Verfügbarkeit: Nacjonalizm włoski

Nacjonalizm włoski: geneza i ewolucja doktryny politycznej (1896 - 1923)

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Bibliographische Detailangaben
1. Verfasser:	Sondel-Cedarmas, Joanna 1975- (VerfasserIn)
Format:	Buch
Sprache:	Polish
Veröffentlicht:	Kraków Księgarnia Akademicka 2013
Schriftenreihe:	Societas 55
Schlagworte:	Geschichte 1896-1923 Nacjonalizm / Włochy / historia Nationalismus Włochy / polityka i rządy / 1870-1915 Włochy / polityka i rządy / 1914-1945 Italien
Online-Zugang:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Beschreibung:	Zsfassung in engl. u. ital. Sprache u.d.T.: Italian nationalism - the sources and evolution of the political doctrine (1896 - 1923) Bibliogr. s. 443-469. Indeks
Beschreibung:	481 s. 24 cm
ISBN:	9788376383002

Internformat

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Datensatz im Suchindex

_version_	1820165838420836352
adam_text	Spis tresei Wstęp . И Rozdział 1. Spory o istotę nacjonalizmu włoskiego - dzieje i krytyka . 27 1.1. Czy nacjonalizm jest ideologią? Próba systematyzacji terminologicznej . . 27 1.2. Idea narodu we włoskiej myśli politycznej XVIII i XIX wieku . 33 1.3. Od nacjonalitaryzmu do nacjonalizmu: spory co do początków i definicji włoskiego nacjonalizmu . 48 1.3.1. Kontrowersje wokół początków włoskiego nacjonalizmu . 51 1.3.2. Idea narodu w koncepcjach włoskich nacjonalistów . 52 1.3.3. Elitaryzm - wpływ ideologiczny Gaetana Moski i Vilfreda Pareto . . 53 1.3.4. Idea rasy włoskich nacjonalistów . 54 1.3.5. Nacjonalizm a patriotyzm . 57 1.3.6. Rozrachunek z tradycją risorgimenta . 60 1.3.7. Nacjonalizm a religia . 63 1.4. Nacjonalizm włoski a nacjonalizm francuski . 73 Rozdział 2. Prekursorzy włoskiego nacjonalizmu . 93 2.1. Pasquale Turiello - pierwszy teoretyk włoskiego nacjonalizmu . 93 2.1.1. Turiello a dziedzictwo risorgimenta . 94 2.1.2. Turiello wobec zjawiska merydionalizmu . 95 2.1.3. Projekt reformy systemu parlamentarnego . 97 2.1.4. Reforma szkolnictwa . 98 2.1.5. Turiello a socjalizm . 99 2.1.6. Współczesna sytuacja międzynarodowa w ocenie Pasqualego Turiello .100 2.1.7. Kolonializm .102 2.2. Alfredo Oriani - rzecznik wielkich Włoch .104 2.2.1. Risorgimento w ocenie Alfreda Orianiego . 104 2.2.2. Koncepcja silnego państwa . 105 2.2.3. Kult nowoczesności . 106 2.3. Giosuè Carducci - kult tradycji starożytnego Rzymu . 108 2.3.1. Carducci a tradycja risorgimenta .108 2.3.2. Koncepcja trzeciego Rzymu .109 6 Spis treści 2.3.3. Krytyka chrześcijaństwa i Kościoła katolickiego .110 2.3.4. Koncepcja państwa .111 2.3.5. Zwolennik polityki Francesca Crispiego .112 2.4. Mario Morasso i koncepcja przywództwa literatów .115 2.4.1. Od „egoarchii" do koncepcji „aktywnego konserwatyzmu" .115 2.4.2. Idea polityki literatów .117 2.4.3. Mit trzeciego Rzymu a kult nowoczesności .120 2.5. Gabriele D'Annunzio - elitaryzm, antyparlamentaryzm i imperializm . 121 2.5.1. Idea nadczłowieka Nietzschego a kształtowanie się idei politycznych Gabriela D'Annunzio .124 2.5.2. Idea trzeciego Rzymu .126 2.5.3. Krytyka systemu parlamentarnego i ustroju demokratycznego .127 2.5.4. Krytyka socjalizmu .128 2.5.5. Imperializm w myśli politycznej Gabriela D'Annunzio .130 2.5.6. Mit „kalekiego zwycięstwa" i wyprawa fiumeńska (1919-1920) . 131 2.5.7. Carta del Cámaro .133 2.5.8. D'Annunzio a faszyzm . 14Î Rozdział 3. „Różnorodny nacjonalizm włoski": 1903-1910.145 3.1. Literackie czasopisma na przełomie XIX i XX wieku: „II Marzocco", „Leonardo", „II Convito" .147 3.2. „Il Regno" Enrica Corradiniego (1903-1906) .150 3.3. Aneksja Bośni i Hercegowiny i wzrost nastrojów nacjonalistycznych we Włoszech: „II Tricolore", „II Carroccio" i „La Grande Italia" . 155 3.4. Mario Viana i grupa „II Tricolore" . 156 3.5. „Il Carroccio" i grupa rzymska . 159 3.6. „La Grande Italia" і program irredentystyczny . 164 Rozdział 4. Enrico Corradini - pierwszy teoretyk włoskiego nacjonalizmu .167 4. ł . Zarys biografii politycznej .167 4.2. Klęska pod Aduą a narodziny ruchu nacjonalistycznego we Włoszech .174 4.3. Kształtowanie się programu ideologicznego włoskiego nacjonalizmu: „II Regno" (1903-1905).177 4.4. Problem emigracji w myśli politycznej Enrica Corradiniego .182 4.5. 1 Kongres Nacjonalistyczny i koncepcja narodów proletariackich .183 4.6. Syndykalizm narodowy w koncepcji Enrica Corradiniego . 