Verfügbarkeit: Ako sa mení slovenská spoločnosť

Ako sa mení slovenská spoločnosť:

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Bibliographische Detailangaben
Format:	Buch
Sprache:	Slovak
Veröffentlicht:	Bratislava Sociologický Ústav SAV 2013
Ausgabe:	1. vyd.
Schlagworte:	Geschichte 1900-2013 Sozialer Wandel Gesellschaft Slowakei
Online-Zugang:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Beschreibung:	Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: How the Slovak society has been changing
Beschreibung:	417 S. graph. Darst., Kt.
ISBN:	9788085544824

Internformat

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Datensatz im Suchindex

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adam_text	Obsah Predslov ........................................................................... 7 Úvod (Vladimír Krivý) ............................................................... 9 1 Sociálne nerovnosti: storočie zmien (Ján Bunčák - Roman Džambazovič - Anna Hrabouská - Ján Sopóci) Úvod ............................................................................... 16 Sociálne nerovnosti na začiatku 20. storočia .................... 18 Dôsledky vzniku Československa ...................................... 28 Sociálne nerovnosti v roku 1967 ...................................... 32 Sociálno-ekonomický vývoj Slovenska po roku 1989......... 41 Demografický vývoj ...................................................... 42 Ekonomický vývoj ........................................................ 44 Sociálno-ekonomické zloženie obyvateľstva .................. 47 Nerovnosti v príjmoch .................................................. 51 Sociálne nerovnosti v súčasnosti ...................................... 54 Bohatí a chudobní v medzinárodnej perspektíve .......... 54 Rozvrstvenie spoločnosti podľa statusu a prestíže povolaní ...................................................................... 57 Vývoj sociálnej stratifikácie ekonomicky aktívneho obyvateľstva SR ............................................................ 60 Názory a postoje členov základných tried ......................... 72 Oblasti názorovej zhody ............................................... 72 Oblasti názorovej rozdielnosti ....................................... 77 Záver ............................................................................. 84 Literatúra ......................................................................... 85 Obsah 2 Rodina a životné dráhy mladých dospelých (Michaela Potančoková) Úvod ............................................................................... 89 Rodinné starty, nastupujúca dospelosť a individualizácia životných dráh mladých dospelých .................................. 94 Premena životných štartov a ich dôležitosti ...................... 101 Faktory odkladania rodinných prechodov ........................ 104 Rozvoľňovanie vzťahu medzi manželstvom a rodičovstvom 109 Diskusia: dôsledky demografických trendov a individualizácie životných dráh na podoby rodiny .......... 117 Literatúra ........................................................................ 122 3 Mestá - vidiek - regióny (Peter Gajdoš) Úvod ............................................................................... 128 Konceptualizácia základného rámca sociálno- priestorového vývoja Slovenska ........................................ 128 Slovensko na prahu transformačného obdobia ................. 132 Vývoj v sídlach .................................................................. 138 Mesto ............................................................................... 145 Vývoj miest a urbánneho prostredia ............................ 145 Mestské sídla a urbánně prostredie v posttransformačnom období ...................................... 148 Vidiek ............................................................................. 154 Stav vidieka a jeho vývojové zmeny ............................. 154 Vidiecke sídla: prehlbovanie diferenciácie podľa rozvojových potenciálov ................................................ 161 Regióny ........................................................................... 164 Regionálny rozvoj - základný referenčný rámec ........... 164 Regióny: transformačně obdobie .................................. 167 Regióny: posttransformačné obdobie ............................ 172 Dôsledky marginality v regiónoch ................................. 175 Literatúra ......................................................................... 176 Obsah 4 Religiozita: Slovensko a jeho susedia (Tatiana Podolinská - Vladimír Kňvý - Miloslav Bahna) Úvod ............................................................................... 181 „Veľké koncepty v pozadí ................................................. 183 Modernita, sekularizácia, desekularizácia .................... 183 Postkomunistická modernita - „pretrhnutá tradícia .... 190 Päť krajín ........................................................................ 193 Dáta: metodologické úvahy ............................................... 202 Naše zdroje údajov ....................................................... 202 Kvalitatívna interpretácia kvantitatívnych dát .............. 203 Indikátory nastavené na „pevnú modernitu a tradičnú religiozitu .................................................... 205 Analytické nástroje - koncepty - termíny ..................... 207 Päť krajín, dvadsať rokov: miera a typy religiozity ............. 211 Miera religiozity v porovnávaných krajinách ................ 211 Typy religiozity v porovnávaných krajinách .................. 222 Niekoľko vnútroslovenských pohľadov .............................. 230 Zastúpenie plne religióznych a plne ireligióznych ľudí - pohľad cez generácie .......................................... 230 Obrady od roku 1989................................................... 234 Nonkresťanské a cirkevne nonkonformné predstavy: individualizácia vo vnútri cirkvi, alebo alternatíva k tradičnej religiozitě? ................................ 237 Záver ........................................................................... 241 Literatúra ......................................................................... 247 5 Vzorce voličského správania (Oľga Gyárfášová - Vladimír Kňvý) Úvod ............................................................................... 257 Politická ponuka: utváranie systému politických strán .... 258 Ako sa vyvíjala voličská podpora? .................................... 261 Zoskupenia strán ........................................................ 261 Voličská podpora vládnych koalícií .............................. 265 Zhluky okresov podľa správania voličov ....................... 268 Čo podmieňovalo rozhodnutia voličov? ............................. 274 Zrod straníckej plurality .............................................. 274 ideové a hodnotové väzby, zhody, motivácie ................. 286 Voliči SMERu-SD: sociologický portrét a zdroje podpory ... 301 Premeny demografickej skladby elektoratu .................. 302 Zmeny urbánno-rurálneho profilu voličov .................. 302 6 Obsah Regionálne bašty SMERu-SD vo voľbách 2012: komu sa tam darilo v minulosti ................................. 303 Ideový a hodnotový profil - konzervatívni ľavičiari?...... 308 Silná pozícia lídra ........................................................ 311 Volebná účasť a neúčasť ................................................. 312 Účasť na voľbách ako forma politickej participácie ...... 312 Trendy 1990-2012 .................................................... 314 Účasť na parlamentných voľbách - Slovensko v porovnaní s krajinami V4 ......................................... 317 Profily volebnej účasti na Slovensku ............................ 