Holdings: Shqiptarët e Maqedonisë së sotme nga kryengritja e Dervish Cares 1843 deri te kryengritja e Dibrës 1913

Shqiptarët e Maqedonisë së sotme nga kryengritja e Dervish Cares 1843 deri te kryengritja e Dibrës 1913: = The Albanians of today's Macedonia from uprising of Dervish Care 1843 until the Dibra's uprising of 1913

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Bibliographic Details
Main Author:	Xhemaili, Vebi 1952- (Author)
Format:	Book
Language:	Albanian
Published:	Tetovë Tringa Design 2012
Subjects:	Geschichte 1843-1915 Unabhängigkeitsbewegung Albanischer Aufstand > 1843-1844 Albanische Frage Nationale Minderheit Ohrid-Debar-Aufstand Albanischer Aufstand > 1912 Albaner Albanischer Aufstand > 1910 Nordmazedonien
Online Access:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Item Description:	Zsfassung in engl. Sprache
Physical Description:	847 S. Ill., Kt.
ISBN:	9786082110530

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MARC


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Record in the Search Index

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adam_text	SHQIPTARËT E MAQEDONISË SË SOTME (1843-1913) PARATHËNIA .5 KAPITULU I REFORMAT E TANZIMATIT DHE KRYENGRITJA E DERVISH CARES NË SHQIPËRINË LINDORE .13 ZHIVILLIMET POLITIKE NË SHQIPËRINË LINDORE .13 REFORMAT NË KOHËN E ABDYL MEXHIDIT (1839-1861).16 SHKAQET PËR KRYENGRITJEN E SHQIPTAREVE .24 APLIKIMI I HATISHERIFIT TE GJYLHANES DHE ZBATIMI I LIGJIT TE Rl PER RIORGANIZIMIN E USHTRISË OSMANE PASVITIT 1843.26 PARAPËRGATITJET E KRYENGRITJES SE DERVISH CARES NË SHQIPËRINË LINDORE .29 RRETHANAT POLITIKE NË PASHALLËKUN E TETOVËS .32 UDHËHEQËSIT E POPULLIT SHQIPTAR NË SHKUP DHE TETOVË ISHIN KUNDËR REFORMAVE TË TANZIMATIT .39 FILLIMI I KRYENGRITJES SË DERVISH CARES NË GOSTIVAR .43 PUSHTIMI I TETOVËS NGA KRYENGRITËSIT SHQIPTARË NË JANARTËVITIT1844 .48 ÇLIRIMI I QYTETEVE TJERA TË SHQIPËRISË LINDORE .51 833 PËRHAPJA E KRYENGRITJES NË TREVAT TJERA TË SHQIPËRISË VERILINDORE .53 BETEJATE FSHATI SOP MIDIS KRUSHEVËS E KËRÇOVËS .55 SULMET E PARA TË KRYENGRITËSVE SHQIPTARË NË NGUSHTICËN MIDIS VELESIT DHE KATLLANOVËS MË 13 MAJ 1844.56 NEGOCIAT AT E HAJREDIN PASHËS NË SHKUP ME SHTABIN KRYENGRITËS TË DERVISH CARES. 58 FILLLIMI I BETEJËS SHQIPTARO-TURKE PARA KATLLANOVËS .59 BISEDIMET E DIPLOMATU ANGLEZ LEJÁRD ME KOMANDANTIN E SHQIPTARËVE DERVISH CAREN NË SHKUP .61 BETEJA KRYESORE MIDIS KRYENGRITËSVE SHQIPTARË DHE USHTRISË TURKE U ZHVILLUA NË KATLLANOVË .65 USHTRIA TURKE PAS PUSHTIMIT TË SHKUPIT U NIS NË DREJTIM TË TETOVËS-PRISHTINËS DHE DIBRËS .69 SHQIPËRIA LINDORE E LIRE DHE AUTONOME GJATË KRYENGRITJES SË DERVISH CARES. 71 HUMBJET E MËDHA TË HAJREDIN PASHËS NË GRYKËN E RADIKËS DHE DIBËR TË MADHE .73 USHTRIA E HAJREDIN PASHËS GJUNJËZOHET NË BETEJËN EGJURICËS .76 GJYKIMI I DERVISH CARES DHE JEHONA E KRYENGRITJES NË DIPLOMACINË EVROPIANE .80 834 UDHËHEQËSIT E SHQIPËRISË LINDORE PARASHTRUAN KËRKESA PËR AUTONOMINË E SHQIPËRISË .82 KAPITULLI II PJESËMARRJA E SHQIPTARËVE NGA TREVAT LINDORE NË LIDHJEN E PARETE PRIZRENIT .85 ROLI HISTORIK I KOMITETIT TË STAMBOLLIT NË LUFTË PER ÇLIRIM NACIONAL E BASHKIM KOMBËTAR .88 ZHVILLIMET POLITIKE NË SHQIPËRINË ETNIKE NË PRAG TË KUVENDIT TË PRIZRENIT.92 SHPALLJA E KUVENDIT MBARËKOMBËTAR NË PRIZREN MË 10 QERSHOR1878 .96 FORMIMI I DEGËVE TË LIDHJES SHQIPTARE NË QYTETET E SHQIPËRISË LINDORE .115 KUVENDI I PËRGJITHSHËM DHE THEMELIMI I KOMITETIT KOMBËTAR (2 KORRIK 1878).117 VENDIMET E KONGRESIT TË BERLINIT DHE ZBATIMI I TYRE NË TROJET ETNIKE SHQIPTARE .124 ACARIMI I MARRËDHËNIEVE SHQIPTARO-TURKE PAS VRASJES SË MEHMET ALI PASHËS NË GJAKOVË .129 KUVENDI I DIBRËS DHE KËRKESA PËR AUTONOMI MË 1 NËNTOR 1878.138 SHEH MUSTAFË TETOVA PËRKRAHU AUTONOMINË POR JO PAVARËSINË E PLOTË TË SHQIPËRISË .140 835 DIPLOMACIA SHQIPTARE GJATË VITIT 1879.149 KËRKESAT E LIDHJES SHQIPTARE TË PRIZRENIT PER AUTONOMINË E SHQIPËRISË (TETOR 1879).153 MBROJTJA E PLAVËS DHE GUCISË (Tetor 1879 - Janar 1880).157 MBROJTJA E HOTIT DHE GRUDËS NË PRANVERË TE VITIT 1880.165 VENDIME HISTORIKE TË KOMITETIT QENDROR NE PRIZREN NE LIDHJE ME AUTONOMINË E SHQIPËRISË (22 korrik 1880).168 ILJAZ PASHË DIBRA DHE SHEH MUSTAFË TETOVA MBROJTËN AUTONOMINË E SHQIPËRISË NË KUVENDIN E DIBRËS (Tetor 1880).174 SULLTANI KËRCËNON POPULIN SHQIPTAR PAS VENDIMEVE TE MARRA NË KUVENDIN E DIBRËS .177 ME VENDIMET ARBITRARE TE KONGRESIT TE BERLINIT U SHKËPUT ULQINI NGA SHQIPËRIA ETNIKE. 179 KONFLIKTI I ARMATOSUR SHQIPTARO-TURK (1881).182 KUVENDII DYTË I DIBRËS DHE ATENTATI KUNDËR ABDYL FRASHËRIT .184 SULLTANI ME TRADHTI FUTI NË DORË UDHËHEQËSIT E DEGËS SËSHKUPIT .186 LIKUIDIMET VRASJET DHE INTERNIMET E KRERËVE TË LIDHJES SHQIPTARE TË PRIZRENIT .197 836 KAPITULU III FILLET E NACIONALIZMIT SHQIPTAR NË MBROJTJE TË SHQIPËRISË ETNIKE .213 PRETENDENTËT E FRONIT DHE TË BASHKIMIT KOMBËTAR SHQIPTAR .221 PRETENDIMET BULLGARE NË TREVAT E SHQIPËRISË LINDORE .224 KRERËT E LËVIZJES KOMBËTARE SHQIPTARE U SHPREHËN KUNDËR KRYENGRITJES SË ILINDENIT .243 THEMELIMI I KOMITETIT SHQIPTAR NË MANASTIR PËR ÇLIRIMIN E SHQIPËRISË ETNIKE .246 LËVIZJA KOMBËTARE SHQIPTARE NË MBROJTJE TË SHQIPËRISË ETNIKE PËRKRAHU LËVIZJEN XHON-TURKE .251 KAPITULI IV SHQIPTARËT NË LUFTË PËR AUTONOMI DHE KUVENDI I FERIZAJT1908 .255 KONGRESI I SERBËVE NË SHKUP PRO POLITIKËS XHONTURKE .278 ZGJEDHJET E DEPUTETËVE SHQIPTARE NË PARLAMENTIN TURK .283 KONTRIBUTI I KLUBEVE DHE SHOQËRIVE SHQIPTARE .291 PËRPJEKJET E ATDHETARËVE PËR RIHAPJEN E SHKOLLAVE SHQIPE DHE ARSIMIMIN E POPULLIT .298 837 KAPITULLI V RRETHANAT SHOQËRORE-POLITIKE DHE ARSIMORE GJATË VITEVE 1908-1910.307 THEMELIMI DHE VEPRIMTARIA KOMBËTARE E KLUBIT "BASHKIMI" TË MANASTIRIT .309 KONGRESI I PARË MBARËKOMBËTAR I ALFABETIT NË MANASTIR .315 SHPALLJA E PROGRAMIT KOMBËTAR NË MANASTIR .323 LUFTA E SHQIPTARËVE NË MBROJTJE TË ALFABETIT LATIN.330 KONGRESI I DIBRËS (1909).334 KONGRESI KOMBËTAR I ELBASANIT PËR SHKOLLAT SHQIPE .358 LËVIZJA KOMBËTARE SHQIPTARE NË LUFTË PËR AUTONOMINË Ë SHQIPËRISË DHE SHKOLLAT SHQIPE .368 KONGRESI I DYTË KOMBËTAR I MANASTIRIT 1910.382 POLITIKA XHONTURKE ARRIN Tl NDAJË SHQIPTARËT NË DY GRUPE EDHE NË PARLAMENT .390 KAPITULLI VI KRYENGRITJA E SHQIPTARËVE NË VILAJETIN E KOSOVËS GJATË VITIT 1910.407 KUVENDI I GJILANIT .407 838 BETEJA E KAÇANIKUT 1910.411 BETEJA E CARRALEVËS .419 PËRHAPJA E KRYENGRITJES NË KRAHINËN E DIBRËS .422 QËNDRESA E FUNDIT E KRYENGRITËSVE NË QAFË MORINË DHE QAFËTË AGRIT.425 KAPITULLI VII PËRGATITJET PËR KRYENGRITJEN E KOSOVËS 1912.435 NË KONGRESIN E SHKUPIT U KËRKUA AUTONOMIA E SHQIPËRISË ETNIKE (KATËR VILAJETEVE) .440 KËSHILLIMI I KRERËVE SHQIPTARË NË TETOVË .442 BISEDIMET SHQIPTARO-BULLGARE DHE SERBE NË SHKUP.443 VENDIMET HISTORIKE TË MARRA NË KUVENDIN E JUNIKUT.449 SHQIPTARËT E MANASTIRIT DHE DIBRËS MARRIN PJESË NË KRYENGRITJEN E KOSOVËS .451 TUBIMI I KRYENGRITËSVE DRJET PRISHTINËS .456 KËRKESAT E HASAN PRISHTINËS DHE PËRÇARJA E KRERËVE SHQIPTARË PRO DHE KUNDËR AUTONOMISË SË SHQIPËRISË .472 HYRJA TRIUMFALE E KRYENGRITËSVE SHQIPTARË NË SHKUP MË 12 GUSHT 1912.475 TËRHEQJA E KRYENGRITËSVE SHQIPTARË NGA SHKUPI .480 839 KAPITULLI VIII ALEANCA BALLKANIKE DHE SHQIPËRIA .487 RRETHANAT POLITIKE NË SHQIPËRINË LINDORE NË PRAG TË LUFTËS SË PARE BALLKANIKE. 495 FILLIMI I LUFTËS SË PARE BALLKANIKE DHE DEKLARATA EKRERËVESHQIPTARËNËSHKUP .498 TURQIA FILLOI PËRGATITJET PËR LUFTËN E PARE BALLKANIKE .501 FILLIMI I LUFTËS SË PARE BALLKANIKE DHE TREVAT LINDORE SHQIPTARE .503 ANEKSIMI I TERRITOREVE TË SHQIPERISË VERILINDORE NGA MBRETËRIA SERBE DHE NDARJA E RE ADMINISTRATIVE .521 SHTYPII KOHËS RAPORTONTE PER BARBARIZMAT SERBE NË TOKAT E PUSHTUARA SHQIPTARE .524 SHQIPTARËT I KUNDËRVIHEN ME ARME NË DORE TERRORIT TË USHTRISË SERBE .531 KAPITULLI IX RRUGËTIMI DREJT PAVARËSISË KOMBËTARE .535 NË SHKUP MË 14 TETOR 1912 U MOR VENDIMI PËR SHPALLJEN PAVARËSISË SË SHQIPERISË .537 ATDHETARËT QË SHPALLËN PAVARËSINË E SHQIPERISË ETNIKE .550 840 MBAJTJA E KUVENDIT KOMBËTAR NË VLORË DHE SHPALLJA E PAVARËSISË SË SHQIPËRISË ETNIKE .556 RRUGËTIMI I DELEGATËVE TË KOSOVËS DHE TREVAVE LINDORE DREJT VLORËS HEROIKE .566 MEHMET PASHË DERRALLA MINISTER I PARË I LUFTËS NË QEVERINË E PËRKOHËSHME TË VLORËS .572 POLITIKA SERBO-MALAZEZE DHE AJO GREKE KUNDËR PAVARËSISË SË SHQIPËRISË .580 KONGERSI MBARËKOMBËTAR NË TRIESTE 1913 NË MBROJTJE TË 4 VILAJETEVE .590 KONFERENCA E LONDRES MË 22 MARS 1913 COPËTOI SHQIPËRINË ETNIKE MIDIS SHTETEVE BALLKANIKE .592 KAPITULLI X TREVAT VERILINDORE NË LUFTË PËR ÇLIRIM E BASHKIM KOMBËTAR .609 KRYENGRITJA ANTISERBE E VITIT 1913.609 KRYENGRITJA E DIBRËS FILLOI MË 22 