Władza na dywaniku: jak polskie media rozliczają polityków? : nowy model komunikacji politycznej
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| Main Author: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Polish |
| Published: |
Toruń
Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
2013
|
| Series: | Oblicza Mediów
|
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Authorities on the carpet Bibliogr. s. 360-376. Indeksy |
| Physical Description: | 418 s. Ill., graph. Darst. 23 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788377807569 |
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Record in the Search Index
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| adam_text |
Spis
tresei
Wstęp
. 13
Część
I.
Teoria
Rozdział
1
Czy istnieje „czwarta władza"?
. 18
1.1.
Władza mediów nad społeczeństwem
. 18
1.2.
Władza mediów nad elitą rządzącą
. 19
1.3.
Superwładza czyli mediokracja
. 21
1.4.
Ani czwarta, ani pierwsza władza?
. 23
Rozdział
2
Typologia władzy medialnej
. 27
2.1.
Władza jako mediatyzowanie
. 29
2.2.
Władza jako funkcjonowanie
. 38
2.3.
Władza jako oddziaływanie
. 41
2.4.
Władza jako kontrolowanie
. 44
Rozdział
3
Media i polityka, czyli komunikacja polityczna
. 50
3.1.
Problemy definicyjne
. 50
3.2.
Komunikacja polityczna w procesie politycznym
. 53
3.3.
Modele mediów w demokracji
. 57
Rozdział
4
Wybrane modele komunikacji politycznej
. 59
4.1.
Czym jest model?
. 59
4.2.
Trój elementowy model McNaira
. 60
4.3.
Systemowy model Blumlera i
Gurevitcha
. 64
4.4.
Trójkątny model Perloffa
. 69
6
Spis treści
4.5.
Medioznawczy model
Negrine'a.
73
4.6.
Dyskursywny model Tumana
. 77
Rozdział
S
Transpozycyjny model komunikacji politycznej
. 84
5.1.
Środkowy układ transpozycyjny (prospołeczny)
. 86
5.2.
Dolny układ transpozycyjny (propagandowy)
. 90
5.2.1.
Ewentualne zaburzenia propagandowego układu transpozycji
. 90
5.3.
Górny układ transpozycyjny (mediokratyczny)
. 92
5.3.1.
Ewentualne zaburzenia mediokratycznego układu transpozycji
. 93
5.4.
Nietranspozycyjność
Internetu
. 94
5.5.
Zastosowanie badawcze modelu transpozycyjnego
(operacjonalizacja)
. 97
5.6.
Próba definicji komunikacji politycznej
. 99
Część
II.
Badanie
Rozdział
6
Założenia badania komunikacji politycznej
. 105
Rozdział
7
Jak przeprowadzono badanie?
. 108
Rozdział
8
Obietnice i zobowiązania polityczne -czas siania
. 112
8.1.
Co obiecała Platforma, PSL i sam premier
Donald
Tusk?
. 114
8.1.1.
Analiza normatywów
. 117
8.1.1.1.
Programy wyborcze PO i PSL oraz
expose
premiera D. Tuska
. 117
8.1.2.
Analiza deklaratywów
. 121
8.1.3.
Analiza spekulatywów
vel
ekspektatywów
. 125
Rozdział
9
Analizy dyskursu „Rzeczpospolitej" i „Gazety Wyborczej" wokół
studniówki oraz rocznicy gabinetu
Donalda
Tuska
. 129
Spis
tresei
7
9.1.
Rozkład tekstów w czasie na
100
dni i na rok rządów gabinetu
PO-PSL
. 129
9.2.
Rozkład wskaźnika Objętość
x
Ekspozycja w czasie
(100
dni i rok rządu
Donalda
Tuska)
. 135
9.3.
Autorstwo, miejsce opublikowania, charakter tekstów
. 140
9.4.
Wywiad
-
interaktywny gatunek wypowiedzi dziennikarskiej
. 152
9.4.1.
O co media pytają w wywiadach?
. 158
9.5.