321 Faktory volebnej účasti ................................................ 328 Záver: desať otázok a viac odpovedí .................................. 332 Literatúra ........................................................................ 338 6 Dve dekády medzinárodnej migrácie zo Slovenska (Miloslav Bahna) Úvod ............................................................................... 343 Vývoj migrácie zo Slovenska po roku 1989: dôležité destinácie a migračné kanály ............................................ 346 Migrácia zo Slovenska pred vstupom do EÚ ................. 346 Migrácia zo Slovenska po vstupe krajiny do EÚ ............ 352 Migrácia zo Slovenska: (neo)klasicky prípad? .................... 357 Migrácia zo Slovenska v kontexte migrácie z krajín EÚ 10 a neoklasická teória medzinárodnej migrácie .... 359 Migrácia ako stratégia domácností .............................. 363 Migrácia zo Slovenska a migračné siete ........................ 365 Záver ........................................................................... 366 Literatúra ........................................................................ 369 Záver (Vladimír Krivý) ............................................................ 371 Vecný register ..................................................................... 388 Summary ........................................................................... 393 O autoroch ........................................................................... 413 How the Slovak society has been changing Summary Six important areas of Slovak society have been analysed: the development of social stratification (J. Bunčák, R. Džambazovič, A. Hrabovská and J. Sopóci), family and life paths of young adults (M. Potančoková), socio-spatial inequalities (cities & towns - country¬ side - regions; P. Gajdoš), religiosity (T. Podolinská, V. Krivý and M. Bahna), voting behaviour (O. Gyárfášová and V. Krivý), as well as migration from the country (M. Bahna). The impetus for writing this book was an effort to better compre¬ hend the position of Slovak society using available data from interna¬ tional comparative sociological studies including the European Values Study (EVS), International Social Survey Programme (ISSP), and Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). The century of changes in social inequalities The chapter comprises an analysis of the state of social inequalities in three time periods - around the year 1910, in 1967, and after 1990. The period between the years 1910 and 2011 corresponds to the life stages of four generations. In early 20th century Slovakia, more than 80% of economically ac¬ tive people belonged to the lowest two classes, and more than 95% to the lowest three classes of a 6-point scale of social statuses. The top third was strikingly underpopulated, implying the absence of social elite. Skilled, well-paid professions for highly educated and qualified people were practically non-existent. Over the course of the life of the first and second generation after the foundation of Czechoslovakia, Slovakia created its own social elite and a plentiful middle class. While approximately 80% of economically active people were ranked as the lowest two social classes in 1910, the number decreased to 60% in 1967, thereby implying that in comparison with their parents at least one fifth of the population advanced from the lower to the middle social class. Although social stratification, measured by synthetic status, preserved the shape of the pyramid, the upper 394 Summary ranks of the social ladder were also filled. In 1967 the pyramid shape of social stratification still followed in the shape of the early 20th century, but its steepness was significantly diminished. However, the differences between the Czech and Slovak parts of the Republic were still so great that, despite sharing a common state, two distinct societies persisted. In the 1960 s, social inequalities were perceived very optimisti¬ cally since people of all Slovak classes tended to rank higher than people of analogous Czech classes. The difference resulted from a rapid transformation of an underdeveloped agrarian social structure into an indus tro-agrarian type of society. The research results were then demythologizing the communist vision of an egalitarian society. They showed that the highest rank of the social ladder was occupied by a limited circle of the power elite, and their position was condi¬ tioned by membership in the Communist Party. In 1993, Slovak society was already more similar in social struc¬ ture to Czech society than to the Hungarian one (from which it had grown). With regards to two middle classes, the shape of social strati¬ fication of Slovakia did not differ in 1967 and 1993; however in 1993 the lowest two classes were significantly less occupied in Slovakia than in Hungary. Since 2000 the Slovak social stratification has been similar in its underlying elements, their characteristics, and relationships to other democratic states with a market economy. The most prominent collective rise during the last twenty years was represented by more than a 10% increase in the category of economically independent people. The most significant decrease in social categories representa¬ tion was seen in the category of skilled workers. The long-term down¬ ward trend in the proportion of agricultural workers continued, and their number in the occupational structure declined to the limit of measurability in sociological research. The process of transformation of a pyramidal stratification to a gradual one has systematically con¬ tinued, and this mainly occurred due to the significant growth of the middle classes. The proportion of the lowest social class which con¬ sisted of low-skilled workers remained steady for a long time. Since 1990 a considerable part of the population has socially ascended, especially the younger people. On the other hand, high danger of poverty has been significantly connected with ethnicity. Unemployed people and those in the lowest social class have included a high pro¬ portion of Roma people. The long-term development of social inequalities in Slovakia is a history of success. Within the countries of the former Austria- Hungary and with regard to a system of social stratification and Summary 395 other macro indicators, Slovakia has moved from its position of a peripheral area of the Hungarian Empire - where it was located around 1910 - and is now even closer to the territories of the Aus¬ trian Monarchy than the former centre. However, the social change does not reflect the negative aspects of the development. Several groups of people that were of great importance in 1910 - especially Jews and Germans - have perished. In addition, the proportion of Hungarians in the population has significantly decreased. These stark facts show the vast range of the dark sides of social movements in the 20th century. The last part of the chapter deals with the way people in Slovakia perceive present social inequalities. It is noteworthy that social equality in a society of poor is valued more positively than social differentiation in a society of abundance. Nowadays most people in Slovakia own a little more than before, but they are frequently con¬ fronted with others who possess much more. A positive feature of evaluating the determinants of success is a tendency to put empha¬ sis more on performance factors (hard work, ambition and courage to work abroad) and less on ascriptive factors (wealthy and educated parents or gender). Most inhabitants regard the existing inequalities as too large and differences in payment for labour as inequitable. Again, we encounter phenomenon of the relative deprivation of peo¬ ple with below-average incomes who consider an increase in income differentiation in favour of others as a personal