SHTATOR 1913.614 QEVERIA E VLORËS PËRKRAHU KRYENGRITJEN E DIBRËS 1913.632 BETEJA E SHQIPTARËVE PËR ÇLIRIMIN E GOSTIVARIT .636 MASAT SERBE PËR SHUARJEN E KRYENGRITJES SHQIPTARE .639 BETEJA TË MËDHA MBI MAVROVË DHE PJESËMARRJA E SHQIPTARËVE TË REKËS .641 RRETHANAT POLITIKE NË TREVAT LINDORE PAS SHUARJES TË KRYENGRITJES SË DIBRËS .651 841 MASAT REPRESIVE SERBE PER SHUARJEN E KRYENGRITJES SËDIBRËS .653 KAPITULU XI GJENOCIDI SERBOMADH NË TREVAT LINDORE PAS SHUARJES SË KRYENGRITJES SE DIBRËS 1913.661 GJENOCIDI I USHTRISE SERBE NË SHKUP ME RRETHINE .663 TERRORI i USHTRISE SERBE NË PRILEP DHE KRUSHEVË ME RRETHINE .669 GJENOCIDI I PUSHTETIT SERB NË MANASTIR DHE OHËR ME RRETHINE .671 DJEGIA E FSHATIT PESOÇAN .675 TERRORI I USHTRISE SERBE NË STRUGË ME RRETHINE .676 GJENOCIDI SERBOMADH NË KËRÇOVË ME RRETHINE .682 TERRORI I ÇETNIKËVE SERB NË FSHATRAT E GOSTIVARIT ME RRETHINE .684 TERRORI DHE VRASJET NË FSHATIN QAFË TË GOSTIVARIT NGA PARAMILITARËT SERB .694 GJENOCIDI SERBOMADH NË TETOVË ME RRETHINE .700 PASTRIMI ETNIK NDAJ FSHATRAVE SHQIPTARE TË RREKËS MIDIS GOSTIVARIT DHE DIBRËS .707 DJEGIA E DIBRËS ME RRETHINE .714 842 MASAKRAT E USHTRISË SERBE NE TETOR 1913.717 KAPITULU XII RRETHANAT POLITIKE DHE ARSIMORE NE TREVAT LINDORE PAS RRËNIES NËN SUNDIMIN E PARE SERB (1912-1915).723 TRAKTATI I FSHEHTË: "TURKO-BULLGAR" .728 EMIGRIMI ME DHUNË I SHQIPTARËVE NGA TROJET E TYRE ETNIKE .743 QËNDRIMI I DIPLOMACISE EVROPIANE DHE ASAJ RUSE PER MAQEDONINE .751 843 PËRFUNDIM E .757 CONCLUSIONS .775 BURIMET ARKIVORE .799 Literatura Historike .809 Përmbajtja .833 844 CONCLUSIONS The Albanians of Today's Macedonia, From the Dervish Care 1843 Uprising until the Dibra's Uprising of 1913 Dervish Care Uprising The causes of this uprising were of a various character. However, the main reason was the deportation and the liquidation of the Pashas based to rule with Tetova and its region. It is known that up to the early 1840 the region was governed based on a semi-autonomous power by the three brothers such as Havzi Pasha in Skopje, Hussein- Pasha in Qustendil and Abdurrahman Pasha in Tetova. This Albanian family had unlimited influence over the entire Albanian population, thus each Pasha's word was rule for the loyal Albanians. As we noted in the text of the book, even the Christians were often under the protection of these pashas who would not allow and tolerate any disruption which would be triggered by disobedient Turks or Albanians. The Albanian pashas ruling these parts of Albania were practicing a so called half autonomous government, which as such did not fit to the supreme government of the Sultan in Istanbul. This was one of the main reasons why the Istanbul government was willing to put into place the so called centrally administered government aiming to effect a new administrative restructuration of the territory, which would rule out the so called semi- autonomous or independent pashas ruling the above mentioned Albanian regions. This was culminating in a situation which was rising up the mistrust of the sultan towards these rulers, in which cases the last ones (the pashas) were performing in a disobedient way to the sultans commands coming from Istanbul, making this way the sultan in Istanbul even more determined to limit this semi-independent government of this powerful Albanian Family, ruling from the towns such as; Kërçova, Tetova, Shkupi, Kumanova, stretching out even to nowadays Qustendil in Bulgaria. 775 Given the overall situation in these regions of Albania, the Istanbul government worked constantly on organizing the central administration, carrying out new administrative division of the territory, to liquidating half of independent pashas, to whom distrust harbored by refusing to carry out its requirements. So it waited just a case of weakness of the powerful Albanian family. While the pashas' brothers were caught for heritable property. Work came to war, so in May 1840, brothers pashas sent armies against each other, confronting in the village Llërcë of Tetova. However, the mediators agreed brothers and so no fratricidal war exploded. The Gate intervened and called brothers in Istanbul, to reconciliation. When they arrived in this city, they were imprisoned, as stated openly that they are not able to gather recruits. Abdyrrahman and Husein were interned in Anatolia, while Havzi Pasha died in prison. According to some, he was poisoned. Once news of the death reached Havzi Pasha in Skopje, the entire Albanian population, part of this area was Slavs, led to the uprising by Dervish Carra, a relative of Havzi and Abdyrrahman. After the exile of three pashas brothers, was brought Hasan Pasha, Havzi Qamil Pasha's brother, Havzi Pasha's son. These were both interned in Small Asia. After six years of exile, Hasan Pasha died. Qamil Pasha returned to Istanbul, where he also died. Instead of Havzi Pasha, Qor Mehmed Pasha was sent as viceroy of the Sultan in Skopje, while Abdurrahman Pasha was inherited by his brother, Xheladin Beu. Dervish Cara has been one of the main rebels uprising against the Ottoman Empire. He has been a resident of the quiet tiny village of Pallcisht, municipality of Tetova. Under his command there was organized an uprising, known by his name as Dervish Care's uprising. After the conquest of Gostivar, Dervish Cara was directed by his warriors towards Tetova, which had 24,000 inhabitants then. In order to expel Xheladin Bey, Dervish Cara quickly became known in the territory ruled by pashas of Tetova. Back then, Tetova thus became the center of the uprising. In the Dervish Teqe in Tetova, called Harabati Baba, settled Headquarters headed by Dervish Cara. After being reinforced in Gostivar and Tetova, Dervish Cara informed district pashas' regarding its operation against granting redif (recruits). He sent messengers to the pashas of Diber (Debar), Prizren, Prishtina and Vranje, but also simultaneously preparing for the attack to Skopje, where there were 776 supporters of his movement. Thousands of fighters led by Dervish Cara liberated early Tetova, then Skopje (Shkupi), Kumanova and had reached Vranje, where the Albanian government bodies of power were risen. The liberation of these provinces lasted for several months, from January until Mid-May of 1844. After the battle of Katllanova, on May 1, 1844 uprising was crushed, and against its leaders a trial was held in Istanbul, in which Dervish Cara gave a manly attitude, taking on him the whole responsibility of organizing the uprising. He along with 28 other leaders were sentenced to death by a special court. Later, he turned this sentence to life imprisonment. Participation of Albanians of the eastern regions in the League of Prizren, in 1878 The Albanian League of Prizren is the key of the creation of the new Albania; it is one of the most important events of our new history, which introduces the formation of the modern Albanian nation. The League was progressive character of the Albanian nation and the national liberation war treated platform for national unity. This nationwide program is ignored by some of the Balkan Slavic countries of the time, which gave it the epithet of pan-Islamic state, endorsing the Islamic interests in the region, thus seen as a state of a reactionary character, which as such was an anti-Albanian policy evident throughout our history, whenever it came to establishing an Albanian stated, respectively the unification of the Albanian territories in one single united Albania. Although it's programme recognized all the states of the greater powers in the Balkans, which made a good impact the head of the Berlin Treaty, Otto von Bizmarck, who realized that the Albanian nation had risen his voice against the oppression, and that this people were aiming towards an overall national liberation and unification. This project, from the Slavic state of the region, and even wider involving here Russia, has been always seen as a danger to the Balkan as whole, thus set against the Albanian interests, interpreting it as an expansionist idea, which would harm Europe as whole. This crucial political and historical event of the Albanians of that time, was introduced as a unique national platform for all Albanians wherever they 777 lived, and as such, at the time, by the Albanian enemies was interpreted as a requirement for a Great Albania, an anti Albanian policy with which were served the Slavic political entourage and in particularity the Serbian chauvinist politics