Kogo cytowała prasa najczęściej na
100
dni oraz rok rządów
PO-PSL
. 167
9.6.
Rząd PO-PSL kontra pozostali aktorzy sceny politycznej
. 179
9.7.
Rozkład ocen gabinetu
Donalda
Tuska w czasie
100
dni
i roku rządów
. 181
9.8.
Źródła porażek oraz sukcesów rządu
Donalda
Tuska
. 182
9.8.1.
Źródła porażek rządu PO-PSL
. 183
9.8.2.
Źródła sukcesów rządu PO-PSL
. 192
9.9.
Wizerunek rządu PO-PSL jako aktora zbiorowego na łamach
dzienników
. 202
9.9.1.
Wizerunek skumulowany ministrów Platformy Obywatelskiej
w rządzie
Donalda
Tuska
. 222
9.9.2.
Wizerunek skumulowany ministrów Polskiego Stronnictwa
Ludowego w rządzie
Donalda
Tuska
. 226
9.9.3.
Wizerunek skumulowany dla rządu
Donalda
Tuska
.229
9.9.4.
Wizerunki wybranych ministrów rządu
Donalda
Tuska
. 231
9.9.4.1.
Wizerunek
Donalda Tuska,
premiera
.237
9.9.4.2.
Wizerunek Grzegorza Schetyny, wicepremiera,
ministra spraw wewnętrznych i administracji
. 240
9.9 A3.
Wizerunek Waldemara Pawlaka, wicepremiera,
ministra gospodarki
. 243
9.9.4.4.
Wizerunek Radosława Sikorskiego, ministra spraw
zagranicznych
.247
9.9.4.5.
Wizerunek Bogdana Klicha, ministra obrony narodowej
.251
9.9.4.6.
Wizerunek Jolanty Fedak, minister pracy i polityki
społecznej
. 254
9.9.4.7.
Wizerunek Michała Boniego, członka Rady Ministrów
. 259
8
Spis treści
Część III. Podsumowanie
-
media rozliczające władzę, czyli jakie?
Rozdział
10
Czas zbierania. Co rząd Tuska zrealizował ze swoich obietnic
według dzienników?
. 265
10.1.
Obietnice, obietnice, obietnice na
100
dni oraz rok rządu
PO-PSL
. 269
10.2.
Za co dzienniki rozliczyły rząd PO-PSL?
. 271
10.3.
Co według gazet udało się zrealizować rządowi
Donalda
Tuska?
. 281
10.4.
Wnioski i dyskusja
-
w stronę postpolityki
. 299
Bibliografia
.360
Aneks
-
Klucz kategoryzacyjny
. 377
Spis tabel, rysunków i zdjęć
.394
Indeks osób
. 398
Indeks rzeczowy
.404
Summary
Authorities on the Carpet. How Do Polish Media Assess Politicians?
New Model of Political Communication
.412
Table
of Contents
Introduction
. 13
Part I. Theory
Chapter
1
What is the Fourth Estate?
. 18
1.1.
Power of the Media on Society
. 18
1.2.
Power of the Media on the Ruling Elite
. 19
1.3.
Superpower which Means Mediocracy
. 21
1.4.
Neither the Fourth nor the First Power?
. 23
Chapter
2
The Typology of Media Power
. 27
2.1.
Power as a Mediatization
. 29
2.2.
Power as a Function
. 38
2.3.
Power as an Impact
. 41
2.4.
Power as a Controlling
. 44
Chapter
3
Media and Politics which Means Political Communication
. 50
3.1.
Problems of Definition
. 50
3.2.
Political Communication in the Political Process
. 53
3.3.
Models of the Media in a Democracy
. 57
Chapter
4
Selected Models of Political Communication
. 59
4.1.
What is the Model?
. 59
4.2.
The McNair
s
Three Element Model
. 60
4.3.
The
Blumler
's
and Gurevitch's Systemic Model
. 64
4.4.
The Perloff
s
Triangular Model
. 69
4.5.