injustice. Transformations of family forms and life paths of young adults Both the institution of family and reproductive behaviour were affected by external structural factors which are mainly related to the economic transformation and by deeper internal changes in values which had already begun in the 1980 s, - especially with the process of individualization. Socio-economic changes and the economic crisis in the early 1990 s disturbed the reproductive strategies of the Slo¬ vak population. The character of family in the period from normalization to the fall of the communist regime can be described as modern. It was based on the ideal of a bourgeois family, on partners love, and mostly on the traditional division of male and female roles. Marriage and parenthood became almost universal life experiences. The number of children in a family gradually decreased from around 3.5 children per woman in the generation born in the 1930 s to approximately 2.2 children per women born in the 1950 s. The model of a two-child 396 Summary family only became dominant in Slovakia in the 1970 s and 1980 s. The normalization era in the 1970 s is sometimes regarded as a so- called golden age of family. Career paths were considerably unified, and most young people completed their studies at a young age, where only 12% of the population class continued to study. Due to a gradual acceptance of divorce families have became more vulnerable, but most of the divorced people in the reproductive age have entered into another marriage. As a consequence of the rising divorce rate, the number of post-marital cohabitations in¬ creased, which thus opened the way to the acceptance of premarital cohabitations and the increase in the proportion of single-parent families in society. The growing divorce rate represented a significant impetus to the commencement of the trend of the pluralization of family forms. Overall one can speak about the proceeding pluraliza¬ tion of family forms, individualization and de-standardization of repro¬ ductive strategies. Within lower social classes the emphasis is put on relationship between a mother and her daughters with their families of orientation. The biography of an individual consists of socio -culturally defined stages. One of the stages is represented by adulthood, and transition to adulthood is closely related to reproductive behaviour. Social norms that are associated with planning life paths and timing life transitions become flexible in the process of individualization. Ana¬ logically speaking, sanctions for non-conforming behaviour gradually weaken. During the examined period of the last few decades the life paths of young adults have fundamentally changed: the transition to adulthood has become prolonged, especially due to the postponement of family transitions until later age. The individualization of the life cycle has also evoked a discussion about the necessity to experience all life transitions. Since 1990 marriage and parenthood has ceased to represent a universal part of the adult biography: they have been postponed, the divorce rate has continued to grow, the relationship between marria¬ ge and procreation has weakened (which is linked to spreading co¬ habitations), individualization and de-standardization of life paths of young adults has increased, and the pluralization of family forms and structures has arisen. Family and parenthood remain important life orientations, but family forms have become significantly varied during the last 20 years. Transition from standardized life paths which are characteristic of the modern period to individualized and de-standardized paths is typical of the post-modern society. In the post-revolutionary period generations of young adults have had to look for their own strategies. Life transitions - both the fa- Summary 397 milial and non-familial ones - have begun to be postponed until a later age. Opportunities of self-realization beyond the realm of family have significantly widened. The newly inserted period of post-ado¬ lescent incoming adulthood is characterised by a reluctance to settle down and to take on commitments associated with adult roles. The emergence of this life stage is also influenced by a prolonged period of study, changes in the labour market, and the absence of a supporting housing (rental) policy for young people. Although the concept does not have to be relevant to certain social classes, the mentioned lifestyle is also practised by uneducated young people. Parents frequently and actively encourage their children in their ambitions to study, travel abroad, and in general to engage in activi¬ ties that many of them were denied in their youth. In addition, the parents own generational experiences with the negative conse¬ quences of having children at their early age may reduce the social pressure on parenthood - and this can be especially true until a certain age. In addition to postponing marriage, the increase in the proportion of children born outside marriage represents another significant change in reproductive behaviour that has been seen since the second half of the 1980 s. A previous culturally legitimate pattern of behaviour (precipitated entrance into marriage and legitimation of bearing a child) dis¬ appears and a new legitimate pattern arises: bearing a child within an unmarried partnership or by a single mother is broadly accepted. Weakening of the dominant position of the married family is evident. Increasing numbers of children are born to unmarried couples or to single mothers. Among other factors, this occurs due to a weakening of the necessity to legitimize childbirth, abandonment of the cultural legitimacy of marriages forced by the woman s pregnancy, the prefer¬ ence of quality and stability of the partnership to its formalization, and the spreading of premarital cohabitations. The marriage rate has decreased, mainly among very young women and mothers who choose bearing a child outside the marriage rather than entering into marriage. This strategy is mostly chosen by women with low education, while those with higher education usual¬ ly give birth to their first child within marriage. Although the propor¬ tion of children born outside marriage is higher in regions with a numerous marginalized population, since 2009 the most significant increase in the proportion has been observed in women with higher education. 398 Summary Acceptance of cohabitations is significantly more extensive in cities than in the countryside. On the other hand, social pressure on entering into marriage is most prevalent in rural areas. The growth of the number of women with only one child will be much more significant than the growth of childlessness. Therefore, in future families in Slovakia will probably be smaller and more fragile, which will thus lead to an increase in the proportion of single-parent and reconstructed families. Although during the last 20 years and or so changes in reproduc¬ tive behaviour have affected all sectors of the population, impacts have varied in different social classes and sub-populations and in the rural vs. urban environments. New family forms expand more slowly in more traditionalist and more religious regions in the north of Slo¬ vakia. Similarly to other countries, in Slovakia, marriages of people with higher education are more stable. Cities & towns - countryside - region This chapter deals with changes in the socio-spatial situation of the Slovak society during the transition (1990 s) and post-transition (since the year 2001) periods. The nature and extent of the changes correspond to post-totalitarian and the post-industrial transfor¬ mation of society. The transformation was predominantly characterized by polariza¬ tion and an increase in disparities within the society and among regions and settlements. The