at the time, which as such was a strategy used as lifeline of the Serbian expansionist policy against the Albanians, aiming towards their overall extinction from the region. It was a long term strategy which has been always there, whenever there were movements for the liberation of the Albanians from foreign dominance. In autumn 1877, in Istanbul a Central Committee was established aiming to protect the rights of Albanians, who in its program demanded autonomy for the four Vilayets ( provinces ) where Albanians comprised about 60% of the total population. The Albanian patriot and nationalist, Abdul Frasheri, in spring 1877, gathered the Albanian nobles and sent a memorandum asking the unification of the four Vilayets (provinces) such as; Shkodra, Janina, Manastir and Kosova, where the majority of population were Albanians , aiming to achieve a final goal crucial to the Albanians, which would lead towards an overall liberation of the Albanian occupied territories in one state, and where above all, Albanian would be the official language and the instruction in the schools would be done in Albanian language. Albanians in the Serbian-Turkish wars as well as in the Turkish- Russian ones, fought on the side of Turkey. This was because the Albanians were in need of having a strong political and military ally such as the Turkish government, which would protect and defend them from being reoccupied by their chauvinist and expansionist nations such as Serbia and Greece. This was the main and crucial reason of making the Albanian League happen, three days before the Congress of Berlin. On June 10, 1878, in the south eastern Kosovar town of Prizren, began activities regarding the founding the Congress of the First League of Prizren, to protect the rights of Albanians. This event was attended by 80 delegates from the Vilayet of Kosova, Shkodra, Manastir and Janina, which solemnly was introduced by reading the introductory statement of the League by the famous Albanian nationalist (patriot) of the time, Abdul Frasheri. In these newly created circumstances the High Porta ( The Supreme Turkish command ) appears to play a dual role: 778 on one side refused to enforce all orders of Congress, while on the other side aimed to support and help financing the Albanian League, and the territory which was encompassed by the decision of Congress, all in order to keep remaining under the Turkish empire umbrella. In 1879, the League requires full administrative autonomy, but the High Command in Istanbul, does not accept the request of the League. This was the point when the Albanians organized demonstrations against Turkey. At the League meeting, in June 1879, it was decided that the Turkish authorities forcibly removed from the Albanian lands, where the League was asked to take by force the power in their hands in all the cities of Kosova's Vilayet. Institutional action against the League will try to port the army to restore its power in many provinces, until then controlled by the League. In April 1880, the three-day gathering held in Shkodra, between Muslims and Catholics, was decided to send an ultimatum to the Sultan, where he was required by the Turkish army and its officers to leave the country, people to choose its own ruler. These requirements were far more radical than the Serbian claims in 1804 and 1813 for autonomy. League, not expecting the response requirements and military actions began with the liberation of the entire northern Albania, then a part of the Vilayet of Kosovo, with towns Shkodra, Prizreni as well as Tetova, Gjakova, Peja and Prishtina. These cities were cleared by Turkish officials and their hosts. A year later, Turkey began military operations against Kosova and its center in Prizren, led by the known anti- Albanian, Dervish Pasha. The first Turkish attack against the Prizren League was carried out in Shkupi, this was in March 1880, the point when this city was conquered. This event had a very strong impact to the overall moral of the Albanian League of Prizren, this for the reason that Shkupi (Skopje), was the main stronghold of this Albanian movement for liberation. After Shkupi was taken, the Turkish army headed towards Ferizaj, which was conquered in the first half of April of the respective year. After termination of the League of Prizren, Gate did terror unprecedented high for 3 consecutive years. Until 1882, in Asia Minor broke the 3000 rebels. While no trial, just in Prishtina, were sentenced to over 4000 people, who had acted for the liberation of the Albanian lands. But even though the Turkish army exercised an unseen terror 779 against this movement, the Turkish army, failed again to subdue the Albanians. Within the frame of the hegemonic projects of Balkan states, before the First Balkan War, Greek diplomacy will try to convince Ismail Qemali, on a proposal for a union with Greece, which would be unveiled in different conferences, aiming to establish a Greek-Albanian confederation of Athens. The Greek-Albanian society, from the year 1899 had proposed a merger of both races, according to Austrian- Hungarian model. Another example illustrating this is the offer made by the Greeks to Ismail Qemali, aiming to sign the treaty in the years 1904 and 1906, and his deal in 1908, to finally liberate Albania, which would enter into a union with Greece. Albania and its fate at the Congress of Berlin Given the overall political situation in the region and the swift changes within the overall strategy of the bigger powers, with the initiative of the Austro-Hungary, there was called the Berlin Congress. Its main purpose was to carry out a detailed revision of the political decisions concerning the borders, which were taken at the Saint Stephen Conference. The Congress was scheduled to start on June the 13th 1878, and in its works were scheduled to take part six big powers of the time such as; Germany, England, France, Russia, Austro- Hungary and Italy. According to the planned conference proceedings, the decisions were to be made unanimously. In the works of this Congress, participated a representative of the Turkish Empire, who was the Turkish Secretary of foreign affairs Kara Todor Pasha and his deputy Mehmet Ali Pasha. In the Congress, participated also representatives from the Balkan states of the time such as; Serbia, Montenegro, Greece, Bulgaria and Rumania. There were only the Albanians who were excluded from it and prohibited to participate in it. The Congress of Berlin, in a way suspended and ruled out all decisions which were made and undersigned at the Treaty of peace held in Saint Stephen, and instead of them there were other decisions to be brought. The high Command ( The high Porta ), at the very beginning hopped that this Congress would find ways to return back to 780 the Ottoman empire the previous political status over some of the Balkan states and regions, which the Empire enjoyed before, but because of the resistance of the big powers this demand was rejected categorically, this was specifically objected by the Russian and French diplomacy, while concerning this issue, the English diplomacy had a firm positive standpoint concerning the Greek pretentions over their interests in the region. What was very remarkable in a negative sense regarding the Congress of Berlin, was the fact that Bismarck, did not at all consider the Albanian issue as a problem which should be discusses in the Congress. In these circumstances, the Turkish diplomacy, I order to profit from the overall situation produced as an outcome of the Congress, played a double diplomatic role which meant that on one hand it had to accept and implement all commends coming out of the Congress decisions, while on the other hand, they worked on the armament of the Albanians, supporting them even financially, aiming to support the Albanian League, so that all the Albanian territories would remain under the Turkish Empire jurisdiction. But at this point, it was almost all clear that the Albanians would defend and protect only those Albanian territories, which were approved by the decisions, of the Congress of Berlin. After the closure of the Berlin Congress, on July 13th, 1878, the Albanian League begins to get more radicalized. By the year 1879, this institution seeks for a full administrative autonomy, for the Albanian territories, but the High Command (The Turkish Porta ) in Istanbul rejects categorically this demand. A chain of riots and uprising emerge in various towns and cities populated by ethnic Albanians. In the meeting of the League, held in June, 1879, there was taken a decision which ordered the Turkish authorities to leave immediately the ethnic Albanian lands. It was demanded that the League take on its hands the administration of the towns and cities of the Albanian Vilayets of Kosova and Manastiri. This decision of the League, caused a chain of reactions at the Turkish Porta in Istanbul, which as such resulted with an armed attack to retun back its jurisdiction in many Albanian provinces, which as such were commanded by the Albanian League of Prizren itself. 