The Negrine
s
Media Model
. 73
4.6.
The Tumans Discursive Model
. 77
10
Table
of
Contents
Chapter
5
The Transposition Model of Political Communication
. 84
5.1.
The Central Transposition of Model
(Prosocial)
. 86
5.2.
The Lower Transposition of Model (Propaganda)
. 90
5.2.1.
Disturbances of the Lower Transposition Propaganda
. 90
5.3.
The Upper Transposition of Model (Mediocratic)
. 92
5.3.1.
Disturbances of the Mediocratic Transposition
. 93
5.4.
No-transposition of the Network
. 94
5.5.
Research Application of the Transposition Model
(Operationalization)
. 97
5.6.
The Definition of the Political Communication
-
a Proposition
. 99
Part II. Research
Chapter
6
The Assumptions of the Political Communication Research
. 105
Chapter
7
How the Research was Conducted?
. 108
Chapter
8
Promises and Political Commitments
-
Time to Sow
. 112
8.1.
What Civic Platform
(PO),
Polish Peasants' Party (PSL)
and Prime Minister Donald Tusk has Promised?
. 114
8.1.1.
Analysis of the
Normatives . 117
8.1.1.1.
Election Programmes of
PO
/PSL and Prime Minister
Donald Tusks
Exposé
. 117
8.1.2.
Analysis of the Declaratives
. 121
8.1.3.
Analysis of the
Expectatives
. 125
Chapter
9
Discourse Analysis of 'Rzeczpospolita' and
'Gazeta Wyborcza'
around a One Hundred Days and the Anniversary of Donald Tusks
Government
. 129
Table
of
Contents
Ц
9.1. Distribution
of Texts during a One Hundred Days
and the Anniversary of PO-PSLs Government
. 129
9.2.
Distribution of the Volume and Exposure Rate in a Time
of a One Hundred Days and the Anniversary of Donald Tusks
Government
.,. 135
9.3.
Authorship, Place of Publication, the Nature of Texts
. 140
9.4.
Interview
—
Interactive Genre ofjournalistic Expression
. 152
9.4.1.
What Have the Media Asked in Interviews?
. 158
9.5.
Who was usually Quoted by the Press for a One Hundred Days
and the Anniversary of the PO-PSLs Government
. 167
9.6.
PO-PSL's Government versus Other Political Actors
. 179
9.7.
Distribution of Ratings the Donald Tusk's Cabinet at the
Time of a One Hundred Days and the Anniversary of the PO-PSL's
Government
. 181
9.8.
Sources of Failures and Successes of the Donald Tusk's
Government
. 182
9.8.1.
Sources of Defeats of the PO-PSLs Government
. 183
9.8.2.
Sources of Successes of the PO-PSLs Government
. 192
9.9.
The Image of the PO-PSLs Government as a Collective Actor
in Newspapers
. 202
9.9.1.
The Cumulative Image of the Ministers in the Donald Tusks
Government on Behalf of the Civic Platform
. 222
9.9.2.
The Cumulative Image of the Ministers in the Donald Tusk's
Government on Behalf of the Polish Peasants' Party
.226
9.9.3.
The Cumulative Image of the whole Donald Tusk's
Government
.229
9.9.4.
Images of Selected Ministers of Donald Tusk's
Government
. 231
9.9.4.1.
The Image of Donald Tusk, the Prime Minister
. 237
9.9.4.2.
The Image of
Grzegorz Schetyna,
Deputy Prime Minister,
Minister of Interior and Administration
. 240
9.9.43.
The Image of
Waldemar Pawlak,
Deputy Prime Minister,
Minister of Economy
. 243
9.9.4.4.
The Image of
Radosław Sikorski,
Minister of Foreign
Affairs
. 247
12
Table of
С
ontents
9.9.4.5.
The Image of
Bogdan
Klich, Minister of National
Defence
. 251
9.9.4.6.
The Image of
Jolanta
Fedak, Minister of Labour
and Social Policy
. 254
9.9.4.7.
