Naşterea unei noi elite: Transilvania (1945 - 1953):
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| Item Description: | Zusammenfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The birth of a new elite |
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CUPRINS
Capitolul I. Argument. Surse fi metodologii de cercetare.3
CapitoluI II. Conceptul de “elità”. Elitaîn comunism.17
11.1 Teoría elitelor §i conceptul de „elità” în çtiintele politice.17
11.2 Elita regimurilor comuniste.22
11.3 Nomenclatura fi elità politicé. Delimitarea cercetàrii.26
Capitolul III. Formare, promovare fi selectie în elita PMR localà.31
Il 1.1 Criterii de selectie.31
3
a) Trecut §i origine socialà.31
b) Munca de partid.35
c) §colile de cadre. învâtàmântul de Partid.37
III. 2 Mecanismele selectiei.55
i
a) Promovare §i selectie rezultatà din evenimente
deosebite.55
b) Selectia continué.56
Capitolul IV. Dificultàtile unui început anevoios (1945-1947).61
IV. 1 Procesul sovietizârii României. Conditionàri externe
3
fi factori interni.61
IV.2 Raporturi inter-etnice în structurile de Partid (1945-1947).75
IV.3 Debuturile selectiei unei eiite politice comuniste.
Problème organizatorice (1945-1946).86
IV. 4 Anul 1947: spre un început de institucionalizare.111
Capitolul V. Elita de partid localà în intervalul (1948-1953).
Consolidare organizatoricá fi institutionalà. 125
V. 1 Contextul intern §i international al procesului de consolidare
organizatoricá. .125
V.2 Transformâri în societate- rolul elitei politice comuniste.130
V.3 Epurarea Partidului."141
226
i
Capitolul VI. Activistul de partid al anilor ’50 -
schitä de portret colectiv.183
VI. 1 Mediul social.183
VI.2 Värsta.185
VI.3 Privilegii §i Statut social.186
VI.4 Competentä profesionalä §i nivel intelectual.195
Concluzii .201
Bibliografie .210
The birth of a new elite: Transylvania (1945-1953).220
227
The birth of a new elite: Transylvania (1945-1953)
ABSTRACT
The present research has the goal to investigate the foundation of the “new
class” in Transylvania, choosing four counties which seemed representative to us.
Our research will focus primarely on the communist political elite at the local evel,
on the party apparatus and the party elite. Thus we deliberately chose the term of
“communist political elite” avoiding that of “nomenklatura” which most scholars
consider to include all important positions in a communist regime (party, state,
military, etc.)
Communist regimes pretended to have abolished the “class oppression”, and
to have founded the first society in which all individuals and society groups shared
equality. Communist ideology and propaganda strongly opposed the idea of “elite”,
especially when talking about their own regimes. The works of Lenin however, the
founding father of real communism, include a veritable “elitist” approach, especially
his famous article “What is to be done?” in which he presents his ideas about the
party organization as “the elite vanguard”.
The elite studies played an important role in understanding communist
regimes. Elite studies and researches on the state-society relationship followed the
first investigations on communist regimes. Once established that in the USSR and
Eastern Europe states a small minority ruled through ideology and repression over a
vast majority who lived in fear and permanent insecurity, western scholars’ attention
focused especially on the first category. Who were these people? Which were the
criteria for their selection? In which way those communist elites differed from the
western political elites? In this field, the best contributors were people coming from
East European countries, many of them former important communist officials:
Milo van Djilas, Pavel Campeanu, Michael Voslensky. Their reserches present some
similar conclusions: the class stmggle has not disappeared in communist regimes;
220
moreover in all these states can be found a dominant class, whose power and
dominance suipasses by far the influence of any power elite known in the history of
humankind. This “new class” is formed by those who detain key-positions in the
party and state apparatus at central and local level. The established term for the
communist elite is “nomenklatu ra”, the original meaning being exactly that of “list
of important posts”.
The most important thing one must keep in mind when discussing the
selection-process of the communist elite is that criteria were totally different
compared to western regimes. First of all, the subject had to prove unconditional
loyalty to the regime. Only after were criteria like professional experience,
performances or educational background considered.
The candidate to a position inside the party had to prove first “a healthy
social origin” and an uncompromising past. These were the very first aspects
checked by the “Cadre Section” existent in every local branch of the party. One had
to have a “clean” past, with no involvement in previous political activities or other
political parties. All of his friends and relatives had to be “politically trustworthy”,
as he could not belong to a family of “exploiters” or “class-enemies”.
The activity one had inside the party was essential for one’s promotion. The
candidate had to prove “active” and conscientious in completing the “party task”.