185 4.7. Koncepcja wojny . 187 4.8. Corradini a demokracja i liberalizm . 190 4.9. Corradini a faszyzm . 192 Spis treści 7 Rozdział 5. „Nacjonalizm humanistyczny" Giovanniego Papiniego i Giuseppe Prezzoliniego.195 5.1. Idee polityczne Giovanniego Papiniego i Giuseppe Prezzoliniego na tle „nacjonalizmu estetycznego" .196 5.2. Koncepcja „partii intelektualistów" Papiniego na tle idei Maria Morasso .197 5.3. Antypozytywizm, antysocjalizm i anty liberalizm: od „Leonardo" do „II Regno" . 200 5.4. Rola burżuazji w społeczeństwie i problem „odrodzenia narodowego" . . 202 5.5. Elitaryzm Giuseppe Prezzoliniego . 206 5.6. Imperializm kulturalny Giovanniego Papiniego . 208 5.7. „La Voce" i rozłam z nacjonalizmem . 210 5.8. Idee polityczne Giovanniego Papiniego na tle futuryzmu politycznego . 215 5.8.1. Mit nowoczesności a tradycja .218 5.8.2. Koncepcja wojny .220 Rozdział 6. I Kongres Nacjonalistyczny i powstanie Stowarzyszenia Nacjonalistów Włoskich .223 6.1. 1 Kongres Nacjonalistyczny .223 6.2. Kwestia monarchii .229 6.3. Powstanie nacjonalistycznych grup regionalnych i „L'Idea Nazionale" . 235 Rozdział 7. Wojna libijska w koncepcji włoskich nacjonalistów .239 Rozdział 8. II Kongres Nacjonalistyczny (1912) - rozłam między nacjonalistami konserwatywnymi a demokratycznymi .247 8.1. Antysemityzm Francesca Coppoli .247 8.2. Scipio Sighele a spór nacjonalistów demokratycznych i konserwatywnych .254 Rozdział 9. Luigi Federzoni - twórca przymierza nacjonalistów z katolikami .259 9.1. Zarys biografii politycznej .259 9.2. Federzoni wobec powstania włoskiego nacjonalizmu . . 261 9.3. Koncepcje polityki zagranicznej Luigiego Federzoniego - irredentyzm a imperializm .263 9.4. Federzoni wobec przymierza nacjonalistów z katolikami .266 8 Spis tresei 9.5. Problem masoński w interpretacji Luigiego Federzoniego .270 9.6. Federzoni a liberalizm .273 9.7. Federzoni wobec narodzin i rozwoju faszyzmu we Włoszech .275 Rozdział 10. Alfredo Rocco - „architekt nowego państwa" .283 10. L Zarys biografii politycznej .283 10.2. Radykalizm - liberalizm narodowy - nacjonalizm: ewolucja koncepcji politycznych Alfreda Rocca .286 10.3. Nacjonalizm wobec innych doktryn politycznych: krytyka liberalizmu, socjalizmu i demokracji Alfreda Rocca .292 10.4. Antyindywiduaíizm, organicyzm, autorytaryzm .297 10.5. Program gospodarki narodowej Alfreda Rocca .302 10.6. Alfredo Rocco a III Kongres Nacjonalistyczny .306 10.7. Imperializm w koncepcji Alfreda Rocca .308 10.8. Syndykalizm i korporacjonizm w myśli politycznej Alfreda Rocca .310 10.9. Rocco wobec powstania i rozwoju faszyzmu we Włoszech .315 10.10. Faszyzm w interpretacji Alfreda Rocca .318 10.11. Koncepcja faszystowskiego państwa politycznego Alfreda Rocca. 320 Rozdział 11. Nacjonalizm a irredentyzm .329 11.1. Irredentyzm włoski jako problem metodologiczny .329 11.2. Irredentyzm a narodziny i rozwój włoskiego nacjonalizmu .337 11.3. Irredentyzm trydencki: Scipio Sighele i Gualtiero Castellini .341 11.3.1. Problem istnienia włoskiego uniwersytetu w monarchii austro-węgierskiej w ocenie Scipia Sighelego .345 11.3.2. Scipio Sighele i Gualtiero Castellini wobec kwestii autonomii Trydentu .350 11.4. Imperialistyczny irredentyzm adriatycki Ruggera Timeusa i Attilia Tamara .351 11.4.1. Idea „otwartych drzwi na Wschód" Ruggera Timeusa .355 11.4.2. Kwestia adriatycka w interpretacji Attilia Tamara .358 Rozdział 12. Nacjonaliści a wybuch I wojny światowej .363 12.1. Od poparcia trójprzymierza do zbrojnej neutralności: włoscy nacjonaliści a kwestia przymierzy .365 12.2. Alfredo Rocco i koncepcja zbrojnej neutralności .371 12.3. W stronę poparcia ententy: wpływ nacjonalistów-irredentystów .372 12.4. Roberto Forges Davanzati: koniec trójprzymierza .375 Spis treści 9 12.5. Kwestia adriatycka i program polityki zagranicznej nacjonalistów po zakończeniu I wojny światowej .379 Rozdział 13. Nacjonaliści a „sprawa polska" .385 Rozdział 14. Nacjonaliści włoscy wobec kryzysu państwa liberalnego .397 14.1. Manifest „La Politica" .397 14.2. IV Kongres Nacjonalistyczny w Rzymie w 1919 roku .401 14.3. Włoscy nacjonaliści a wyprawa fiumeńska Gabriela D'Annunzio .402 14.4. Koncepcja dyktatury burżuazji .404 Rozdział 15. Od nacjonalizmu do nacjonalfaszyzmu - fuzja Stowarzyszenia Nacjonalistów Włoskich z Narodową Partią Faszystowską w 1923 roku. . 