led to
a rather painful consequence concerning the integrity of the Bulgarian nation.
Rainbow established closer ties with the Macedonist movement in Bulgaria
kindled from Skopje. As a 'senior brother', it became an advocate of OMO
Hinden
-
Pirin
for its recognition by the Bulgarian authorities, for the building
of its international authority, and later, for the adoption as observer member of
the European Free Alliance. Things came to the point that the Rainbow leaders
sought the help of Europe for the recognition of a 'Macedonian minority'
in Bulgaria. Greek Macedonists' efforts in this respect invoke a depressive
496 ·
ГЪРЦИЯ И МАКЕДОНСКИЯТ ВЪПРОС
(1950 - 2000
г.)
mood, knowing the ardent demonstration of Bulgarian consciousness by their
ancestors in the collapse of the Greek state in
1941,
their thirst for Bulgarian
education and church, as well as their armed struggle in defence of the
Bulgarian spirit against Greek nationalists and Tito's expansionists.
The offensive minority policy of Skopje against Greece and Bulgaria
activated their desire for unity against the common danger. Bulgarian
documents and Greek money produced a documentary collection in Greek,
dedicated to the Macedonian question. The scientific arguments provided by
Bulgaria allowed the Greek side to stand against Skopje claims even at the
presentation of the book in April
2009.
Significantly, it was organized in the
Military Museum in Athens, in the presence of dignitaries. Skopje sharply
reacted to the event, arguing that 'the Macedonian identity does not depend
on the presentation of books' and defined the issuing of the collection as a
'deliberate strategy to renounce the Macedonian nation and state'.1
The unconditional Bulgarian readiness for such scientific cooperation is
rather controversial. The motive for countering Skopje minority claims to
our country with foreign money is not only frivolous, but also irresponsible.
Fascinated with this opportunity, Bulgarian responsible factors did not take
into account that the strengthening of the Greek flank against FYROM will
redirect the latter's pressure against Bulgaria. They also did not consider the
benefits of this Greek work and did not seek any reciprocity. On the same basis
they could have requested Greek documents to be issued on the Macedonian
issue. The Greek side would have hardly accepted such an option, as it
would disclose the Bulgarian national character of the Slavic population in
Aegean Macedonia. In the end, the opportunity for the Greeks to publish
our documents showed the blind alley where Sofia was at the end of the first
decade of the 21st century as far as our compatriots in Aegean Macedonia
were concerned. Moreover, this fact confirmed that the Bulgarian rulers
had criminally underestimated the marginal Greek nationalism that rose in
the 1990's. Being closely related to the Macedonian question, it instilled in
the Greek public consciousness the idea of an impending two-faced Slavic
danger, that of Sofia and Skopje, coming from the north.
Indicative for the attitude of Athens to Bulgaria are the revelations of the
former Greek Prime Minister Andreas
Papandreou
of April
2010.
Despite the
clubs.dir.bg. Notice of the Focus Agency.
Заключение
· 497
emotional pillows, he laid bare the true and genuine attitude of the Greek
political elite to the Bulgarians and their state. 'I know that we have always
been a more civilized nation than our northern neighbours. Our nation is
built on the foundations of the Orthodox faith and Christian virtues, while the
Bulgarians are atheist scientists. And you will see that after
50
years, we,
Greeks, will be still here and the Bulgarians will only feature in legends'.
These inspired words of the last member of the
'Papandreou'
political
dynasty, foreshadowing the disappearance of Bulgarian tribe from the earth,
are an indication of deep-seated
anti-
Bulgarian and constant charge in the
foreign policy of Greece, nurtured over decades by the Macedonian question. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Daskalov, Georgi Dimitrov 1942- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1031972099 |
| author_facet | Daskalov, Georgi Dimitrov 1942- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Daskalov, Georgi Dimitrov 1942- |
| author_variant | g d d gd gdd |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV042054433 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)897289907 (DE-599)BVBBV042054433 |
| edition | 1. izd. |
| era | Geschichte 1950-2000 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1950-2000 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Griechenland (DE-588)4022047-3 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Griechenland |
| id | DE-604.BV042054433 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2025-02-24T11:08:23Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789543781119 |
| language | Bulgarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027495453 |
| oclc_num | 897289907 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR DE-12 |
| physical | 551 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2014 |
| publishDateSearch | 2014 |
| publishDateSort | 2014 |
| publisher | Tangra TanNakRa |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Bălgarska večnost |
| series2 | Bălgarska večnost |
| spelling | Daskalov, Georgi Dimitrov 1942- Verfasser (DE-588)1031972099 aut Gărcija i Makedonskijat văpros (1950 - 2000 g.) ; bălgaro-makedonskijat sindrom na grăckija nacionalizăm Georgi Daskalov 1. izd. Sofija Tangra TanNakRa 2014 551 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Bălgarska večnost 99 : Bălgari i gărci In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1950-2000 gnd rswk-swf Makedonische Frage (DE-588)4168663-9 gnd rswk-swf Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 gnd rswk-swf Griechenland (DE-588)4022047-3 gnd rswk-swf Griechenland (DE-588)4022047-3 g Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 s Makedonische Frage (DE-588)4168663-9 s Geschichte 1950-2000 z DE-604 Bălgarska večnost 99 : Bălgari i gărci (DE-604)BV012764044 99 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027495453&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027495453&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Daskalov, Georgi Dimitrov 1942- Gărcija i Makedonskijat văpros (1950 - 2000 g.) ; bălgaro-makedonskijat sindrom na grăckija nacionalizăm Bălgarska večnost Makedonische Frage (DE-588)4168663-9 gnd Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4168663-9 (DE-588)4041300-7 (DE-588)4022047-3 |
| title | Gărcija i Makedonskijat văpros (1950 - 2000 g.) ; bălgaro-makedonskijat sindrom na grăckija nacionalizăm |
| title_auth | Gărcija i Makedonskijat văpros (1950 - 2000 g.) ; bălgaro-makedonskijat sindrom na grăckija nacionalizăm |
| title_exact_search | Gărcija i Makedonskijat văpros (1950 - 2000 g.) ; bălgaro-makedonskijat sindrom na grăckija nacionalizăm |
| title_full | Gărcija i Makedonskijat văpros (1950 - 2000 g.) ; bălgaro-makedonskijat sindrom na grăckija nacionalizăm Georgi Daskalov |
| title_fullStr | Gărcija i Makedonskijat văpros (1950 - 2000 g.) ; bălgaro-makedonskijat sindrom na grăckija nacionalizăm Georgi Daskalov |
| title_full_unstemmed | Gărcija i Makedonskijat văpros (1950 - 2000 g.) ; bălgaro-makedonskijat sindrom na grăckija nacionalizăm Georgi Daskalov |
| title_short | Gărcija i Makedonskijat văpros |
| title_sort | garcija i makedonskijat vapros 1950 2000 g balgaro makedonskijat sindrom na grackija nacionalizam |
| title_sub | (1950 - 2000 g.) ; bălgaro-makedonskijat sindrom na grăckija nacionalizăm |
| topic | Makedonische Frage (DE-588)4168663-9 gnd Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Makedonische Frage Nationalismus Griechenland |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027495453&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027495453&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV012764044 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT daskalovgeorgidimitrov garcijaimakedonskijatvapros19502000gbalgaromakedonskijatsindromnagrackijanacionalizam |