The Image of
Michał
Boni,
Member of the Council
of Ministers
. 259
Part III. Summary
-
Media Assessing Politicians which Means what?
Chapter
10
Gathering Time. Which Promises were Realized by the Tusk's
Government according to the Newspapers?
.265
10.1.
Promises, Promises, Promises in a Time of One Hundred Days
and the Anniversary of the PO-PSL's Government
.269
10.2.
For what the Newspapers had Assessed of the PO-PSLs
Government
.271
10.3.
What was Accomplished by the Tusks Government according
to the Newspapers?
. 281
10.4.
Conclusions and Discussion
-
Towards Postpolitics
. 299
Bibliography
. 360
Appendix
-
Code book
. 377
List of tables, illustrations and photos
. 394
Index of persons
. 398
Index of items
.404
Summary
Authorities on the Carpet. How Do Polish Media Assess Politicians?
New Model of Political Communication
.412
Summary
Authorities on the Carpet. How Do Polish Media Assess
Politicians? New Model of Political Communication
In dissertation author has made an attempt to create a new model of political
communication based on a major research of Polish broadsheets
-
'Gazeta Wy¬
borcza'
and
'Rzeczpospolita'.
The purpose of this mediacentric model of political
communication
-
called
'transpositive
modeľ
-
was a giving an answer to these
questions: what type of relations occur between politicians (government and par¬
liamentary opposition)^ journalists (media) and finally citizens/voters (society)
during political communication practice? What is the political communication
in general? How the campaign promises influence political communication? Are
Polish politicians being assessed for their pledges, and if so, then by whom? By
media? After all, what does it mean that media are the Fourth Estate7. What kind
of power they wield?
In the first, theoretical part of book, author has taken into consideration the
potential meanings of power which media seem to possess. Understanding the
notion
oí
a Fourth Estate (as media use to be named) has been connected with
distinguished typology of media power: power as a mediatization, power as an in¬
fluence, power as a function and last but not least power as a control. First type of
power (mediatization) is connected with process of getting to know surrounding
world via media by mass audience. From this perspective media become our win¬
dow on the world and their power consists in creating frames for our perception.
Second type of power (influence) is based on an expected relation between media
and their recipients. This relation assumes that media with their facts, opinions
and entertainment can possibly change, in some cases, mass audience's definite
point of view. However we have to bear in mind that this type of media pow¬
er depends on intentional, not accidental, influence of mass media. Third type
of power (function) seems to be the most obvious one. Every object which is
attributed to a specific function acquire definite power as a part of its function.
Finally, the fourth type of power assumes the control idea of media so-called:
watchdog. This is a crucial aspect of media power. Media as a great controller of
Authorities on the Carpet.
413
a government
-
this is the main topic of this book. On the one hand media should
investigate authorities, and on the other they should also assess politicians for
their campaign pledges. Keeping promises should be, and seems to be, one of the
most important aspect of being a politician. What has to be pointed out is the fact,
that in most cases citizens voting is based on promises, which have been made by
politicians during elections. Voters want to believe that elected politicians, who
become a government will keep their promises. Nowadays
-
in the era of mass
media
-
society seems to put their dreams about political promises redeemed into
the media's hands. Media as a Fourth Estate ought to control political elite, judge
them for their promises.
According to the presented typology of media power, in the first part of the
work, the author proposes
a 'transpositive
model' which reflects potential rela¬
tions between society, media and government in the course of political communi¬
cation. It was supposed, that media can play three different,
transpositive
roles in
the relations between citizens and politicians. Media could be a desirable Fourth
Estate which is guarding societies' interests
-
assessing politicians for promises
they have made (middle transposition). However there is a possibility that media
could become an upper aberration of a Fourth Estate
-
they can be a 'Superpower'
which predominate over politicians (media
-
owners of media and journalists
-
decide who will be able to contact with voters thanks to the mass media) and
society (media present to their recipients, what they want to present, not what
recipient need or should need to know to fully participate in the political com¬
munication). On the other hand media can become lower aberration of a Fourth
Estate
-
the can be a simply emanation of political power
-
in most cases
-
go¬
vernmental power, as it was in the years of
PRL
(media were mostly dependent on
government, which could dictate form and content of the mass media). Each of
the mentioned aberrations cause a serious disturbances in the relations between
authorities, media and society in the political communication practice. To say
it straight
-
only in the middle transposition media as a Fourth Estate can fulfill
expected, normative role in the relations between politicians and citizens in the
political communication, namely they can control and assess government for their
campaign promises in the name of society- citizens
/
voters.