407 15.1. Nacjonaliści wobec powstania i rozwoju faszyzmu do 1922 roku .410 15.2. Ku fuzji z PNF: kwestia monarchii i masonerii .413 15.3. Faszyzm - rewolucyjny nacjonalizm? .420 Zakończenie .429 Italian Nationalism - the Sources and Evolution of the Political Doctrine (1896-1923). Summary .435 Nazionalismo italiano - genesi e evoluzione della dottrina politica (1896-1923). Riassunto .439 Bibliografia .443 Indeks osobowy .471 Italian Nationalism - the Sources and Evolution of the Political Doctrine (1896-1923) Summary This monograph presents the evolution of the political doctrine of Italian nationalism in the years 1896-1923, against the background of the crisis of the liberal State, and the origin and strengthening of fascism. In Poland, these issues have not been elaborated on so far, although in the early 1920s many Polish publicists and politicians took great interest in the Italian national movement - particularly those associated with the National Democracy, like Roman Dmowski, Stanisław Kozicki, Jan Zdzitowiecki, and Władysław Jabłonowski, who in their works analysed the movement's ideological influence on Italian fascism. They also attempted to see similarities between the development of Enrico Corradini's group, as well as Polish and French nationalism. This work comprises five thematic blocks: 1) The first two chapters are an attempt to formulate a definition of Italian nationalism, mainly on the basis of the idea of a nation, formulated by its leading theoreticians, as well as its ideological sources, with particular regard to its relations with democratic nationalism in the first half of the 19th century, and also its attitude towards patriotism, Catholicism and the Catholic Church, and its affiliation with French nationalism. The origin of the Italian national movement was influenced by political events which took place in Italy towards the end of the 19th century, particularly by the lost battle of Adua in 1896, the fall of Francesco Crispi's government, social unease in the years 1897-1898, the crisis of the parliamentary system, the increasing importance of the socialist movement and escalation of authoritarian tendencies, as well as the fin de siècle cultural atmosphere, which encouraged the formation of literary associations of intellectuals sharing a critical attitude towards the contemporary political, economic, and social situation in Italy. Political concepts presented by Italian thinkers around the turn of the century, like Alfredo Oriani, Pasquale Turiello, Mario Morasso, Giosuè Carducci, and Gabriele D'Annunzio, also had an important impact upon the origin of the Italian nationalist doctrine. 2) The following three chapters are devoted to the so-called "literary and rhetorical stage" in the development of Italian nationalism, which comprises approximately the years 1896-1910. Until the year 1910, Italian nationalism was heterogeneous and developed independently in several centres focused around the editorial offices of major literary journals (II Marzocco, II Regno, La Voce) and newspapers (II Carroccio, La Grande Italia). Although its representatives: the first nationalist groups like Enrico Corradini's "II Regno" group, proclaiming an imperialist policy, the representatives of the humanist nationalism like Giovanni Papini and Giuseppe Prezzolini, Giovanni Borelli's Young Liberals, Mario Viana's revolutionary-syndicalist, monarchist and imperialist group "II Tricolore", the "II Carroccio" group from Rome, and the "La Grande Italia" group proclaiming irredentism, all shared some features, attacking the parliamentary democratic system and socialism, and aiming 436 Italian Nationalism. - Summary at the rebirth of the national consciousness in Italy, they all represented different political concepts, especially the ones concerning 1) irredentism, 2) relations with the Catholic Church, 3) economic policy, 4) the attitude towards democracy and liberalism. 