781 In April, 1880, there was held a three day meeting in Shkodra, regarding consolidation of homeland interests between the Albanian Muslim and catholic believers, where was decided that an Ultimatum be send to the Sultan, where he was asked with his administration to leave the country as soon as possible, upon what would follow up an eventual appointment of a home Albanian Prince who would rule with the country. These demands, seemed to be even more radical and firm than those made by the Serbs back in the years 1804 and 1813, concerning their autonomy from the Turkish Empire. Not having time to loose and not willing to be reoccupied, the Albanian League of Prizren, started very soon with its preparations of armament followed by military actions and attacks, focusing the liberation of the Northern Albania, to proceed further on to liberate the Vilayet of Kosova with its major cities of the time such as; Shkodër, Prizren Tetovë, Gjakovë, Pejë and Prishtinë. All these cities were cleared out, and Turkish employees and army were sent out. At the very beginning of the year 1880, Turkey started its military operations against Kosova and its capital Prizren, led by the famous anti Albanian Dervish Pasha. The Hinden uprising was against the interests of the Albanian National Movement for national unity Since 1902, there was a very vivid political movement between the countries of the Balkans, concerning border changes between these countries. Montenegro and Serbia had agreed that Kosovo Vilayet to belong to Serbia, Shkodra was given to Montenegro. There were some major disagreements between Serbia and Bulgaria concerning the division of Macedonia. At this point Serbia insisted in claiming territories as far as river Bregallnica, while Bulgaria objected to this, aiming to a partition the province of Macedonia, including this river, be joined to its territory. As to the coastal part of Albania, this region was to be divided between Serbia and Greece. As to the agreement between Serbia and Greece the agreement between them was peaceful and kind of gentle, for the fact that these two anti-Albanian states, had agreed that the northern part of Albania as far as the Shkumbini river, would be given to Serbia and the Southern part, to be given to Greece. 782 Thanks to the interests of Great Powers since 1903, had begun to increase tension in the Vilayets of Salónica and Manastir ( the present Bitola ). The big powers at that point of time had already claimed their interests in the Balkans. Among them the most interested were Russia and Austro-Hugaria. The Vilayet of Manastir with his actions its thriving development in different segments of life as well as its political influence, had become the heart of Albania. It was the center of the Albanian movement for liberation. Given, these newly created circumstances, in August of that year, bursts out the Hinden uprising, which was oppressed just as it had been foreseen and planed by the Albanians in their meetings with their Austrian allies. Although this uprising lasted just some days, it was very roughly shut down very quickly; it had left some deep impact in the overall liberation efficiency of the Albanian patriots towards the unification of the Albanian lands and the creation of the new ethnic Albanian state. At that time, Russia and the Great Powers had intensified their pressure on this part of eastern Albania. All these newly created political circumstances will culminate with the next meeting between Austria-Hungary and Russia, held in Myrstag, on October 22, 1903. At this meeting, the two powers have agreed, finally, to establish a status quo in the city of eastern Albania and drafted a reform program which involved the three parts of the Albanian Vilayets such as the one of Kosova, Manastiri and Selaniku ( Thessalonika ) , the last one, involved the province of Macedonia. This program led to increased foreign presence in the field, so that in 1904 some Russian, Austrian, French, Italian and English gendarmerie and officers, were sent to Manastir. This was the point when the Institution of the Prizren league for the unification of the four Albanian Vilayets, was finally turned down. It was the time when the efforts of an eventual unification of the Albanian Vilayets, was becoming impossible, for the very fact that the presence of the foreign powers in the Vilayet, was to strong and any movement which would lead towards the realization whatsoever, of this Albanian dream was non- realistic. 783 The Evolution of the Albanianness towards the Autonomy of Albania The key patriots of the Albanian national movement, at this point were acting from two points of view. The first front was focused in strengthening of their national identity aiming to get recognized as a special nation with the great powers at the time and the second front was the one aiming to realize their requirements on a foundation of an independent state within the administrative boundaries of the Turkish Empire. One of the strongest and very crucial demands among these requirements was the one concerning the revival and put into use again of the Albanian language at schools and for administrative purposes throughout the territories populated by Albanians. This triggered a strong and fatal reaction with the Turkish government which resulted with the closure of the Albanian school in the southern city of Korça, in 1902, which ended by arresting all its teachers involved in it. This school was approved and allowed by the Sultan himself in 1887. At this point, there was being implemented a general plan, by which the Turkish Valiys (local rulers) having received orders to control every movement of the Albanian patriots, their opinions, plans etc., to stop the spread of publications in Albanian, supervising and screening all the activities of the foreign diplomatic representatives and confiscating all correspondence and printed books in order to keep the movement as weak as possible. This censorship went even further when even caravans of tenants not to smuggle any intellectual material whatsoever to enter the Albanian Vilayets. This was the famous plan of the Ottoman authorities aiming to destroy any link of the Albanians with the outside prosperous and civilized world. In 1905, the so called Albanian Secret Committee ( ASC) aiming to accomplish the unification of the four Albanian Vilayets, created not only took the same form that had Ethniki Hetairia, ORIM or PBC (Committee for Union and Progress), but occurred in Manastir, the venue of various nationalist propaganda and hearth important the Young Turks. Albanian leading figures of the decade that preceded the Young Turk revolution of 1908 were firmly unified for a certain time now and their activities was contributing to the overall benefitions of the Albanian 784 cause. Many Muslims were speaking as in Resen's Niyazi, "hero of the Revolution", first of all and non Young Turks Albanianism activists. Although some activists of the Albanian issue, were severe opponents to the Albanian interests for liberation. Among them there were some Young Turks, although in many cases the relations between these two fronts i.e. the Albanian patriots and the Young Turks were very close. This approach may be noticed through cases of sharing their views and ideas and offering their cooperation with Albanian patriots such as; Ismail Qemali, Ibrahim Temo, Hirnes Dervis, Shahin Kolonja, Nexhib Draga and many others. Turkish government took harsh measures against any Albanian movement in 1906, banned the cards, the contents of which are explained in Albanian. Although local law was allowed to use the Albanian language, the overall prevalence proportions, the use of Albanian Ottoman authorities considered as dangerous. While other regional languages