disparities stemmed from several sources: i.e., classic hard factors (location, size, boundaries, natural conditions, traffic connection), factors such as historic development, social and demographic situation, distribution of financial, social, human, and cultural capital, or soft factors (regional development policy, societal capital, presence of personalities in regions, or level of social involvement of people). The rapid increase of regional dispari¬ ties was also influenced by globalization processes. Specially dis¬ posed towards success were regions with a favourable geographic macro-location, available, qualified, and cheap labour, good-quality infrastructure (transportation, information and technical infrastruc¬ ture), appropriate economical base and with sufficient human poten¬ tial. In particular, direct foreign investments have also become a key factor of regional development in Slovakia. At the end of the 1990 s a strongly divergent stage of regional development was at its peak, and later the stabilization of regional differences took place. Slovakia s accession to the European Union Summary 399 has changed the ratio of endogenous and exogenous factors of the regional development. Both developed and underdeveloped regions can be found in spa¬ tially well-defined territorial units. The substantial majority of devel¬ oped regions is situated in the western and northern parts of the country. A fundamental pattern of regional structure at the macro level crystallised at the end of the 1990 s: rich west and north, poor south and east . Since then the pattern has not considerably changed, however with regard to the population s dynamics the situation is different: the productive areas remain situated in the north of Central Slovakia and in Eastern Slovakia. Some regions have developed into regions of poverty. Poverty as a social issue became more visible and expanded due to the transfor¬ mation of society. Seasonal workers in industry, unskilled workers, originally agricultural workers, and Roma people were most rooted in the social network of socialism and later ended up in the position of the poor. In the new conditions they were therefore mostly forced out from the official labour market. Many areas have a negative developmental trend, particularly those in which economic problems coincide with the lower quality of human potential. Poor prospects for improvement led the inhabitants to a state of fatalistic resignation and indifference. The negative cycle results in further decline, which then implies a considerable threat to local and regional civic participation and to the formation of civic society as being the substantial endogenous factors of development. The socio-spatial differentiation was also reinforced by the (desirable) growth of decentralization, which naturally strengthened the importance of the endogenous capital of regions and settlements. Since the beginning of the 1990 s two opposing processes were taking place on the level of settlements: intensification of the de -ur¬ banization and de-concentration process on one side and catching up with the urbanization and concentration process on the other side. The latter mainly applied to smaller new district towns in dis¬ tricts that were newly established within the reform of regional ad¬ ministration (1996). Chances of municipalities, especially rural and particularly smaller ones, were poor. Overall the dissimilarity of rural environ¬ ments intensified, and its comparative disadvantages to urban envi¬ ronments became more obvious. The differences were deepening, particularly in terms of human potential. Depopulation took place, especially in small rural municipalities. As early as in the beginning of the 1990 s a return to a certain level of the natural development of settlements - i.e., strengthening 400 Summary of the principle of self-government - could have been identified. Gradually localism and regionalism were being developed or renewed. Decentralisation was proceeding and local interests were crystallis¬ ing. Major changes that concerned Slovak cities and towns also in¬ cluded the change of their position in the settlement structure. Social and spatial structure of cities/towns, their mutual relationships, the functional use of territory and the lack of population growth from settlement migration were changing. The recovery of the market economy led to an increase in economic inequalities and to the spa¬ tial polarization of urban societies. The population of cities was decreasing as a result of the rapid ageing of the inhabitants and the decline in the influx of people mov¬ ing to the cities, but is mainly due to an increase in migration from cities to countryside. However, people who have moved out regularly commute to the city, and they even culturally urbanize their rural environment. The onset of suburbanization has brought about a growing but also selective attractiveness of municipalities having from 500 to 5,000 inhabitants. The beginnings of this are related to Bratislava s base, but after the year 2001 suburbanization has occurred practically in the hinterland of every major city. At present it is the most significant process that concerns Slovak cities. The suburbanization has a selective impact: it applies only to a certain group of people and only to certain settlements, and it often leads to the empowerment of social segregation. It contributes to a certain level of improvement of human potential in the countryside, however this only applies to a small number of settlements in the cities hin¬ terland. It complicates transport connection of the settlements with city centres and the economic and socio-demographic situation in core cities. Spatial and social differentiation of original inhabitants from immigrants usually occurs in the suburban municipalities. In the post-industrial period the dominance and the role of metropolitan regions is on the increase. Bratislava is the dominant metropolis of Slovakia. A wide range of activities of the tertiary and quaternary sector, which is naturally located in Bratislava, saturates requirements of the whole of Slovakia and at the same time limits the opportunities of other regional centres. Slovak settlements retain a strong rural character. At least 44 per¬ cent of the country s inhabitants live in rural areas, and a large num¬ ber of small rural municipalities lie in the country. In terms of the settlement structure, Slovakia resembles the Czech Republic or France, which belong to the most fragmented countries in Europe. Spatial distribution of rural settlements in Slovakia is uneven. They Summary 401 are accumulated in rural districts, which are numerous. Rural settle¬ ments are highly differentiated. The situation in smaller rural towns and municipalities that are distant from urban centres is unfavoura¬ ble, and this becomes even worse in less developed regions. The posi¬ tion of a municipality in relation to key urban /economic centres has a strong influence. Larger rural and particularly suburban munici¬ palities represent the opposite. The main issues of rural municipali¬ ties are the following: lack of finances, problems with technical infra¬ structure, demographic issues, social problems (e.g., unemployment or less integrable social groups), low activity of the inhabitants, low quality of human resources (high proportion of elderly people, low educational level), and an insufficient capacity for the formulation of development projects or unsatisfactory transport infrastructure (con¬ nection with business and facility centres of the area). In less-developed rural regions, problems associated with sub¬ sistence alone are dominant and the inhabitants therefore focus on social securities . This involves a mentality that is strongly oriented on presence and less on