In the second, practical part of book author has tried to test the
'transpositive
model' and give an answer for a question: Do Polish media
-
prestige newspapers
like
a 'Gazeta Wyborcza'
and
'Rzeczpospolita'
-
play a role of a Fourth Estate in the
process of political communication in Poland, which means assessing government
414
Summary
for their pledges? Or maybe do Polish broadsheets become a 'Superpower' or
'Emanation of political power' (upper and lower aberrations)
?
Ifit
is so, what does
it mean for the process of political communication in Poland? Is it still effective
and lucid? It must be remembered that political communication is one of the most
crucial aspects of democracy, so questions about this process seem to be really
important when it comes to condition of Polish democracy.
In this research author has checked quantitatively and qualitatively what had
parties
(Platforma Obywatelska
(eng.
Civic Platform
(PO))
and
Polskie Stron¬
nictwo Ludowe
(eng.
the Polish Peasants' Party (PSL) and later Donald Tusk's
government) promised in electoral campaign in
2007
and straight after elections
(during creation of a government
-
October and November of
2007).
Then, au¬
thor has analyzed content of Polish newspapers in a time of a one hundred days
and a year after a swearing-in ceremony of Donald Tusks government (February-
-March and September-October of
2008).
In this time Polish newspapers judge
Polish government in special way. There is a belief that if government will not put
the planned reforms into practice in first one hundred days or at least in first year
of govern, it is much more probable that government will not carry these reforms
out till the end of their term. That's why media attach great significance to the
mentioned periods in which they try to sum up achievements of the government.
The results of the research give something to think about. To outline conclu¬
sions briefly, it must be said that in general Polish broadsheets seems to be rather
a Fourth Estate than a Superpower or Emanation of political authorities. However
this research reveals alarming tendencies. Namely, if newspaper looks favorably on
Donald Tusk's government, journalists of this daily assess him for his pledges to
a smaller degree and vice versa. In my research
'Gazeta Wyborcza'
were much more
inclined towards PO-PSL's government, while
'Rzeczpospolita'
seems to be much
more hard on ministers in Donald Tusks government Furthermore, leaving aside
political sympathies, research proved a great differences in the discourse of these
two newspapers reviewing after all the same government in the same time. It is not
about opinions, which are and should be different. It's about facts. Strictly speak¬
ing, what
'Gazeta Wyborcza'
regards as a keeping a campaign promise,
'Rzecz¬
pospolita'
considers just the opposite, as a breaking a pledge or failing to keep
a promise. When
'Gazeta Wyborcza'
used a word 'already' describing a definite
reforms of Tusk's government,
'Rzeczpospolita'
used a word 'just'. What must be
pointed out is fact that
'Wyborcza'
very often wrote about different promises than
'Rzeczpospolita'.
Donald Tusk's government was also praised and criticized for
Authorities on the Carpet.
415
different actions by analyzed newspapers. This alarming conclusions show Polish
political communication in a bad light. As it turned out Polish discourse of pres¬
tige newspapers seems to be very deeply divided. That
s
why Wyborcza's reader
will have a serious problems with reaching an agreement with
Rzeczpospolita
s
reader
-
in opinions and facts about Polish political communication and effec¬
tiveness of current government. Based on this observation author has come to
conclusion that Polish opinion-forming newspapers disintegrate Polish society by
means of political communication. From this point of view
-
in some cases
-
they
become an upper aberration of
transpositive
model
-
Superpower. However they
sometimes become also an Emanation of political authorities, at their own request
-
'Gazeta Wyborcza'
not so rarely seems to be a defender and even a advocate of
Tusk's government which was treated by Wyborczas journalist as a liberator from
Jarosław Kaczyńskis
government.