like Greek, Bulgarian, Serbian and Turkish were not subject to these measures. Turkish policy persistently sought to be punished severely retaliated, or interned. For these actions, an Albanian nationalist sentenced to over three years in prison, while a Bulgarian for planting a bomb put only a few months in prison. Regions of Manastir and Skopje were actually the most important centers of Albanian nationalism. Many activists of the Albanianism, originated from there. In 1908, the Committee of Union and Progress was preparing "revolution" of 1908, starting from Thessaloniki and Manastir. Alongside these developments, the Albanian nationalism will take new forms. In Manastir was created a secret committee, while the bands appeared first nationalist. Albanianism in the years 1899-1908 was significantly transformed. The evolution of the political situation inside and outside made the center of Albanian nationalism moved from the Vilayet of Janina, in the Vilayet of Kosovo. The roots of these transformations are the changes that will suffer the Ottoman society and in particular the Muslim Albanian society, whose future in Albania was becoming problematic. Development of education increased and developed the basics of the administration of the Vilayets, which increasingly integrated with each other as Albanians. This led to the formation of a 785 "middle class" of educated people, that rivaled the landowning beys and agas, authoritarianism of the Sultan and the emergence of an opposition movement, emphasizing the growth of the phenomenon of immigration. All these factors played their weight on the development and solution of the Albanian issue towards final liberation, which as such further on was the duty of the young Albanian generations to deal with. This new period of time, in fact, was characterized by the exit side of foreign governments, educated young people who were contributing towards the , among them many Muslims. So we will have new formulations concerning the further strategy towards the solution of the Albanian problem to its final liberation of the Albanian territories. This was the time of cultural thrive expressed through intellectual activities involving publications with patriotic spirit of Albanian Muslims, to seek a European identity, a European Muslim identity, different from that of Turkish Muslims, aiming legitimacy of this identity in their regions, as soon as the empire would be forced to withdraw from the Balkans. The Albanian activists networks became more diverse, especially in view of religious groups in the Vilayet of Manastir and Kosovo, where begins a new phase of Albanian nationalism towards the liberation of the Albanian nation as whole. Niyazi Resen, military of Albanian origin, who led the revolution of the year 1908 who became one of the most prominent Albanian heroes. Born in 1873 in Resen region, southwest of the monastery, he studied at military school "I dadije " based in Manastir, where professors had introduced Ottoman sense of patriotism in education. Later, in the years 1894-1897, he attended military school in the capital. In 1897 he took part in the Greco-Turkish war. Further, was appointed in Oher ( Ohrid ) since 1904 and was part of the third battalion of followers' Çetas. He was influenced by the reforms made under the pressure of the Great Powers, after the Hinden uprising. For this, Europe had pushed the Christians to rise and with them she wanted to defeat Turkey. Turks cannot leave me so Russians and Austrians to develop their propaganda in Eastern Albania, with its centers in Manastir and Shkupi ( Skopje). Bulgarians and Armenians alike had managed to convince the European public opinion to be on their side. So the Great Powers were in the center, they dictated the new map that how would look like the Balkan, but without Albania. 786 Major uprisings in Kosovo and East regions of Albania in 1910-1912 Major Uprisings Kosovo and Albania's eastern territories were in a favorable geostrategic position. These two Vilayets were subject to interest and claim of emperors and rulers different from the Illyrian period up to this time, bringing the population of these provinces in a critical situation, as in the protection of civic values, as well as cultural, educational and economic. In the period of Turkish rule, Albania's eastern territories were exposed to various policies of oppression by the rulers, which contributed to the Turkish interests to annex all these Albanian territories with great strategic value and other economic resources, and claim them as Turkish. Therefore, the Great Powers demanded that these Albanian provinces, which until this time were kept by Turkey, carried out administrative reforms. As the center of these reforms was announced Manastir, because here the intersection of the interests of the Balkan states, after which Russia stood. Meanwhile, the Monastiri Vilayet, at that time was active in all patriotic and national Albanian interests, which aimed for the strengthening of the overall Albanian National Movement, which at that point of time, managed to characterize a very specific period of Albanian national renaissance, better defined and better planned to reach its final goals. The Albanians of Manastiri gave its contribution to growth and strengthening of the overall Albanian national consciousness, which was also anticipated and embodied directly within the Young Turk revolution, reflected through the Declaration of the Constitution, which was received with great enthusiasm by the Albanian population and landowners, for the very fact that this act, in a way was ending the oppression and the cultural disfiguration of the Albanian identity, endorsing this way more democratic values, to be implemented under the Ottoman rule. With the failure of the Young Turk revolution, the leaders of the National Movement were convinced that this was the moment that the Albanians recovered and healed their patriotic feelings and national values. However, the period of liberalization was the cause of internal conflicts and misunderstandings concerning the issue of the presence 787 Arab-Turkish elements of culture in the education of the Albanians, which as such, by the Albanian patriots and nationalists was seen as something which needed to be rooted out from the teaching contents. These were generally the requirements of the Albanian patriots which were aiming to a faster and more efficient opening of clubs and schools in Albanian language, throughout the country. The first signs of existing clusters among patriots and intellectuals used the Young Turks, who attacked education and culture, having as support on their side, some Albanian mercenaries. This stage is marked by conflicts and fights between Albanians and the Turks as well, which begins in the spring of 1909, after the Young Turk government consolidation. This brings a new phase of the regime in terms rising up the oppression upon the Albanians which as such has been described as more outrageous, and it was supported by the anti - Albanian Turgut Pasha, who was a native Albanian and who by the Albanian patriots was known as swore anti- Albanian and dictator who had swore to extinguish the Albanian culture and education. These circumstances straining relations new rulers, forced the Albanian population to snatch weapons and actively participate in the 1910 Uprising. In these battles have participated Albanians of Presheva's Valley, Gnjilan, Kumanova, Tetova, Manastiri, Gostivari, Dibra, etc. The National Movement leaders were convinced that with prayer and the application was unable to defend themselves the rights of Albanians before the Turkish government, such as Albanian demands for education and recognition of autonomy within the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, they decided to come up with a radical demand for full autonomy and independent state. For this purpose, they gathered on May 21, 1912, in the village of Junik, in an assembly attended by over 300 representatives from all over Kosovo and Albania. In this assembly was decided to pick up until the announcement of the autonomy of Albania. The Participation in the assembly of Albanian leaders was important for the eastern regions, for the fact that this was a movement of the best recognized leaders in this part of Albania, contributing to the overall national causa. Eastern regions, with headquarters in Manastir, actively