future, which thus implies a strong empha¬ sis on personal existence and less emphasis on collective responsi¬ bility for the municipality. A significant decrease in the countryside s human capital has negatively impacted innovations and moderni¬ sation. In a substantial part of the rural population, especially in the eco¬ nomically weak regions, less integrable social groups are being formed. They are dependent on casual and seasonal work at best, and, at worst, on social benefits. This is often associated with the occurrence of social deviancy. Positives and negatives are distributed among well-profiled groups of rural settlements which mainly begin to differ in their potential and availabilities. Rural municipalities particularly differ from each other based on the level of the region they belong to. The number of underdeveloped regions increases with direction toward the east of the country. Since the 1990 s the Slovak countryside has also been charac¬ terised by the improvement of settlement conditions. This applies to technical and environmental infrastructure, facilities and services, as well as housing. The living conditions in rural areas have also been improved thanks to the state-sponsored Programme for the revi¬ talisation of villages and finances from pre-accession funds, and later from structural funds. After a period of extensive tensions among settlements (reaction to the system of settlement centres that was prevalent during state- socialism), relationships among rural municipalities consolidated at 402 Summary the end of the 1990 s. The process of transferring self-government and responsibilities to the local level implied the increased need of neighbouring municipalities for cooperation and the forming of mi¬ cro-regions. Nowadays it is a widespread and effective form of cooperation among settlements. Religiosity: Slovakia and its neighbours in the late modernity period In the introductory part of the chapter the authors deal with the theoretical concepts which characterise the modernity period and its different stages. They affirm that the late modernity period is charac¬ terised by two kinds of phenomena which (paradoxically) go hand in hand: secularisation (associated with the privatisation and indi¬ vidualisation of religion) and desecularisation (related to the depri- vatisation of religion) . On one hand, late modernity is characterised by a fear of exces¬ sive responsibility required from an absolutely free actor in plurality (i.e. relative in terms of values) societies. In this regard we speak about the re-sacralisation of Europe, religious revivalism, depri- vatisation, and the rise of non-traditional forms of religiousness and spirituality. On the other hand, a dramatic decline in the participation in church services and activities, and a growing shift away from the church-prescribed way of behaviour in personal life have been ob¬ served. Moreover, the decline in the traditional forms of religiousness was not accompanied by a proportional increase in alternative spirituality . The lower degree of participation and involvement is considered to be a general expression of the shift from obligation to consumption which concerns not only traditional religious but also secular organisations in late modern societies. This, however, should not be generalised either. The authors of this chapter focus on an analysis of data from selected countries of the post-Communist block while pointing out that each of them lives its own late modernity. The factor that apparently mostly influences the different developments of religiousness in post-Communist coun¬ tries is their pre-Communist past, which has mainly been re-actuat¬ ed in the majority of them in the form of renewed tradition. This contribution has aimed to examine Slovak religiousness in the context of religiousness in the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and Austria. We used international comparative researches (such as the European Values Survey and the International Social Survey Pro¬ gramme) and analysed the extent of religiousness through three Summary 403 dimensions - belief, membership, and practising. Our analyses showed that among the analysed countries Slovakia is the only coun¬ try where religiosity became stronger when comparing the years 1991 and 2008. In Poland and Austria religiousness considerably weakened in the given period, and in Hungary and the Czech Repub¬ lic it declined slightly, yet all of these trends developed at signifi¬ cantly different levels of religiousness. Poland is a country with by far the highest level of religiousness, while the Czech Republic is known for its low degree of religiousness. The third group of countries, the group in the middle , is represented by Slovakia, Austria and Hun¬ gary. The closest country to Slovakia in terms of the average level of religiousness is Austria, followed by Hungary. Following the same criterion, the farthest country is the Czech Republic. During the past almost 20 years the share of fully religious people (people with the highest level of religiousness) decreased in three countries. There was a dramatic decline in Poland, and a slight de¬ crease in Austria and Hungary. In the Czech Republic and Slovakia these shares were identical at the beginning and at the end of the given period - though in a different way in both countries. The shares of fully secular people and people with a very low degree of religiousness are the highest in the Czech Republic, followed by Hun¬ gary and Slovakia. In each of the five countries the inter-dimensional differences (be¬ lief, membership, practising) diverged in the period between 1991- 2008. The general pattern is the following: belief as the strongest dimension, membership in the middle, and practising as the weakest dimension. While all three dimensions were weakened in Poland and Austria in the given period, Slovakia saw an opposite tendency - the strengthening of all three dimensions. Overall, religiosity increased with regard to the belief dimension in three countries, declined with regard to the membership dimension in four countries, and also declined with regard to the practising dimension in three countries. Practising clearly turned out to be the weakest point of religiosity. In all five countries the private (individual) practising of religiosity is present to a much greater extent than public (collective) practising. Poland is an exception in this respect, as the level of public prac¬ tising in this country is larger than the occurrence of private prac¬ tising in all four of the other countries, but speaking overall the phe¬ nomenon of smaller practising can lead to stronger religiosity based on belief and private practising in future generations, but it can also continue weakening private practising and belief as such. As far as religious rituals are concerned, the norm has become more and more accepted among young people and less and less 404 Summary accepted among older people throughout the past 20 years. Overall an inter-generational convergence in the acceptance of baptism, church marriage and church funerals has been observed. For the purposes of this analysis, on the basis of the share and intensity of the religiosity dimensions we also introduced a so-called strong type of religiosity which describes an individual with high values in all three dimensions. In the Polish society this type is still largely represented, but its share has significantly declined, and though it is also frequently observed in Slovakia its share is minor. In the period from 1991-2008 the inter-generational differences concerning religiosity decreased, thus resulting in inter-generational convergence. In Slovakia, non-Christian and non-conformist ideas (to a certain degree corresponding with alternative spirituality ) are more fre¬ quent among people with a higher degree of religiousness. Instead of seeking an alternative to traditional religiosity, we can instead speak about the acceptance of the alternative in the framework of traditional religiosity. At the level of the individual this can be con¬ sidered as the detraditionalisation or even individualisation of (per¬ sonal) religiosity. We can generally conclude that the level of religiosity in all coun¬ tries has been gradually disconnecting from the basic socio -demo- graphical features (with the exception of gender), and this illustrates a tendency towards a declining connection to traditional divisions in societies. This may be part of a more general tendency of becoming disconnected from the traditional forms of bonds in late modernity societies. Patterns of Voting Behaviour The aim of this chapter is to analyse trends in voting behaviour in Slovakia after 1989 and identify more stable patterns of voting behaviour under the surface of the changes. In the first section the authors map the basic milestones of creat¬ ing political plurality and political parties. The winner of the first democratic elections in 1990 was a broad anticommunist movement called the Public against Violence, though compared to the Civic Forum in the Czech lands the election victory was far from being unequivocal. Among the crucial conflicts in independent Slovakia in the mid-1990s was a conflict over the nature of a political regime, which was a formative political conflict. The polarization culminated between 1994 and 1998. The 1998 elections completed the first phase of the gradual transformation of divided elites . The new Summary 405 broad right-left ruling coalition was very heterogeneous, however it reached a consensus about foreign and security policy. The first rul¬ ing coalition comprising central-right parties with similar pro¬ grammes came from the 2002 elections. The weakening of the hither¬ to dominant conflict created room for emerging of new and more central parties. The phenomenon of new political parties which suc¬ ceeded in elections had already appeared before, and it was repeated in the next elections, too. The winner of the 2006 elections, the SMER party, formed a ruling coalition with the Slovak National Party (SNS) and the Movement for Democratic Slovakia (HZDS), which thus brought nationalistic themes into focus. In the 2010 elections the SMER-Social Democracy (SMER-SD) party received the most electoral votes but failed to form the government, yet the government formed by the central-right parties lost its mandate as early as in the autumn of 2011. The winner of early parliamentary elections in March 2012 was the SMER-SD party, which then formed the first one-party government in Slovakia since 1990. As the development of political parties in Slovakia was charac¬ terised by a significant organisational discontinuity, it is rather diffi¬ cult to compare their election results in time and characterise the development of voters support. The authors specify five basic groups of parties (left and central-right parties, Slovak nationalists, the HZDS and the category of other parties). They also focus on voters support for the ruling coalitions, stating that from 1990 there is evi¬ dence of the alternation of two types of coalitions, namely those sup¬ ported predominantly by rural voters and those supported predomi¬ nantly by voters from towns and cities. The authors examine regional differences in voting behaviour along with clusters of districts and a historic embedding of voters support for a catch-all party like the HZDS party in the 1990s. A similar pattern can also be found in the form of Hlinka s Slovak People s Party (HSĽS) in the 1929 and 1935 elections. After WWII, with a limited number of political parties the Democratic Party won the 1946 elections due to the mass support of former voters of the HSĽS party which was banned. With the weakening success of the HZDS, the SMER-Social Democracy tri¬ umphed in the 2012 elections with 44.4% of votes. Slovakia is characterised by the success of catch-all parties. This pattern provokes a question: What is traditional pattern for Slovakia society? Mass support of one party or the mobilisation of forces for demo¬ cratic plurality? As for voting behaviour, the authors analyse key predictors and factors of electoral decision-making. In new democracies class and socioeconomic positions are less explanatory than in the established 406 Summary ones. Other types of dividing lines such as religion and ethnicity lead to numerous parties of collective identity. The two strongest predic¬ tors of voting behaviour in Slovakia at the time were ethnicity (Slo¬ vaks vs. Hungarians) and religion (the deeply religious versus others). In the 1990s the impact of social status on voters decision- making process was rather weak, however it became stronger later. Looking back to the 20th century, in the 20s and 30s the electoral success was based on three pillars, namely the social, national and religious pillars. Traditional popularity of catch-all parties also has an effect - Slovakia represented a case of weak left-right profiling, and the 1990s were influenced by a value conflict between liberal democracy and authoritarianism. The comparison with Visegrad 4 countries shows that it is not only the distribution but also the meaning of left and right which differs. In the Czech Republic the right wing is mostly linked with stressing private property and capitalism while the left wing priori¬ tises state care and social rights. The most dividing value in Poland is religion. In Hungary, the right wing puts emphasis on labour, wel¬ fare, social status and freedom, while the left wing stresses tolerance. In Slovakia, the left wing prioritises paternalism, social rights and the value of the nation, which is rather atypical for the leftist orienta¬ tion. A separate section deals with the voters of the SMER party, i.e. the party with the strongest voters support from the 2006 elections. Following the limited electoral success of the third way in the 2002 elections, SMER started promoting the concept of welfare state and social democracy, yet according to other obvious priorities of a stand¬ ard social democratic party (like environmental protection, participa¬ tory democracy, education, minority rights etc.) it is rather questio¬ nable if the SMER party fits into a social democratic profile. The structure of the electorate also saw significant changes. In the 2002 elections SMER represented a new, alternative party which attracted young voters. At that time people younger than 29 years of age repre¬ sented more than a third of the party s supporters, and the group of people up to 34 years of age represented more than half of electorate. At approximately the time of the 2006 elections a socio-demographic profile of the SMER party approached the average of Slovak society. In the following years, voters of the SMER party grew considerably older. This shift resulted from intense transferring of the HZDS electorate which consisted mainly of older people. The age structure by the size of municipality also changed, and the proportion of party supporters in smaller municipalities and towns was higher than in medium-sized and big cities. In the districts in which SMER received Summary 407 the highest support one can see archaeological layers . Here the success of the SMER-SD party can be traced back to past strong support for the HZDS and SNS. In the 1998 elections these districts were among strongholds of the HZDS, just like in the 1994 and 1992 elections. In the 1990 elections the Christian Democratic Movement (KDH) and SNS enjoyed above-average support of voters while the results of the VPN did not reach the national level. Currently supporters of SMER