In this dissertation author has presented some of dysfunctions of Polish political
communication. After all the most opinion-forming newspapers in Poland seem
to be rather Fourth Estate than Superpower or Emanation of political powers. They
assess politicians for their promises, but they do it in a different way and various
scale (problem of political sympathies and biased journalism), whereas number of
promises
-
what was proved quantitatively
-
made by politicians during a campaign
and straight after, increases in every next day of govern. Politicians are fond of per¬
manent talking about future and what 'will' be, not what is now, what was carried
out, how many promises were redeemed. They just simply prefer to make a new
promises (changing, narrowing or widening previous ones) over and over again.
With results like this, other research questions arise: why did the media account
the government for only
45%
of the issues they promised to manage? Is that a lot
or a little? Media cannot write about everything as they are restricted by the space
and time of working on journalistic material, however, through this explanation,
we assume that they prioritize and choose the most important issues, convinced
they are doing it for the benefit of society. Other questions which should be posed
concern the number of pledges made
-
why do politicians promise so much, if
the media account them for only the most important ones? These concerns may
indicate, that the presented study, which was based on normative, structuralist and
functionalist perspective seems to be not adequate to present politics.
From Schmittian (from
Carl Schmitt
s
meaning of politics) perspective, prom¬
ises, which were the main topic of research, are a part of a social contract with vot¬
ers, who believe that this particular political platform, this politician, after winning
416
Summary
the elections, will keep his word. However, one has to be aware that an equally
important, if not prevailing altogether, factor influencing political decisions, is an
image itself, understood in terms of marketing. Perhaps here lies the answer to
allegations on naively believing that voters are familiar with party programmes or
promises, never intended to be kept in the first place.
Zygmunt
Bauman has noticed that
-
nowadays
-
we live in the 'casino culture'
which instantaneous and episodic announce the end of'our well known politics'.
We could say
-
an Schmittian politics. Bauman convinces that we are living in
the era of fast foods
-
quick thinking and quick talking. Times of long, four hours
Lincolns
speeches are gone forever. Today politicians need to think and talk with
fast, witty catchphrases which draw impatient attention of TV stations.
Bauman has remarked that
Wladimir
Putin and Tony Blair (representatives
of the new era
-
era of postpolitics) wisely avoided in their campaigns lecturing
political programmes and conceptions. They did this in the name of building at¬
tractive image in exchange for demanding, difficult to understand ideas of ruling
and sense of their philosophy of power (ideology).
Today political marketing is, in a sense of postpolitics, apart of so called 'the
democratic performance', which indirectly justifies and legitimizes policy model
in which images
-
media representations
-
are more important than the content
of political programmes, making a promises by political elites or political visions
and ideas of changing anything. It seems to be that the present world is not in¬
habited anymore by homo
seriosus,
the man who embodies the idea of discovering
the truth, not afraid of conflict and struggle, tied to his identity, family, country
and place. The new world
-
world of postpolitics
-
is a place where the truth is
not a fundamental value, there reigns homo rhetoricus for whom discovering the
reality is connected with trying to manipulate it, create it. The truth isn't timeless
and incontrovertible. The truth is what has been recognized as it.
Next to
Wladimir
Putin and Tony Blair, often described as a glaring example
of the end of the Schmittian politics/ideology is Silvio Berlusconi. His political
program seems to be structured like a TV programming
-
everyone will find
something interesting. Such politicians as he is, will be the main beneficiaries of
the end-time of a great ideologies. In the era of postpolitics, the main substance of
political communication is an image
-
media representation. In other words
-
the
expression and impression. This perspective show in fact how 'new politicians' can
easily promise people anything without even wishing to implement these com¬
mitments.
Authorities on the Carpet.