participated in the Albanian uprising of Kosova and provided a 788 valuable contribution, starting from the Prishtina meeting, the Assembly of Ferizaj, until a triumphant entry on August 12, 1912, when rebel forces up Skanderbeg's flag. But after promises that gave Ibrahim Pasha, Movement leaders, they finally, at the request of Hasan Prishtina left Skopje, believing the promises of the Turkish government. In these circumstances, still dragging the Albanian-Turkish talks in Skopje, Balkan countries had intensified diplomatic and military talks, so after three months, on October 8, 1912, declared war on Turkey, under the slogan: "For the liberation of the brothers from the South". This was the point when the first Balkan war burst out in Montenegro in October 8, 1912. At this time the leaders of the Albanian patriotic movement such as; Hasan Prishtina Mit'had Frashëri, Sali Gjuka, Sahit Hoxha, Rexhep Mitrobvica, Bedri Pejani, Idriz Seferi, where a memorandum and a speech was given by the patriot Nexhip Draga. The meeting ended up with a unique decision pledging for the liberation and freedom of Albania. In October 16th, by a circulation letter including these decisions, informed the representatives of the great powers based in Shkupi, that they will keep fighting till the end for the freedom and the independence of their homeland Albania. In these critical circumstances for the country, the military activities of the First Balkan War were making things even more complicated for the Albanians as a nation, because all these military operations against the Turks took place in the Albanian lands. The Turkish military operations were getting near Prizren and, on the other hand, after the battle of Kumanova the Turks reentered Skopje, which was taken with no battle at all. At this point the rest of Kosova and eastern regions, including Dibra, were still partially in the hands of Albanian rebels, who made recent efforts to stop the Serbian troops marching from Gjilan, Tetova and Dibra. At this point, Mehmet Pasha Tetova, Isa Boletini and Jusuf Elezi made extraordinary effort to protect every inch of their land from the Serb-Montenegrin aggression. 789 Declaration of independence in November 28th, 1912 At this time, Ismail Qemali was still in Istanbul. Turkish diplomacy had offered to him a high political position to serve for the Empire in Tripoli, nowadays Libya. This happened, in the most difficult moments, when the flame burned in the Serbo-Montenegrin army. This happened because Ismail Qemali rejected the position offered by Qamil Pasha, as he was already convinced that Turkey will be expelled from the Balkans and put himself to the primary duty to fight for the declaration of independence of Albania. Therefore, Ismail Qemali and his son went to Bucharest, where he met with a group of patriots that operated there. At this meeting it was established a Steering Committee to organize the country towards independence. After this meeting, he contacted the Foreign Minister, Count Berhold, and the ambassadors of England and Italy. Then, through Trieste, accompanied by a group of patriots, reached Durrës, from which he continued on to Vlora. This time the Albanians were convinced and committed to the proclamation of the independence of Albania in the southern Albanan city of Vlora, and this was a nationwide Assembly held on 28 November 1912. It was attended by 83 representatives from the three Albanian religions, and covering all Albanian areas. It was the point when the national flag of Skanderbeg, the old Albanian flag, was risen up again, representing the common victory of all Albanian regions of the Dukagjini, north, up to Çameria south, from the shores of the Adriatic Sea, in the west to the area of Kosova and Skopje, as well as the region of Tetova Valley ending eastward as far as Veles. These regions, taking an active part, with rifle in hand, in the struggle for national liberation, independence, led to the foundations of a unified Albanian state within its possible ethnic boundaries, based upon the long fight of the Albania's sons and daughters, with the blood of their children for a better place to live in freedom. This was their sacrifice towards paving the way towards the independence of Albania. They were convinced, too, that the Great Powers, this time would be convinced deeply that there were the Albanian fighters and patriots to defend their homeland from being divided and vanished from the face of the Balkans. And this really was the case, it was the case of the resolution the Albanian question. By this act of independence, there was endorsed the 790 recognition of independence of Albanian lands in less than the half of the ethnic Albanian territories where Albanians live even nowadays. However, although the half of the territory remained occupied by the Balkan neighbors, this act was one of the most important moments in the Albanian history, for the fact that it endorsed the right of the Albanians to self-determination as a nation to live in their own state of Albania, as a free and independent nation among the peoples of the Balkans and modern Europe. The Treaty of London with an arbitrary decision, in March 22nd 1913, divided the Ethnic Albania The Conference of London, held in March 22, 1913, gave to Serbia the whole Kosovo Vilayet and Eastern regions of Albania, including the towns like Bitola, Struga, Oher and Debar. As to the aspirations of Montenegro, they were given the towns; Peja and Gjakova, while to Greece was given Jannina, Preveza and Arta, respectively the whole Epirus. So, with this unfair political partition of the unprotected Albanian lands, made by the great powers, the only part of the Albanian territories to gain independence, was nowadays Albania, which at the time counted about 800 000 people, living in an area of 28 000 km2. About 1.5 million ethnic Albanians remained out of their homeland ethnic territories, under the oppression and ravaging of their centurial enemies, the Balkan Slavic states, especially Serbia, giving it an Albanian territory of about 39 000 km2 area, with 1.7 million inhabitants, including nowadays Kosova. As it can be seen, the Great Powers once again put into scene the same diplomatic game as the one played in the Congress of Berlin. At this conference, the Great Powers came under Russian-French dictates, severely damaging the right solution of the Albanian people, after which, the Albanian issue was somehow solved only within the ethnic boundaries which were declared as independent. As to the territories which remained out of the New Albania, the Albanians, wherever they lived, kept on protesting as they did throughout the history against this injustice which was done to them and their homeland. In all Albanian cities, in Shkodra, Korea, in Dürres, Vlora, etc., were held riots and protests, expressing this way their revolt to the 791 decisions which were brought by these political events. National Movement leaders and patriotic associations from America, Egypt and other countries where the Albanian had emigrated, reacting by sending letters of revolts and memos to the union of four Vilayets, as well as to the political leaders of the time such as; Ismail Qemali, Isa Boletini, Mehmet Tetova, Karem Begolli, and many other patriots, to initiate and open different diplomatic fronts, in order to correct the injustice which was done to their homeland and their people. Ismail Qemali, along with Isa Boletini, Berat and Louigj Gurakuqi, at this stage of activities, were sent to person after the London Conference. Protest were taking place throughout the country, and were sent to the governments of the Great Powers, protesting against the injustice that was made to the Albanian people, the decision on annexing the of Albanian lands to the Balkan expansionist states such as Serbia, Montenegro and Greece. The Dibra Uprising of 1913 and mega Serbian Genocide Leaders of the Albanian National Movement, led by Isa Boletini, Hasan Prishtina, Mehmet Pashe Tetova, Elez Halim Gostivari etc. never were happy with the new reality which was created by the setting the new political boundaries at the London Conference under the dictation of the of the Great Powers. The focus was that these regions were entirely Albanian regions, they were throughout the history populated by Albanians and as such they should never be ruled again by Serbo-Montenegrin rulers. They urged the Albanian people to rise up in rebellion, which began in September of 1913. By many contemporary historians, this is called "Third Balkan War" or " Albanian-Serbian war ". This all-out Albanian Uprising managed fight hard against the new rulers and made possible their to expulsion beyond the Albanian cities of Kumanova Shkupi ( Skopje ) , and there after the Albanian fighters, well organized, liberated these areas and rose the Albanian flag, founding a temporary ruling Government, headed by Sefedin Pustina. Serbian Command, for all these military events kept blaming the Austro-Hungarian and the Bulgarian governments, under the accusation that these governments were the initiators of this conflict which aimed the liberation of the occupied Albanian lands. 