Reforma? Revoluce?: pražské jaro 1968 a Praha
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| Main Author: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Czech |
| Published: |
Praha
Ústav pro Soudobé Dějiny AVČR
2013
|
| Series: | Sešity Ústavu pro Soudobé Dějiny AV ČR
45 |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Physical Description: | 278 S. |
| ISBN: | 9788072851676 |
Staff View
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Record in the Search Index
| _version_ | 1811041371600977920 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
Obsah
Úvod
.5
Kapitola
1.
Praha před lednem
1968:
Jak dál vládnout?
.11
Kapitola2. Leden
1968:
Lednový kompromis
.29
Kapitola
3.
Únor
1968:
Lidé začínají mluvit
.39
Kapitola
4.
Březen
1968:
„Revoluční reforma"?
.54
Kapitola
5.
Duben
1968:
Reforma!
.84
Kapitola
6.
Městská konference KSČ
25.-27.
dubna
1968.110
Kapitola
7.
Květen
1968:
Reforma, nebo restaurace?
.121
Kapitola
8.
Červen
1968:
Boj o sjezd
.167
Kapitola
9.
Městská konference KSČ
6.-7.
července
1968.192
Kapitola
10.
Červenec
1968:
Konflikt
.204
Kapitola
11.
Srpen
1968:
Invaze
.218
Kapitola
12.
Po invazi
.243
Závěr
.260
Résumé
.263
Prameny a literatura
.268
Seznam zkratek
.273
Jmenný rejstřík
.275
Resumé
This
volume
is concerned with the Prague municipal organization of
the Czechoslovak Communist Party (CPCz), particularly its political
leadership, the Municipal Committee, from January to August
1968.
The Prague Communists were an important part of the Party both because of
their size (almost
11
per cent of the whole Party membership) and because
of the striking polarization into a strong reformist current, consisting
mainly of intellectuals from the humanities and the natural sciences,
and considerable conservative forces, amongst the holders of power in
particular, but amongst manual workers as well. Research on the activities
of the Municipal Committee of the CPCz provides insight into the operation
of lower Party units, in this case at the regional level, which were directly
linked with movement in civil society. It is therefore also a way of achieving
a deeper understanding of why and how the 'Prague Spring' grew from being
an attempt at reform into a revolution moving away from totalitarianism
towards democracy, going outside the narrow framework of the modestly
conceived aims and becoming a phenomenon whose importance went
beyond that of Czechoslovakia. Prague played an utterly indispensible
role in that. Because this topic cannot properly be understood without also
considering developments at the centre as well as in the Prague municipal
organization of the Party and at the top-level leadership of the whole Party,
this volume considers policy-making in the top Party bodies too.
In early
1968,
the political leadership of Prague was exceptionally
conservative. It stood firmly behind both the dismissed First Secretary of
the Central Committee of the CPCz,
Antonín
Novotný
(1904-1975),
and
the compromise solution to the dispute between the conservative and the
reformist current, which was achieved at the January session of the Central
Committee of the CPCz. Only with difficulty did it come to terms with the
gradually emerging reform policy. It thus found itself in the position of
defender of the 'old order' and as society was gradually awakening it was
losing influence over the course of events in the capital. It thus repeatedly
found itself in increasingly larger conflicts with rank-and-file Party members
and a politically more involved public, and also with the central Party
leadership, in which reformist elements were gaining the upper hand.
From above and below, the Municipal Committee of the Party was thus
under increasing pressure to change its policies. In late March, the Prague
leadership could no longer stand up to the pressure. If it did not want to
263
increase tensions further, it too had to open itself up to reform, 'to come out
in support of new things'.
The first step in that direction was to invite the Party action committee to
join in the preparations of the municipal conference of the Party, scheduled
for
25-26
April
1968.
The reformist Communist intellectuals as members
of three advisory groups which had been appointed in late March were thus
granted an opportunity to take part in policy-making for Prague and to
set up a new Municipal Committee of the Party, but they were losing their
positions at the central level.