417
The author of book
-
in presented research
-
assumed that voter decisions are
rational and certain politicians chosen because their diagnose of Poland's prob¬
lems and the proposed remedies (election promises) seem justified, pragmatic and
efficient. If that were not the case, it would mean, that voters are guided by feelings
or impressions on the party image and its leaders. The question is not what really
is, but how it is perceived. It ennobles the media and makes them 'rulers of the
mind'
-
as a result of civic apathy.
If the above diagnose is a true, then hopes connected with the quality of public
debate, its substantiality, should be sought in media and journalists, who, through
their texts, will convince voters that promises are made to be kept, campaign pro¬
grammes written to be implemented, and political parties accounted for their ac¬
tions. This is indeed the charm and potential of media studies.
What must to be stress out is the fact, that, at the moment, we are dealing with
a sort of a media legitimization of power
-
a new type of legitimacy
-
due to ex¬
pansion of electronic media (mainly TV). It depends primarily on the attractive¬
ness of a media image, the skillful presence in the mass media, the specific char¬
acteristics considered as a media attractive and efficient which is connected with
extra abilities to express yourself effectively in front of the lens and microphones
of the mass media. In the Schmittian era of politics the most important were poli¬
tical issues, today
-
in the era of postpolitics
-
the symbolic issues seem to be most
crucial. There is no politics in XXIst century without mass media. If somebody
is not present in mass media, he is condemned to a political non-existence
-
so
called 'social annihilation'. In another words: only things that are important, are
those, that are said in the mass media.
In this context it is worth reminding a well-known rule of marketing. Namely,
'person is a message'. It means that nothing but person of politician (his image,
impression) has a bigger impact than what he has got to pass (ideas, ideology,
beliefs and of course also pledges). It is said that television programmes saturated
with an affection caused an agitation, a sort of a physiological processes, analogous
to the processes which are accompanying experience of emotion in the natural
conditions of life. It turns out that the media presentation (image) of politician is
the main and the most effective means of presenting themselves to the audience
(recipients
-
citizens
-
voters).
Fraser P.
Seitel already draw an attention to
-
the
criterion of liking (sign of'the era of postpolitics'). It is not about the political
programmes. It is not about the ideology. It is also not about political pledges
and keeping promises. It is about image and impression
-
a great impact on the
418
Summary
audience of political spectacle. Here we are reaching an idea of politicotainment
(criterions of infotainment adapt to politics). In present we are even talking about
somewhat of televisions leadership or better
-
television's primacy. TV is not (is
not able?) fulfilling the idea of watchdog
-
assessing politicians from their pledges
(lack of time, request of dynamism, pressure of entertainment
-
tabloidization
etc.). TV is not controlling politicians. It is just the opposite
-
TV is authorizing
politicians in the awareness of public opinion. Not by what they say, but by how
they look, how they present themselves, in that they are simply appearing.
To sum up, in the era of postpolitics politicians don't want to be outstanding.
They don't want and they aren't statesmen. They simply don't have to. It is not
a proper criterion in present days. This Schmittian perspective is gone. Followers
of postpolitics admit that we are living in a times when ideological conflicts and
differences are ended. That what counts now, is the image and the ability to effec¬
tively administrate
-
not governing, but managing. Politicians want to be liked.