3) The next four chapters present the evolution of the ideology of the Italian nationalism in its so-called "political stage of development", starting with the first Nationalist Congress in 1910, where the official Italian Nationalist Association (Associazione Nazionalista Italiana) was born, until the third Congress in Milan in 1914, with particular regard to the political thought of the leading representatives of the group: Luigi Federzoni, Maurizio Maraviglia, Francesco Coppola, Roberto Forges Davanzati, and Alfredo Rocco. The Italian national movement doctrine was, to a great extent, specified owing to discussions concerning its policy held at subsequent congresses, which even led to internal divisions, and also owing to the articles published especially in L'Idea Nazionale, and also leaflets on the policy, concerning the question of monarchy, the attitude towards democracy and liberalism, the mason question, and also specifying the relations with Catholic groups. The origin of the ideological programme of Italian nationalism was considerably influenced by irredentist- -democrats like Scipio Sighele, Èrcole Rivalta, and Paolo Arcari, who finally left the Italian Nationalist Association at the second Nationalist Congress in 1912, and by irredentist- -imperialists from Trieste, like Ruggero Fauro and Attilio Tamaro. The substantial role in the history of the Italian nationalism was played by the third National Congress in Milan in 1914, where, thanks to Alfredo Rocco, Professor of Political Economy at the University of Padua, one unified economic policy based on protectionism was adopted. Rocco, who was the new leader of the group since the Congress in Milan, led to breaking up with the tradition of Risorgimento, particularly with the tendency to present nationalists as followers of the liberal right-wing tradition (Destra storica), which was suggested by Luigi Federzoni already in 1913. As a result of the programme decisions taken at subsequent congresses, nationalism became anti-socialist, anti-liberal, anti-democratic, and anti-Mason in character, and in the years 1914-1919 it turned into a reactive party proclaiming the rebirth of the authority of the State, the neutralization of social conflicts, and providing an adequate place for the grand bourgeoisie with the support of monarchy and the Catholic Church, and also protectionism in the economic policy, as well as militarism and expansion in the foreign policy. 4) The next three chapters present the Italian nationalists' foreign policy, with special regard to the relations between Italian nationalism and irredentism. Members of Associazione Nazionalista Italiana were sensitive to the question of irredentist lands, although they regarded these problems as minor in their foreign policy, paying much more attention to the colonization policy in Africa and gaining hegemony in the Mediterranean Basin. Undoubtedly, the question of Trent and Trieste had an influence on the Italian-Austrian relations, leading basically to Italy leaving the Triple Alliance and supporting the Triple Entente when World War I broke out. When analysing their relations with the democratic nationalism from Trent (represented by Scipio Sighele and Gualtiero Castellini) and imperialist irredentism from the Adriatic Coast territory (Attilio Tamaro and Ruggero Fauro's concepts), it should be pointed out that Italian nationalists regarded the aggressive program of A. Tamaro and R. Fauro as more important. Chapter XII presents the policies of Italian nationalisms from the times of the Great War and the peace conference at Versailles, with particular regard to the so-called "Adriatic question" and Gabriele D' Annunzio's seizure of Fume. Chapter XIII is devoted to the question of the Italian nationalists' attitude to the newly- -born and reborn countries created after the fall of the Hapsburg Empire, with special regard to the attitude towards Poland. Italian Nationalism. - Summary 437 5) The last part of this work presents the Italian nationalists' policy on the crisis of the liberal State after World War I, particularly in the light of the policy accepted at the fourth Nationalist Congress in March 1919, and relations between nationalism and fascism until the fusion of PNF and ANI in February 1923. Analysing the influence of ideological nationalism on the doctrine of the Italian fascism, it should be noted that nationalists, although initially not particularly enthusiastic about Fasci di combattimento, created in 1919 (they