The notion of “party work” or “party tasks” changed their meaning in time. In the
first years, when the party struggled to get organized, “party work” meant
organizational work and recruiting as many new members as possible. After 1948, in
the purge era, “party work” meant primarily “vigilance towards class enemies
steeled inside the party” and “unmasking the traitors”.
The ideological educational background was another important element for
an aspirant to a party career. Ideally, every party aparatchik placed in a leadership
position had to pass through a “Party superior school” - The “§tefan Gheorghiu”
Party University or a county party school of three or six months. The purpose was to
enhance members’ loyalty towards the party by providing them with the Party’s
vision on political, economical and social life. Students were compelled to
thoroughly appropriate the official interpretation of facts, any deviation being
221
promptly punished. Ideology was present everywhere, in every subject, a Stalinist,
primitive interpretation of Marxism.
The Romanian Communist Party (RCP) never had until 1944 any
experience in legal politics, not to speak about governing experience. RCP became
the main governing force on 6th March 1945, due to Moscow pressures, but it had
practically no support from the population, compared to the National Peasant Party,
liberals or even social-democrats. As the Romanian historian Victor Frunza put it,
RCP was at that time “a head in search of a body”, that being its greatest paradox: it
was in power but it didn’t exist! So, in this first phase a rapid increase of members’
number and the establishment of party organizations everywhere in the country was
stressed, to the detriment of the rigorous selection-process.
In Transylvania, and thus in our study area, communists were confronted
with an additional problem: national composition of party ranks, and inter-ethnical
conflicts. RCP wanted to change its inter-war image of a “party of strangers”, where
national minorities prevailed over the Romanians. A “right” national composition as
well as a social one (a majority of workers) was demanded by the local party
branches. But in Transylvania, especially in the big cities, this proved to be a
difficult task. The majority of qualified workers were Hungarian. The “right“ social
composition required for a party who claimed to be the proletarian representative
would have meant in this case to exclude the Romanians again, which was
inconceivable. In counties like Cluj or Bihor, this problem wasn’t solved until 1947
or even later, as the Romanians continued to represent a minority.
Meanwhile, inter-ethnical conflicts aroused, as the Vienna dictate was still
fresh in the memory of many Transylvanians. Those conflicts were presented in the
communist press as between “democratic forces” and “fascist, reactionary gangs”,
but in fact they were clashes between Romanians and Hungarians, and had an
ethnical substratum. The incidents occurring in Cluj during the spring of 1946 were
presented as disorders caused by “reactionary forces”, but they turned out to be
street fights between Romanian students and Hungarian workers from the
“Dermata” factory.
222
The first two years (1945-1946) were the most representative of the early
period of the RCP in power. Organizational issues were specific for this interval,
especially at the local level. Because RCP never had any experience as a legal party,
many difficulties arouse, and local party branches were constantly criticized by the
center for their lack of organizational efficiency. The situation of the local party elite
can be labeled as very unstable during this period, as county party activists were
very frequently changed, in an endeavor to improve the party power structures. An
area in which the party particularly lacked control and authority was the countryside.
The party organizations were very weak there and escaped the county center control
many times. But all in all, these years were a golden opportunity for career-hunters
in the party and for promotion in important posts, as the RCP desperately needed to
quickly build a local party elite
The year 1947 is somewhat different, as a more rigorous selection-process
started now. Although the admission rate remained high, there were efforts to
improve the selection of party members and especially the party “aparatchiks”. In
March 1947 the party regionals were abolished in an attempt to strengthen the
Central Committee control over the county party branches. As the party domination
over the Romanian politics became unmatched, RCP attempted to increase the level
of discipline of its ranks.
Starting with the second part of 1947 Romania enters what Hugh-Seton-
Watson called the “monolithic phase” of the Sovietization process. The RCP
becomes the sole occupant of the Romanian political scene in 1948. As there were
no further threats to the party’s absolute power, the program of massive recruitments
of (1945-1947) is stopped. Instead, the party goes through a process of
organizational consolidation and institutionalization. Several purges occur, the
center control is enhanced and strict norms are elaborated in an attempt to enhance
the party’s cohesion. At the same time the party starts a “purifying process” of the
old society, the party elite playing the major part.
The Romanian society suffers now radical changes. The soviet model is
imposed everywhere: in education, justice, economical development and in the state-
church relationship. The documents we found in the county party archives prove the
223
decisive role of the local party elite in this process. It is a proof that the
transformation of the Romanian society into a communist one was not the result of
the laws of history or of the oppressed masses5 class struggle, but of the actions of a
small elite with enormous power who didn’t consult the people or even the rank and
file party members. Thus, the 11th June 1948 nationalization was completed in our
four counties by the party aparatchiks, the secret of the action being kept until the
last moment. The main task of the local party “cadre” was to identify and act against
any kind of resistance the old society managed to put up against the party’s
transformation project.