They want to be like buddies of their voters, as close to them as it is possible
-
via
mass media. It seems to be, that a great part of the electorate of present political
parties is guided by feelings or impressions on the party image and its leaders. It
would then mean a triumph of package over content, handshake and smile over
substantial discussions, illusion over reality. Perhaps this is the core of modern
(postmodern) political communication (postpolitics), which has begun to func¬
tion as a comedy series and soap operas. What counts are visions, hopes, dreams,
aspirations, image (perfectly masking the faults and showing-off successes), not
facts, numbers or accomplished and accounted campaign programs. In which case,
political reality would have been substituted by the media world of politics (it is
worth reminding the idea of mediatization of politics) and of course the idea of
politicization of media (colonization of media by politics). This seems to be one
of the most important aspect of communication barrier in politics
-
in the present
era of postpolitics. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Gackowski, Tomasz |
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| author_sort | Gackowski, Tomasz |
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| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041650148 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)873492635 (DE-599)BVBBV041650148 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic_facet | Polen |
| id | DE-604.BV041650148 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-11-13T05:00:09Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788377807569 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027090785 |
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| physical | 418 s. Ill., graph. Darst. 23 cm |
| publishDate | 2013 |
| publishDateSearch | 2013 |
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| publisher | Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Oblicza Mediów |
| spelling | Gackowski, Tomasz Verfasser (DE-588)1226475590 aut Władza na dywaniku jak polskie media rozliczają polityków? : nowy model komunikacji politycznej Tomasz Gackowski ; Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Dziennikarstwa i Nauk Politycznych Toruń Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek 2013 418 s. Ill., graph. Darst. 23 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Oblicza Mediów Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Authorities on the carpet Bibliogr. s. 360-376. Indeksy Mass media / 21 w jhpk Mass media / aspekt polityczny / Polska jhpk Komunikacja w polityce / Polska / 1990- jhpk Mass media / aspekt polityczny / Polska / 21 w jhpk Massenmedien Politiker (DE-588)4046517-2 gnd rswk-swf Partei (DE-588)4044737-6 gnd rswk-swf Massenmedien (DE-588)4037877-9 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Massenmedien (DE-588)4037877-9 s Partei (DE-588)4044737-6 s Politiker (DE-588)4046517-2 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027090785&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027090785&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Gackowski, Tomasz Władza na dywaniku jak polskie media rozliczają polityków? : nowy model komunikacji politycznej Mass media / 21 w jhpk Mass media / aspekt polityczny / Polska jhpk Komunikacja w polityce / Polska / 1990- jhpk Mass media / aspekt polityczny / Polska / 21 w jhpk Massenmedien Politiker (DE-588)4046517-2 gnd Partei (DE-588)4044737-6 gnd Massenmedien (DE-588)4037877-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4046517-2 (DE-588)4044737-6 (DE-588)4037877-9 (DE-588)4046496-9 |
| title | Władza na dywaniku jak polskie media rozliczają polityków? : nowy model komunikacji politycznej |
| title_auth | Władza na dywaniku jak polskie media rozliczają polityków? : nowy model komunikacji politycznej |
| title_exact_search | Władza na dywaniku jak polskie media rozliczają polityków? : nowy model komunikacji politycznej |
| title_full | Władza na dywaniku jak polskie media rozliczają polityków? : nowy model komunikacji politycznej Tomasz Gackowski ; Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Dziennikarstwa i Nauk Politycznych |
| title_fullStr | Władza na dywaniku jak polskie media rozliczają polityków? : nowy model komunikacji politycznej Tomasz Gackowski ; Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Dziennikarstwa i Nauk Politycznych |
| title_full_unstemmed | Władza na dywaniku jak polskie media rozliczają polityków? : nowy model komunikacji politycznej Tomasz Gackowski ; Uniwersytet Warszawski. Wydział Dziennikarstwa i Nauk Politycznych |
| title_short | Władza na dywaniku |
| title_sort | wladza na dywaniku jak polskie media rozliczaja politykow nowy model komunikacji politycznej |
| title_sub | jak polskie media rozliczają polityków? : nowy model komunikacji politycznej |
| topic | Mass media / 21 w jhpk Mass media / aspekt polityczny / Polska jhpk Komunikacja w polityce / Polska / 1990- jhpk Mass media / aspekt polityczny / Polska / 21 w jhpk Massenmedien Politiker (DE-588)4046517-2 gnd Partei (DE-588)4044737-6 gnd Massenmedien (DE-588)4037877-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Mass media / 21 w Mass media / aspekt polityczny / Polska Komunikacja w polityce / Polska / 1990- Mass media / aspekt polityczny / Polska / 21 w Massenmedien Politiker Partei Polen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027090785&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027090785&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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