primarily criticized its revolutionary and republican character and its political methods), later supported its anti-socialist and anti-Bolshevik slogans, as well as its defence of the contemporary social situation and its criticism of the liberal policy. The fusion with fascism, officially proclaimed in 1923, although it actually meant 'absorption' of the exclusive Italian Nationalist Association by the much more numerous Fascist Party, ideologically meant the submission of Benito Mussolini's group to the unified nationalist doctrine. Undoubtedly, the form of the fascist doctrine was influenced not only by nationalism, but also by other tendencies and political concepts. It should not be denied that the nationalist influence was of great importance, mostly in the so-called "rising to power stage" of fascism in the years 1921-1925. In the doctrine of fascism, particularly the following elements were inspired by nationalism: The concept of the National State - the driving force of the whole social life; the absolute authority of the State over individuals and social groups, and the individuals' interests subdued by the national interests. Corporatism and social solidarity presented in the fascist Charter of Labour were actually based on the concepts invented by Enrico Corradini and Alfredo Rocco at the fourth ANI Congress in 1919, aiming at the elimination of social conflicts through the absorption of people by economic and professional organizations controlled by the State, and the elimination of any forms of opposition against the State authorities and any attempts at making the production process harder. Imperialism and militarism: although fascism, like nationalism, proclaimed the cult of war and emphasized the proper military preparation of Italy, it started to implement the aggressive foreign policy invented by the nationalists only in the late 1930s. Nationalists also invented the alliance of fascism and monarchy, and made Benito Mussolini's group discard their early republican thought and their pro-Masonic sympathies. Similarly, the Lateran Agreements, regulating the relations between Church and State and signed by the fascist Duce in February 1929, were basically the fulfilment of the nationalists' postulate presented as early as 1913. Although the nationalists, especially Alfredo Rocco and Luigi Federzoni, cooperated with Benito Mussolini in the process of the transformation of the country in the totalitarian direction after the year 1925, yet they basically did not support the idea of full concentration of the dictator's power in the hands of the fascist Duce — a process which started in the early 1930s, and they also rejected the identification of the nation with fascism, and the implementation of racist legal acts in 1938, as well as the dependence of the Italian policy on Adolf Hitler's Third Reich. Nazionalismo italiano - genesi e evoluzione della dottrina politica (1896-1923) Riassunto La monografia descrive l'evoluzione della dottrina politica del nazionalismo italiano negli anni 1896-1923 sullo sfondo della crisi dello Stato liberale e dell'avvento del fascismo. Que¬ sta problematica non è stata finora trattata in Polonia, nonostante alľ inizio degli anni 20 il movimento nazionalista italiano suscitasse il vivo interesse di molti pubblicisti e politi¬ ci polacchi, soprattutto presso gli ambienti culturalmente vicini alla Democrazia Nazionale (tra cui Roman Domowski, Stanisław Kozicki, Jan Zdzitowiecki e Władysław Jabłonowski), ι quali nei loro scritti analizzavano l'influsso ideologico del movimento di Enrico Corradini sul fascismo italiano rilevando le analogie tra il suo sviluppo e quello dei nazionalismi polac¬ co e francese. Nel presente studio si possono evidenziare cinque blocchi tematici: 1)1 primi due capitoli costituiscono il tentativo di definire il nazionalismo italiano, te¬ nendo conto di come sia stata formulata l'idea di nazione dai suoi principali rappresentanti, delle sue origini ideologiche ponendolo a confronto con il nazionalismo democratico (il na- zionalitarismo) della prima metà dell' 800 e studiando і suoi rapporti con il patriottismo, il cattolicesimo e con la Chiesa cattolica, oltre ai suoi legami con il nazionalismo francese. Allo sviluppo del movimento nazionalista