consider themselves as being left- oriented yet rather conservative. Regarding the voter turnout the authors argue that the rational voter theory in a pure form cannot explain electoral participation, which is influenced by many factors such as the difference between so-called duty persons and choice persons. The turnout is also inter¬ preted as habitual behaviour that can be learned. The turnout is also affected by the type of electoral system: a disproportion between votes and seats is smaller in the case of a proportional system which thus increases voters belief that their votes count. In each parliamentary election in Slovakia, the highest voter turn¬ out was recorded in the category of the smallest municipalities. Voter turnout was also higher in the country than in towns and cities. Under the circumstances that rural and urban voters have similar voting preferences the differentiated turnout would not affect the final result. ín Slovakia, however, this was not the case. In the 1994 elections the HZDS, with the strong support of rural voters, con¬ tested against the parties and coalitions with predominantly urban voters. In Slovakia the differentiated mobilisation of voters counted. In the first half of the 1990s the election results were mainly influ¬ enced by voters assessing changes after November 1989 with appar¬ ent scepticism. Later on there was an increase in voters interest in medium-sized and big cities and Slovakia started to move towards a standard model with above-average turnout among voters with a higher socioeconomic status. More than half of the districts with the lowest turnout are situated in eastern Slovakia. Voter turnout is also differentiated by the type of elections. After 1998 in small municipalities the voter turnout in municipal elections exceeded the turnout in parliamentary elections. The authors summarise the factors and trends of voting be¬ haviour in the form of ten questions and answers. As a milestone they regard the 2012 elections which confirmed the alternation of governments according to the pattern of full alternation . However, the paradigm of polarising and dominant conflicts seems to be on the decline. On the level of voters this is signalled by shifts of voters 408 Summary across the main dividing line between the two party blocs (deep volatility). Migration from Slovakia: from open borders to open labour markets The chapter analyses migration from Slovakia after 1989. Our focus is on labour migration, which was the main migration type in the analysed period. We start by dealing with the emigration discourse based on the late 19th and early 20th century migration experience of Slovaks. This discourse still influences discussions about migra¬ tion from Slovakia, and it is even a part of national self-perception. While we agree with the claim that this emigration was economically motivated, some assertions of earlier publications on the topic can¬ not be sustained. These are related to the extreme extent of Slovak emigration, its timing, and the numbers of Slovaks in the USA. Our conclusion is that Slovak emigration was high even by international standards, however it is by no means extreme and is lower than emi¬ gration from Ireland, Norway or Sweden. Moreover, from the 10 new European Union (EU) countries Latvia and Slovenia have had a migration experience of similar intensity. The chapter is divided into two parts. In the first part the focus in on the main migration flows and destinations after 1989 and the important policy decisions that formed them. The aim of the second part is to answer the question about how well the described migra¬ tion flows can be explained by theories of international migration. The split of Czechoslovakia in 1993 did not limit the possibilities of finding work in the western part of the former common state, and so the Czech Republic remained the most important migration desti¬ nation. The Czech Republic is not only the top destination of labour migration from Slovakia, it is also an important destination of com¬ muting or circular migration, which has a long pre- 1989 tradition. The Czech Republic is also an important destination of Slovak stu¬ dents. In 2010 Slovak university students studying in the Czech Republic accounted for 17 per cent of the full time students studying in Slovakia. If migration to the Czech Republic is a case of the continuity of migration patterns from the period before 1989, this is not the case of employment as au pairs in Western Europe. Until the labour mar¬ ket opening in 2004 the au pair programme represented an impor¬ tant migration channel which shaped the gender and age structure of Slovak communities in popular au pair destinations like the UK, Germany and Austria. A similarly gender specific migration channel Summary 409 was domestic elder care in Austria and Germany. While the au pair programme provided migration opportunities for young women, elder care workers in Austria were and are mostly middle aged women. In 2011 there were almost 30 thousand elder care workers from Slo¬ vakia in Austria. The EU accession of Slovakia in 2004 was an important milestone for intra- European migration. Fear from the expected migration flows from the EU 10 led 12 of the 15 old EU members to use the option to postpone their labour market opening. From the three countries with an open labour market access, the United Kingdom and Ireland became important migration destinations for EU 10 nationals, in¬ cluding Slovaks. The United Kingdom became the second most im¬ portant migration destination (after Czech Republic), and the pre¬ viously unknown Ireland placed itself in the top five destinations. After the age of au pairs , the labour market opening created equal migration opportunities for both genders. In 2008 men accounted for over 55% of migrants from Slovakia to the UK. Despite the growing average age (30 in 2010), migrants to the UK still remained the youngest in the important migration destinations (i.e. Czech Repub¬ lic, Austria, Germany, Hungary). As expected, Austria and Germany made use of the full seven year long transition period and opened their labour markets in 2011. After that both countries experienced labour immigration from the EU 10, however in a far lower extent than the UK in 2004. It seems that the labour market opening was often used more by men as the increase of Slovak citizens in Germany (from 26 to 30 thousands) decreased the over-representation of women from 58 to 55%. Classical (now neoclassical) approaches to international migration focusing on income differences between countries were our first choice when explaining labour migration from Slovakia after 1989. In the 1990s the income differences between western and eastern Euro¬ pean countries were large even by international migration research standards. While decreasing over time - in 2004 the average wage in the UK was still 6.5 times higher than wages in Slovakia, post 2004 migration patterns from the new EU members support the impor¬ tance of income differences. Within the 8 post-socialist EU countries - those with lower wages (Latvia, Lithuania) produced more migra¬ tion per capita than countries with higher wages (Slovenia). A similar logic applied to regional patterns of international migration from Slovakia, where regions with lower wages produced more migrants. The relationship between regional wages and migration however is stronger in the case of migration to the Czech Republic than to the UK. Other factors such as language and geographical closeness also 410 Summary play a role in shaping the regional patterns of international migra¬ tion. The application of the new economy of labour migration (NELM) theory which focuses on the household or family as the unit of analy¬ sis brings further important insights into migration