They took part in the drafting of the main document, the 'Programme
Statement', which was adopted by the municipal conference. It presented
a new policy of the Party in Prague, with deep structural reforms for the
capital, a 'new model' of a society based on merit, and a democratized
Communist Party that would allow factions and would work to solve the
crisis of everyday life and politics. Another new feature was the conception
of the role of the National Front, whose partners would all be equal, with
a new attitude towards non-Communists, who were to be granted a certain
share of power, among other things, by removing the so-called 'cadre
ceiling'. The municipal organization of the Party thereby also expressed
its ambition to play a different role in the political system from what it had
played so far
-
namely, actively to take part in policy-making, to present
its own initiatives, and to do more than merely to convey the policy of
the centre to the city and its districts. The new leadership of the Party
in Prague became the guarantee that the 'Programme Statement' would
be implemented. Only a tenth (seven members) of the former Municipal
Committee of the CPCz entered the new Municipal Committee. The badly
disrupted continuity in Prague and the fact that leaders of radical reform
achieved important positions in the Committee were something completely
exceptional, and testified to the head start that the capital had in the reform
process.
Bohumil
Šimon
(1920-2004)
became the new First Secretary of the
Municipal Committee.
Jaromír Litera
(1923-1999),
a distinctive member
of the radical reform wing, became his number two man.
The members of the new Municipal Committee of the CPCz were
determined to proceed comparatively independently of the Party leadership
and to consult their proposals and initiatives with it, but they refused to be
bound by its views or to give in when their standpoints diverged from the
Party leadership's yet they were convinced they were right. In early May they
were granted an opportunity to demonstrate this in practice. They reacted to
the policy of the leadership headed by Alexander
Dubček
(1921-1992),
which
264
they felt was too much of a compromise, for it contained too many words
about the danger of 'counter-revolution' but too few about how to proceed
with reform or intensify it. They opposed
Dubček,
who was claiming that
mounting pressure from the 'right', the so-called 'antisocialist forces', was
limiting the space for democracy and reform. They believed that in order
to face a possible 'right-wing' danger it was necessary quickly to introduce
reforms and to develop democracy both in society and in the Party. They
summarized their ideas about the means of transforming the political
system in the paper 'The Need for New Initiatives', which contained a new
conception of the role of the Party and the National Front, in which there
would be equality amongst the partners and a new attitude towards non-
Communists, who should, they argued, be allowed to share power. They
also admitted that an opposition could exist. The second cornerstone of the
Prague initiative was a new solution to the relations between the Czech and
the Slovak nation, the federalization of the Czechoslovak state, in which the
authors counted on the creation of Czech representative bodies, a Czech
Communist Party, and a Czech National Council (legislature), all built
democratically from below.
This document met with the disagreement not only of the central
leadership of the Party, but also of the conservative members of the
municipal organization of the Party. In these circumstances it turned out
that not even the radical reformers were prepared to proceed completely
on their own, independent of the intentions of the
Dubček
leadership. They
gave in to pressure from above and set aside their initiatives for the time
being. They therefore had to search for new ways to democratize. From
mid-May onwards, they developed a policy of dialogue with everyone in
the National Front and outside it, which was marked by tolerance for other
views, an effort to right genuine wrongs, and the conviction that it was in
the interest of reform to prefer political measures over the use of force. The
Municipal Committee of the Party therefore worked to prevent the centre
from taking undemocratic steps, such as the bill on the National Front, and
it also became involved in solving the Social Democracy question. It saw
the solution to this sensitive problem in making the CPCz a modern Marxist
party that would be attractive for Social Democrats as well, a party with
broad internal democracy, whose statutes would respect the views of the
minority and permit opposite standpoints. In it its assessment of
Ludvík
Vaculík's
manifesto, 'Two Thousand Words That Belong to the Industrial
Workers, the Farmers, the Office Workers, the Artists, Everyone', the
Municipal Committee also showed greater tolerance than the centre.
265
After
the
Central
Committee of the CPCz decided in late May to call an
extraordinary congress of the Party in September
1968,
the Municipal
Committee concentrated on preparations for the congress, particularly the
election of delegates. It sought to get people elected who would ensure the
transformation of the political system and the Communist Party towards
democracy. Accordingly, it chose delegates to the congress and candidates
nominated to the central bodies, most of whom were advocates of the new
policy and were calling for the acceleration of the reform process both in
society and in the Party. It paid great attention to drafting its own congress
materials and guarantees that would enable the Prague leadership to
intervene in the congress preparations if things threatened not to proceed
according to plan. They included a resolution on a permanent session of the
municipal conference of the CPCz and a 'black list' of seventy names of top
Party members who should no longer be candidates for office.