italiano contribuirono sia gli avvenimenti politici della fine del XIX secolo, ed in particolare la disfatta di Adua del 1896, la caduta del go¬ verno Crispí, i moti sociali degli anni 1897-1898, la crisi del parlamentarismo, la crescita del movimento socialista, l'escalation delle tendenze autoritarie, che il clima culturale della fin de siècle, il quale favorì la nascita di circoli letterari, ritrovo dei giovani intellettuali (nati dopo 1870) che giudicavano negativamente la situazione politica, economica e sociale dell'Italia dell'epoca. Un ruolo rilevante nell'elaborazione della dottrina nazionalista in Ita¬ lia lo svolsero anche le idee politiche di diversi pubblicisti e pensatori politici a cavallo tra '800 e '900, cito Alfredo Oriani, Pasquale Turiello, Mario Morasso, Giosuè Carducci e Ga¬ briele D'Annunzio. 2) I successivi tre capitoli sono dedicati alla cosiddetta fase "retorico-letteraria" del na¬ zionalismo italiano, che attraversa gli anni 1896-1910. Fino al 1910 il nazionalismo italiano, sviluppatosi indipendentemente in diversi centri, legati in gran parte alle redazioni delle prin¬ cipali riviste letterarie (quali "II Marzocco", "II Regno", "La Voce") come pure dei giorna¬ li ("II Carroccio", "La Grande Italia"), seppur promuovendo programmi politici differenti, riuscì ad esprimere un carattere eterogeneo. I primi gruppi nazionalisti, tra і quali quello imperialista de "II Regno" di Enrico Corradini, і rappresentanti del „nazionalismo umanista" — Giovanni Papini e Giuseppe Prezzolini, „i giovani liberali" di Giovanni Borelli, il gruppo anarco-sindacalista, monarchico ed imperialista de "II Tricolore" di Mario Viana, il grup¬ po imperialista, romano de "II Carroccio" ed il gruppo irredentista de "La Grande Italia", per 440 Nazionalismo italiano. - Riassunto quanto accomunati da diversi argomenti, quali l'attacco al sistema democratico-parlamentare e al socialismo, ed auspicando la ricostruzione del sentimento nazionale degli italiani, segui¬ vano e promuovevano dei propri programmi che divergevano su questioni fondamentali qua¬ li: 1) irredentismo, 2) relazioni con la Chiesa cattolica, 3) programma economico, 4) rapporto con la democrazia e il liberalismo. 3) I quattro capitoli a seguire descrivono ľ evoluzione del programma ideologico del nazionalismo italiano sotto l'aspetto prettamente politico, ossia a partire dal I Congresso Na¬ zionalista di Firenze del 1910, in cui nacque ufficialmente l'Associazione Nazionalista Ita¬ liana nonché l'organo "ufficioso" del movimento (L'Idea Nazionale) fino al Terzo Congresso di Milano del 1914, ponendo particolare attenzione al pensiero politico dei suoi principali rappresentanti: Luigi Federzoni, Maurizio Maraviglia, Francesco Coppola, Roberto Forges Davanzati e Alfredo Rocco. Alla cristalizzazione della dottrina del nazionalismo italiano contribuirono in modo determinante le discussioni programmatiche avutesi durante і vari congressi che portarono perfino a delle significative divergenze interne e ad insanabili frat¬ ture, come pure gli articoli pubblicati soprattutto sull'"Idea Nazionale" ed opuscoli tematici su questioni essenziali quali і rapporti con la monarchia e con і cattolici, con la democra¬ zia e con il liberalismo nonché il problema massonico. Significativo fu anche l'influsso dei nazionalisti-democratici (Scipio Sighele, Èrcole Rivalta e Paolo Arcari), і quali abbando¬ narono l'Associazione Nazionalista Italiana durante il II Congresso Nazionalista del 1912, nonché degli irredentisti-imperialisti di Trieste (Ruggero Fauro e Attilio Tamaro). Un ruolo fondamentale nella storia del nazionalismo ebbe il III Congresso di Milano, in cui il naziona¬ lismo acquisì maturità e completezza ideologica, adottando il programma protezionista nella politica economica, in gran parte grazie al contributo di Alfredo Rocco, e si trasformò da un"associazione in un partito politico. Rocco — professore di economia politica dell'Univer¬ sità di Padova ed a partire dal 1914 nuovo leader dell'ANI - contribuì anche alla rottura ideo¬ logica con la tradizione del Risorgimento ed in particolare con la tendenza a rappresentare і nazionalisti quali continuatori del pensiero della Destra storica, la qual cosa fu una proposta già avanzata da Luigi Federzoni nel 1913. In seguito alle discussioni congressuali il nazio¬ nalismo assunse un carattere antisocialista, antiliberale, antidemocratico ed antimassonico, diventando tra il 1914-1919 un partito reazionario, mirante alla ricostruzione dell'autorità dello Stato, alla neutralizzazione dei conflitti sociali, che garantiva un ruolo importante nella struttura dello Stato alla grande borghesia produttiva in collaborazione con la Monarchia e la Chiesa Cattolica e sosteneva un programma protezionista nella politica economica ed imperialista in quella estera. 