from Slovakia. Using labour survey data we were able to identify different remit¬ tance patterns of migrant parents and their children. While migrant parents see their employment abroad as an income source for their family in Slovakia, younger migrants follow a more individualistic strategy and do not use their income to support their relatives in Slovakia. The NELM migration strategy used to be typically employed by Slovak men employed in the Czech Republic, however the migra¬ tion pattern of the female care workers in Austria can also be easily subsumed into the NELM framework. Migration networks also play a role. We show that there is a clear connection between the labour migration of family members. This connection is very strong in the case of married couples or siblings of the same gender, and while there is a connection between the migra¬ tion patterns of fathers and sons this does not exist for fathers and their daughters. Besides an increased probability of migration to the country where a relative is already working, our analyses show that migration of family members even increases the probability of migra¬ tion of others from such households in general. This suggests the existence of a culture of migration . Our general conclusion is a hypothesis that large barriers to la¬ bour migration that existed before 2004 acted as a filter by down¬ playing the economic explanations and stressing the importance of human capital and migration networks. The labour market opening in 2004 also opened the western labour markets to people with lower human capital and from poorer regions of Slovakia. This led to a migration process that could be well explained by the neoclassical theory. With regard to the extremely low internal migration in Slo¬ vakia, we also hypothesize another important trait of Slovak migra¬ tion, namely that by bringing families a higher living standard with¬ out the need for them to relocate the NELM migration strategy acts as a substitute to internal migration. Dominant features present across several areas of the society Continuation or a turning point? Many processes had started before the year 1989 and unfolded after the change. Other had already fully started up before 1989 and were only finishing off thereafter. Finally, Summary 411 several changes occurred no sooner than after the mentioned date, e.g., the emergence of a group of businessmen and traders. Processes of „finishing the modernization and late modernity: blending in various directions. The pace of development of different areas of social life usually varies and therefore, in a certain period, features of both the lack of modernity and late modernity can be found. Trends of pluralization, diversity, and weakened prescriptions. From industrial and communist uniformity, many manifestations of social life head for diversity. People are less and less sanctioned for deviations from prescribed standards, which facilitates their differing behaviour and later gradually weakens the norms themselves. References to Roma people and other marginalized groups. A large part of the population that is perceived as Roma has a special status and needs to be referred to separately within analyses. Both the size of the group and its general troublesomeness increase and although successful solutions at the local level do exist, they are rare. Roma people represent a high proportion of the lowest social class. The peculiarities of (particularly segregated) Roma people s behaviour are caused by cultural and social factors. One explanation of impaired local relationships draws attention to the fact that although with regard to material status, a part of rural population in the lower so¬ cial class came closer to Roma people, while being persistently con¬ vinced of the superiority of their own culture. This further reinforces negative attitudes towards the neighbouring social groups with lower standing. Rural factor. Urban-rural line of differentiation is still significant in Slovak society, especially by differing standing, perceptions, atti¬ tudes, and behaviours. A large part of the countryside is in critical condition and rural patterns of behaviour and thinking have strong influence not only within the countryside. Urban and rural environ¬ ment affect intimate attitudes with regard to reproductive behaviour, but also voting preferences. Generation gap. In every traditional society the group of old people certainly differed from the group of young people. However, in that non-changing society, the young ones grew older to resemble the previous old ones - and thus the cycle continued. In contrast, in changing societies, not only young people differ from the old ones, but in many aspects, also the current old (young) people differ from the previous old (young) ones, as well as from the future old (young) ones. Success and relative deprivation. Individual social advancement does not necessarily lead to satisfaction, provided that people con- 412 Summary stantly compare themselves to even more successful individuals. Relative deprivation is the result of a certain social definition of a situation. This is influenced by media, as well as by the historical breakdown of social structures with firmer patterns of social ad¬ vancement. A belief that better positions are occupied by people not worth respecting further intensifies the feeling of injustice. The major part of - for a long time rural and then rapidly industrialized - Slovak society appreciates mainly physical work, the scope for which gradually narrows. Individual failure in a situation of open possi¬ bilities probably results in more deprivation than a failure in the case of significantly limited options. Overall, in the analysed period and in the analysed areas, a ten¬ dency of joining the trends existing in Western countries could be observed in Slovakia.
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publisher	Sociologický Ústav SAV
record_format	marc
spelling	Ako sa mení slovenská spoločnosť Vladimír Krivý (ed.) 1. vyd. Bratislava Sociologický Ústav SAV 2013 417 S. graph. Darst., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: How the Slovak society has been changing Geschichte 1900-2013 gnd rswk-swf Sozialer Wandel (DE-588)4077587-2 gnd rswk-swf Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 gnd rswk-swf Slowakei (DE-588)4055297-4 gnd rswk-swf Slowakei (DE-588)4055297-4 g Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 s Sozialer Wandel (DE-588)4077587-2 s Geschichte 1900-2013 z DE-604 Krivý, Vladimír 1948- Sonstige (DE-588)171521625 oth Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027253457&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027253457&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Ako sa mení slovenská spoločnosť Sozialer Wandel (DE-588)4077587-2 gnd Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 gnd
subject_GND	(DE-588)4077587-2 (DE-588)4020588-5 (DE-588)4055297-4
title	Ako sa mení slovenská spoločnosť
title_auth	Ako sa mení slovenská spoločnosť
title_exact_search	Ako sa mení slovenská spoločnosť
title_full	Ako sa mení slovenská spoločnosť Vladimír Krivý (ed.)
title_fullStr	Ako sa mení slovenská spoločnosť Vladimír Krivý (ed.)
title_full_unstemmed	Ako sa mení slovenská spoločnosť Vladimír Krivý (ed.)
title_short	Ako sa mení slovenská spoločnosť
title_sort	ako sa meni slovenska spolocnost
topic	Sozialer Wandel (DE-588)4077587-2 gnd Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 gnd
topic_facet	Sozialer Wandel Gesellschaft Slowakei
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027253457&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027253457&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
work_keys_str_mv	AT krivyvladimir akosamenislovenskaspolocnost

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