792 This revolution did not give the expected results and complete victory, as agents managed by Nikola Pashiq, Esat Pasha Toptani and Arif Hikmet from village Llojan Kumanova, with their mercenaries based in Tetova and Gostivar, managed to weaken out the September Uprising. However, this uprising had huge impact and echo, in all Albanian territories as well as in the very Albanian state, but specifically in the towns where it actually burst out such as; Dibra, Oher, Struga, Resnje ( Resen ) Kercova, Krusheva, Gostivar, Tetova to Shkupi (Skopje). Serb forces after the September uprising withdrawing from the conflict zones, exercised unprecedented violence and terror, by burning the Albanian villages, rape and the burning alive Albanian children, looted and destructed almost everything which was Albanian, activities which are prohibited by the rules of any war whatsoever. The result was over 25 000 killed vanished Albanians , and burned more than 180 Albanian villages in Macedonia, in the cities such as; Shkupi, Gostivar, Kercova, Krusheva, Oher, Struga and Dibra. In these circumstances, when Serbian rulers carried out unprecedented terror on the Albanian population, in the northern part of the Albanian lands, in the south, the same scene was played by the Greek xénophobes and anti-Albanians. Their terror was even fiercer and aimed all out extinction of the Albanians as people from these regions being under the Greek jurisdiction. To make the situation even harder for the Albanian interests, in the newly declared Albanian state, there began a fratricidal conflict between the Muslim fanatics backing up the Turks led by Haxhi Qamili , and current landowners, led by Esad Pasha, who had declared they were against the government of Prince Wield nominated to rule with the country. For coming to power, Esat Pasha, declared that the fight against Prince Wield, claiming that he had the support of Serbia, Italy and Greece. In these dangerous and very sensitive political circumstances for the tiny and weak autonomous Albania, this national betrayal of Esad Pasha Toptani, was another knock-out for the interests of the Albanians as a nation. He had signed a secret agreement with famous anti-Albanian called Nikola Pashiq, in Nish, where, according to statements made by his personal secretary, Shahin Bey Dinos, Nikola Pashiq had promised to Esad Pasha 300 000 gold francs, for a military mutual assistance that would Esat to turn over the government of 793 Prince Wied, and after this he would become to rule with the Albainan regions , aiming this way to put into play the Serbian interests promising to fight to the end until all Albanians were extinguished and all leaders of the Albanian National movement get all killed so that there after these regions would be put under the Serbian and Montenegrin rule and dictation. This would give for good, an end to the efforts of the Albanians towards establishing an Albanian state, where the Albanians would live together as one nation and one state In these difficult circumstances, the National Movement leaders didn't give-up from fighting to liberate the Kosova Vilayet and its eastern regions. However, the Serbian politics full of hatred against the Albanian population, after the collapse of our country under its rule was strictly against the values of civilization, the growth of national consciousness expressing it all through an unprecedented oppression whish was carried out throughout almost a whole century. Its highest peak of the oppression against the Albanian, culture and education and civilization as whole, was reached during the years; 1912-1915. With the restoration of Serbian system, after the First Balkan War, for the Albanians under the Serbian rule, begins a more difficult period, where even the few schools were closed overnight. The use of the Albanian language was banned and restricted and reduced to be used only at home, within the four walls Meanwhile, the education system, which still worked in these parts, was a strong weapon in the hands of Serbian hegemonic policy. The Serbian rulers believed and dreamed that through this assimilation policy will achieve its goal of creating a Greater Serbia, on the foundations of Albanian culture in these lands. The rule of wild Serbian authorities, and their strategy to extinguish the Albanians from their homeland, were using as a tool an expulsion policy, which was introduced and generated as a result of propaganda that Albanians were of Muslim faith and this is enough to expand throughout the Balkans and further on to Europe. So they created the plans for Albanian expulsion from the Balkans, aiming to displace the population into a Muslim country which in this case was institutionalized through a signed agreement and this was Turkey to receive them as Turks and no other ethnical background. This Serbian propaganda spread rapidly throughout the areas occupied by Serbia in all Kosova and in 794 Macedonia. But the worst is that this Serbian propaganda was supported by some Albanian sighted missionaries; among them were the heads of the country's fanatical. This was one of the main reasons for mass migration and displacement of ethnic Albanians from the eastern Albanian territories, such as; Manatisiri ( Bitola) , Prilep, Veles, Shkup (Skopje), Tetova, Kumanova, Gostivar, Kercova, Krusheva, Ohri Struga, Dibra etc., towards Turkey, respectively their centurial invader. According to the Austrian documents, each month, from these territories were displaced 4 thousand families who went through Shkupi, by train to Turkey. Many of these unlucky Albanians were forced to leave on foot, as there was not enough room in the packed trains going to Turkey. Many of them died on the way to Turkey, among them breastfeeding mothers forced to walk from Qustendil of Sofia, while most of them remained forever victims of this horrible 'route of hope', which was to take them forever, far away from their homeland, who instead remained dead in the middle of nowhere between the Balkans and the desert of Anatolia. According to an international commission of control: "only in late 1912 and during 1913, from the Eastern territories of Albania, based in Manastir and Shkupi (Skopje), moved over 200 thousand inhabitants." In most cases, when the Serbian propaganda failed, violence was used against the peasants, their goods were looted, stolen and plundered, real estate was seized by force, declaring it as a state land, and the current Serbian government later awarded this honor as a gift between the "deservers" Chetniks and other Serbian volunteers, who were acting in their service for Serbian interests in all wars, killing innocent Albanians and expelling them from their centurial homes. The Serbian Government in March 1914, signed a Serbian- Turkish agreement aiming, to change the structure of the population in these parts of the Balkans, in favor of the Serbian state. Serbian executive power, as another form of looting of Albanian land, declared the so called "agrarian reform" as the state measure and favorable method to "break and steal legitimate" Albanian land. This gave impetus to the robbery of the Serb-Turkish agreement, which envisaged the transfer of the "Turks" and "Muslims" to Turkey, where all were treated as Turks. This acquired that every single Albanian leaving the homeland must declare himself first as Turk, in order to be able to 795 leave. And get established in Turkey. All these treaties, have had a very hard impact in the struggle of the Albanians to survive as a nation, of course having hard political toll over the existence of this nation as whole. With this arrangement, de jure Turkey got legal permission to