4) I successivi tre capitoli sono dedicati all'aspetto programmatico inerente la politica estera dei nazionalisti, in particolare sui rapporti tra il nazionalismo e l'irredentismo. I soste¬ nitori dell'Associazione Nazionalista Italiana erano sensibili ai problemi delle terre irredente: ciononostante giudicavano la questione secondaria rispetto al programma della politica este¬ ra, dando maggiore importanza al problema coloniale in Africa ed alla conquista dell'ege¬ monia sul Mediterraneo. Non c'è tuttavia alcun dubbio che la questione Trento-Trieste in¬ fluì sui rapporti italo-austriaci, contribuendo all'abbandono della Triplice da parte dell'Italia e all'avvicinamento alľ Intesa dopo lo scoppio della prima guerra mondiale. Analizzando le relazioni con l'irredentismo democratico di Trento (rappresentato da Scipio Sighele e Gual- tiero Castellini) e quello imperialista del Litorale Adriatico (di Attilio Tamaro e Ruggero Fauro) va riconosciuto che і nazionalisti italiani preferivano il programma aggressivo impe¬ rialista di Tamaro e Fauro. Il capitolo XII descrive il programma dei nazionalisti durante la Grande Guerra e le trattative di pace di Versailles, approfondendo la questione adriatica e l'impresa di Fiume di _ Nazionalismo italiano. - Riassunto 441 Gabriele D'Annunzio. Il capitolo XIII analizza invece і rapporti dei nazionalisti italiani con gli Stati nati dopo la dissoluzione dell'Impero Asburgico, tenendo in particolare considera¬ zione le relazioni con lo Stato Polacco. 5) Gli ultimi due capitoli illustrano il programma dei nazionalisti italiani di ironie alla crisi dello Stato liberale dopo la fine della 1 guerra mondiale, in particolare alla luce delle decisioni intraprese durante il IV Congresso Nazionalista del marzo 1919, nonché le relazio¬ ni tra il nazionalismo e il fascismo fino alla fusione dell'ANI con il PNF nel febbraio 1923. Valutando l'influsso ideologico del nazionalismo sulla dottrina del fascismo, dobbiamo rico¬ noscere che sebbene і rappresentanti dell'Associazione Nazionalista italiana non fossero par¬ ticolarmente favorevoli alla nascita dei Fasci di combattimento nel marzo 1919, criticando il loro carattere rivoluzionario e repubblicano oltre ai metodi utilizzati nella pratica politica, essi però si riconoscevano nelle idee antisocialiste, antibolsceviche e nella difesa dell'or¬ dine sociale costituito, abbinati alla critica dei governi liberali. La fusione con il fascismo, sancita nel febbraio 1923, nonostante dal punto di vista pratico costituisse l'assorbimento dell elitaria Associazione Nazionalista Italiana da parte di un Partito di massa come quello fascista, dal punto di vista ideologico significava una sottomissione del movimento di Be¬ nito Mussolini alla dottrina nazionalista. Pur concordando che la dottrina fascista nacque sotto 1 influsso dì diversi correnti e concetti ideologici, l'influenza nazionalista fu significa¬ tiva, innanzitutto durante la fase della conquista del potere da parte del fascismo, negli anni 1921-1925. In particolare nella dottrina fascista si possono distinguere і seguenti elementi di ispirazione nazionalista: 1) Idea dello Stato nazionale, il che fu un motore dell'azione di tutta 1 · Ja vita sociale e prevedeva un primato dello Stato-nazione su individui e gruppi sociali, oltre al primato delľ interesse nazionale su quello individuale. 