All this was taking place amidst increasing pressure from Moscow and her
allies in the Czechoslovak leadership to limit the reform process. The Prague
Municipal Committee of the CPCz realized that it could carry out its policies
only in a certain framework and that its policies and the overall interests
of the municipal organization comported with the policies of the
Dubček
leadership. At its conference in early July and immediately afterwards, the
municipal organization of the Party expressed its full unequivocal support
for the
Dubček
leadership in their steps to deal with Soviet pressure. The
municipal organization toned down some of their radical positions and
proceeded similarly with regard to the activities of the public in Prague.
The Prague leadership sought to iron out potential points of friction and
to work with all their might so that their actions, manifested particularly
in August (for example, in various street debates and a petition against the
People's Militia), did not provide a pretext for the authorities to intervene.
The endeavour of the Municipal Committee to stick to the reform
framework as a necessary requirement for the implementation of their own
policies, and the determination of their radical reformists not to remain
passive in the face of Soviet threats, determined how the Prague leadership
would proceed when these threats became a reality. After the military
intervention in Czechoslovakia by five Warsaw Pact states on the night of
20
August and in the early morning of
21
August, the Prague leadership
immediately took action. They thus substituted for the paralyzed and later
(in part) interned leaders of the Central Committee of the CPCz, and became
the new centre, which, in connection with the nation-wide resistance,
largely deserves the credit for ensuring that the intervention was a failure
266
at least politically. But this victory was squandered. For the most part, that
was the fault of the
Dubček
leadership together with the disinformation
and the unrealistic promises that were intended to pacify the national
resistance to the military intervention. The radical reformers themselves
contributed to that. Most of them had been unable at the decisive moment
to cross the Rubicon and part ways with a system that had permitted armed
intervention in an allied state and then its occupation. They were not in
a sufficiently strong position to bring the whole Party along with them. They
were only a relatively unstable political current, unable even to imagine how
to proceed without
Dubček
or to accept the alternatives offered by the public
below. Prague soon paid a high price for its attempt to reform socialism. Its
municipal Party organization was harder hit by the extensive purges than
any other in the country.
267 |
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| spelling | Vondrová, Jitka 1953- Verfasser (DE-588)1043279865 aut Reforma? Revoluce? pražské jaro 1968 a Praha Jitka Vondrová Praha Ústav pro Soudobé Dějiny AVČR 2013 278 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Sešity Ústavu pro Soudobé Dějiny AV ČR 45 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Prager Frühling (DE-588)4175577-7 gnd rswk-swf Prag (DE-588)4076310-9 gnd rswk-swf Prag (DE-588)4076310-9 g Prager Frühling (DE-588)4175577-7 s DE-604 Sešity Ústavu pro Soudobé Dějiny AV ČR 45 (DE-604)BV010182532 45 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026813411&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026813411&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Vondrová, Jitka 1953- Reforma? Revoluce? pražské jaro 1968 a Praha Sešity Ústavu pro Soudobé Dějiny AV ČR Prager Frühling (DE-588)4175577-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4175577-7 (DE-588)4076310-9 |
| title | Reforma? Revoluce? pražské jaro 1968 a Praha |
| title_auth | Reforma? Revoluce? pražské jaro 1968 a Praha |
| title_exact_search | Reforma? Revoluce? pražské jaro 1968 a Praha |
| title_full | Reforma? Revoluce? pražské jaro 1968 a Praha Jitka Vondrová |
| title_fullStr | Reforma? Revoluce? pražské jaro 1968 a Praha Jitka Vondrová |
| title_full_unstemmed | Reforma? Revoluce? pražské jaro 1968 a Praha Jitka Vondrová |
| title_short | Reforma? Revoluce? |
| title_sort | reforma revoluce prazske jaro 1968 a praha |
| title_sub | pražské jaro 1968 a Praha |
| topic | Prager Frühling (DE-588)4175577-7 gnd |
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