At the same time, a purging campaign started in the party ranks. Between
1948 and 1950 a great verification process occurred, a fifth of the party members
(192.000) being purged. The campaign intended to make the party more credible as
an institution, to get rid of those who entered the party seeking for a shelter, or to
pursue their own interests. Finally, the remaining members had to feel that they
belonged to an elite, to a well disciplined and organized power structure.
The verification campaign had a strong impact upon the local party elite.
Many aparatchiks were removed from their posts, some of them even expelled from
the party, as a compromising past was discovered. For example, in June 1949, 50%
of the Cluj county party officials were removed, most of them distributed in posts of
less importance, and only some of them expelled. But the 1948-1950 verification
meant also a wonderful career opportunity for many members and small activists
who replaced the purged ones. At the end of the verification campaign, the local
power structures (party, state apparatus, etc.) became even more extended, thus
enhancing their bureaucratic character.
The purges continued throughout the entire period (1948-1953), with a new
climax during the year 1952. At that moment the power struggle reached the top of
the party hierarchy. The “Moscow group” of Ana Pauker, Vasile Luca and Teohari
Georgescu was defeated in this conflict by Gheorghiu-Dej and its henchmen. They
were accused of being “right deviationists” who tried to divert the party from the
Marxist-Leninist way. They were striped of their party positions, Vasile Luca even
incarcerated and dying in prison.
224
This power struggle had important consequences at the local level, as a new
purging campaign started. “Right deviationists” had to be found everywhere, in
every county, and presented as traitors in front of the party organizations. In our four
counties significant purges occurred inside the party elite, especially in the county of
Arad where several district-secretaries were expelled, and a very severe purge was
unleashed.
After Stalin’s death a certain relaxation could be noticed inside the party.
The accent wasn’t put anymore on “vigilance towards the class enemy” but on
“collective decisions” and “democracy inside the party”. The party elite become
now more stable and less vulnerable to radical events.
Conclusions
The specificity of the communist political elite in Romania was greatly
influenced by the Communist Party history, and its lack of democratic traditions.
The Romanian Communist Party never went through any kind of
reformist/revisionist experience as the communist parties from Poland,
Czechoslovakia or Hungary did. As the majority of its members belonged to the
national minorities during the inter-war era, the party strove hard to prove itself
“national” when in power. When the Moscow control became less strict, the
nationalist path was chosen to the detriment of the reformist one, in order to provide
the RCP legitimacy. Thus, the Romanian Communist Party remained purely
Stalinist, until the communism collapse.
225
BIBLIOGRAFIE
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Fonduri arhivistice:
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j 1 j f j
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h) Volume de studii
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216
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219 |
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| spelling | Ivaşcu, Bogdan ca. 20./21. Jh. Verfasser (DE-588)1113550228 aut Naşterea unei noi elite: Transilvania (1945 - 1953) Bogdan Ivaşcu Arad Ed. Gutenberg Univers 2008 227 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zusammenfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The birth of a new elite Partidul Muncitoresc Romîn (DE-588)2017729-X gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1944-1953 gnd rswk-swf Siebenbürgen (DE-588)4054835-1 gnd rswk-swf Siebenbürgen (DE-588)4054835-1 g Partidul Muncitoresc Romîn (DE-588)2017729-X b Geschichte 1944-1953 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027034289&sequence=000004&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027034289&sequence=000005&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027034289&sequence=000006&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Literaturverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Ivaşcu, Bogdan ca. 20./21. Jh Naşterea unei noi elite: Transilvania (1945 - 1953) Partidul Muncitoresc Romîn (DE-588)2017729-X gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)2017729-X (DE-588)4054835-1 |
| title | Naşterea unei noi elite: Transilvania (1945 - 1953) |
| title_auth | Naşterea unei noi elite: Transilvania (1945 - 1953) |
| title_exact_search | Naşterea unei noi elite: Transilvania (1945 - 1953) |
| title_full | Naşterea unei noi elite: Transilvania (1945 - 1953) Bogdan Ivaşcu |
| title_fullStr | Naşterea unei noi elite: Transilvania (1945 - 1953) Bogdan Ivaşcu |
| title_full_unstemmed | Naşterea unei noi elite: Transilvania (1945 - 1953) Bogdan Ivaşcu |
| title_short | Naşterea unei noi elite: Transilvania (1945 - 1953) |
| title_sort | nasterea unei noi elite transilvania 1945 1953 |
| topic | Partidul Muncitoresc Romîn (DE-588)2017729-X gnd |
| topic_facet | Partidul Muncitoresc Romîn Siebenbürgen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027034289&sequence=000004&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027034289&sequence=000005&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027034289&sequence=000006&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT ivascubogdan nastereauneinoielitetransilvania19451953 |