2) Corporativismo e solidarismo sociale, rappresentati nella Carta del Lavoro fascista, si basavano sulle idee, elaborate già da Enrico Corradini e Alfredo Rocco durante il IV Congresso Nazionalista del 1919 e miranti alla liquidazione dei conflitti sociali attraverso l'assorbimento delle masse da parte delle organizzazioni economico-professionali, operanti sotto uno stretto controllo dello Stato, ed eliminazione di tutte le forme di contestazione al potere statale e di ostacolo al sistema pro¬ duttivo; 3) Imperialismo e militarismo - anche se, nonostante il fascismo, come il nazionali¬ smo, coltivasse il culto della guerra, evidenziando ľ importanza di una adeguata preparazione militare dell'Italia, solo nelľarco degli anni '30 prese avvio l'aggressivo programma dei politica estera del nazionalismo. I nazionalisti erano inoltre promotori dell'alleanza del fascismo con la monarchia e spin¬ gevano verso ľ abbandono delle originali idee repubblicane e simpatie massoniche presenti nel fascismo. Allo stesso modo і Patti Lateranesi che regolavano і rapporti Stato - Chiesa, sottoscritti dal Duce nel febbraio 1929, costituivano la realizzazione di parte del programma nazionalista formulato già del 1913. Malgrado dopo il 1925 alcuni nazionalisti (in partico¬ lare Alfredo Rocco e Luigi Federzoni) collaborassero con Benito Mussolini nel processo di trasformazione dello Stato verso la forma totalitaria, non erano tuttavia favorevoli alla piena assunzione da parte del Duce del potere dittatoriale, percorso iniziato nei primi anni 30, né alla graduale immedesimazione della nazione con il fascismo e furono contrari alla promul¬ gazione delle leggi razziali del 1938 ed alla sempre maggiore dipendenza dell'Italia dal Terzo Reich di Adolf Hitler.
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spelling	Sondel-Cedarmas, Joanna 1975- Verfasser (DE-588)138252297 aut Nacjonalizm włoski geneza i ewolucja doktryny politycznej (1896 - 1923) Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas Kraków Księgarnia Akademicka 2013 481 s. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Societas 55 Zsfassung in engl. u. ital. Sprache u.d.T.: Italian nationalism - the sources and evolution of the political doctrine (1896 - 1923) Bibliogr. s. 443-469. Indeks Geschichte 1896-1923 gnd rswk-swf Nacjonalizm / Włochy / historia jhpk Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 gnd rswk-swf Włochy / polityka i rządy / 1870-1915 jhpk Włochy / polityka i rządy / 1914-1945 jhpk Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 gnd rswk-swf Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 g Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 s Geschichte 1896-1923 z DE-604 Societas 55 (DE-604)BV022207361 55 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027287610&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027287610&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Sondel-Cedarmas, Joanna 1975- Nacjonalizm włoski geneza i ewolucja doktryny politycznej (1896 - 1923) Societas Nacjonalizm / Włochy / historia jhpk Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 gnd
subject_GND	(DE-588)4041300-7 (DE-588)4027833-5
title	Nacjonalizm włoski geneza i ewolucja doktryny politycznej (1896 - 1923)
title_auth	Nacjonalizm włoski geneza i ewolucja doktryny politycznej (1896 - 1923)
title_exact_search	Nacjonalizm włoski geneza i ewolucja doktryny politycznej (1896 - 1923)
title_full	Nacjonalizm włoski geneza i ewolucja doktryny politycznej (1896 - 1923) Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas
title_fullStr	Nacjonalizm włoski geneza i ewolucja doktryny politycznej (1896 - 1923) Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas
title_full_unstemmed	Nacjonalizm włoski geneza i ewolucja doktryny politycznej (1896 - 1923) Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas
title_short	Nacjonalizm włoski
title_sort	nacjonalizm wloski geneza i ewolucja doktryny politycznej 1896 1923
title_sub	geneza i ewolucja doktryny politycznej (1896 - 1923)
topic	Nacjonalizm / Włochy / historia jhpk Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 gnd
topic_facet	Nacjonalizm / Włochy / historia Nationalismus Włochy / polityka i rządy / 1870-1915 Włochy / polityka i rządy / 1914-1945 Italien
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027287610&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027287610&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
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work_keys_str_mv	AT sondelcedarmasjoanna nacjonalizmwłoskigenezaiewolucjadoktrynypolitycznej18961923

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