convert the Albanians into Turks and to make them serve as recruits for the Turkish army. While this convention for Serbian policy was welcomed, as these areas were repopulated with Serbian colonists, and this was continually changing the demographic structure of the Albanian lands, by raising the number of the Slavic population. So, Serb-Turkish agreement and the so called 'agrarian policy' of the Serbian state, gained international legitimacy, to plunder public real estate Albanian land. Through "agrarian reform" was added psycho- physical pressure upon the Albanians, which made their living in the area, it very unsafe for the remaining population. This was the pressure exercised by Serbian authorities. Pushing the Albanians to leave as soon as possible their lands and forcing them to depart for Turkey. Now the Albanian fields were cultivated by Serbian newcomers and rulers brought from areas of Serbia and Bosnia. These new citizens had many privileges among which economic security as well as being freed from all obligations concerning the payment of fees to the state. They take on travel expenses and relieve other conditions of life, only that they agree to settle in the occupied territories of Kosovo and the Albanian-Albanian border. Ethnic Albanian being divided into two parts, eastern areas remained even after slavery under Serb-Slavic state. Albanians in these territories continued their war of liberation side by side with residents of other areas of Kosova, to the final liberation of the count, by foreign invaders. But even though these territories Albanians fought continuously since 1912 until the end of World War I, the Great Powers decided again against the will of the Albanian people, that our region continues to remain under the new Kingdom of the Serbs Croatians and Slovenes. What is important to mention is the fact that the Albanian nationalist and patriots, never agreed with the decisions of the Great Powers. This was another reason to keep on organizing and fighting throughout the history as much as possible in order to reach a full 796 liberation and national unity, of all Albanians in one country and as one single nation. Efforts aiming to reach an whole national liberation of the Albanians, kept further on being put into move. The model was the famous leader Dervish Carra, who's uprising in Tetova and Gostivar, was an example to follow. This type of movement was seen as an example and as such entered as a program written with the blood of the Albanian patriots, originating from the League of Prizren. This was the motto and the slogan to continue the fight for liberation on continual basis and led by the famous Albanian oath, of the institution Lidhja e Prizrenit, i.e. The League of Prizren, and further on to the League of Haxhi Zeka from Peja, which was attended by Albanian nationalists from of Eastern Albanian territories such as Manastiri Struga and Dibra. At the end, with the Prishtina Agreement, the struggles of the Albanians claimed victory and this was the point when the Albanian patriots of Kosova and the other Albanian eastern territories, entered triumphantly in Shkupi ( Skopje), by raising up again the red flag of Skanderbeg with a double headed black Albanian eagle, the symbol of the Albanian endurance for freedom and peace. This flag waved in the Albanian lands, as the flag of the independence, and it was its third time waving since November 28, 1912 when the famous Albanian patriot and nationalist Ismail Qamali, proclaimed independence in the southern city of Vlora. It was the flag of all Albanians which has been waving since ever in all territories populated by Albanians. It is the flag which has been washed in blood throughout the history of the Albanians towards their struggle for independence as a united nation in a unique state of Albania. The Author 797
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spelling	Xhemaili, Vebi 1952- Verfasser (DE-588)1182485413 aut Shqiptarët e Maqedonisë së sotme nga kryengritja e Dervish Cares 1843 deri te kryengritja e Dibrës 1913 = The Albanians of today's Macedonia from uprising of Dervish Care 1843 until the Dibra's uprising of 1913 Vebi Xhemaili The Albanians of today's Macedonia from uprising of Dervish Care 1843 until the Dibra's uprising of 1913 Tetovë Tringa Design 2012 847 S. Ill., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1843-1915 gnd rswk-swf Unabhängigkeitsbewegung (DE-588)4121814-0 gnd rswk-swf Albanischer Aufstand 1843-1844 (DE-588)1029576424 gnd rswk-swf Albanische Frage (DE-588)7748428-9 gnd rswk-swf Nationale Minderheit (DE-588)4039409-8 gnd rswk-swf Ohrid-Debar-Aufstand (DE-588)1034115618 gnd rswk-swf Albanischer Aufstand 1912 (DE-588)1028253699 gnd rswk-swf Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 gnd rswk-swf Albanischer Aufstand 1910 (DE-588)1028274998 gnd rswk-swf Nordmazedonien (DE-588)1181214262 gnd rswk-swf Nordmazedonien (DE-588)1181214262 g Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 s Nationale Minderheit (DE-588)4039409-8 s Unabhängigkeitsbewegung (DE-588)4121814-0 s Albanische Frage (DE-588)7748428-9 s Geschichte 1843-1915 z DE-604 Albanischer Aufstand 1843-1844 (DE-588)1029576424 s Albanischer Aufstand 1910 (DE-588)1028274998 s Albanischer Aufstand 1912 (DE-588)1028253699 s Ohrid-Debar-Aufstand (DE-588)1034115618 s Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025955044&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025955044&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Xhemaili, Vebi 1952- Shqiptarët e Maqedonisë së sotme nga kryengritja e Dervish Cares 1843 deri te kryengritja e Dibrës 1913 = The Albanians of today's Macedonia from uprising of Dervish Care 1843 until the Dibra's uprising of 1913 Unabhängigkeitsbewegung (DE-588)4121814-0 gnd Albanischer Aufstand 1843-1844 (DE-588)1029576424 gnd Albanische Frage (DE-588)7748428-9 gnd Nationale Minderheit (DE-588)4039409-8 gnd Ohrid-Debar-Aufstand (DE-588)1034115618 gnd Albanischer Aufstand 1912 (DE-588)1028253699 gnd Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 gnd Albanischer Aufstand 1910 (DE-588)1028274998 gnd
subject_GND	(DE-588)4121814-0 (DE-588)1029576424 (DE-588)7748428-9 (DE-588)4039409-8 (DE-588)1034115618 (DE-588)1028253699 (DE-588)4068517-2 (DE-588)1028274998 (DE-588)1181214262
title	Shqiptarët e Maqedonisë së sotme nga kryengritja e Dervish Cares 1843 deri te kryengritja e Dibrës 1913 = The Albanians of today's Macedonia from uprising of Dervish Care 1843 until the Dibra's uprising of 1913
title_alt	The Albanians of today's Macedonia from uprising of Dervish Care 1843 until the Dibra's uprising of 1913
title_auth	Shqiptarët e Maqedonisë së sotme nga kryengritja e Dervish Cares 1843 deri te kryengritja e Dibrës 1913 = The Albanians of today's Macedonia from uprising of Dervish Care 1843 until the Dibra's uprising of 1913
title_exact_search	Shqiptarët e Maqedonisë së sotme nga kryengritja e Dervish Cares 1843 deri te kryengritja e Dibrës 1913 = The Albanians of today's Macedonia from uprising of Dervish Care 1843 until the Dibra's uprising of 1913
title_full	Shqiptarët e Maqedonisë së sotme nga kryengritja e Dervish Cares 1843 deri te kryengritja e Dibrës 1913 = The Albanians of today's Macedonia from uprising of Dervish Care 1843 until the Dibra's uprising of 1913 Vebi Xhemaili
title_fullStr	Shqiptarët e Maqedonisë së sotme nga kryengritja e Dervish Cares 1843 deri te kryengritja e Dibrës 1913 = The Albanians of today's Macedonia from uprising of Dervish Care 1843 until the Dibra's uprising of 1913 Vebi Xhemaili
title_full_unstemmed	Shqiptarët e Maqedonisë së sotme nga kryengritja e Dervish Cares 1843 deri te kryengritja e Dibrës 1913 = The Albanians of today's Macedonia from uprising of Dervish Care 1843 until the Dibra's uprising of 1913 Vebi Xhemaili
title_short	Shqiptarët e Maqedonisë së sotme nga kryengritja e Dervish Cares 1843 deri te kryengritja e Dibrës 1913
title_sort	shqiptaret e maqedonise se sotme nga kryengritja e dervish cares 1843 deri te kryengritja e dibres 1913 the albanians of today s macedonia from uprising of dervish care 1843 until the dibra s uprising of 1913
title_sub	= The Albanians of today's Macedonia from uprising of Dervish Care 1843 until the Dibra's uprising of 1913
topic	Unabhängigkeitsbewegung (DE-588)4121814-0 gnd Albanischer Aufstand 1843-1844 (DE-588)1029576424 gnd Albanische Frage (DE-588)7748428-9 gnd Nationale Minderheit (DE-588)4039409-8 gnd Ohrid-Debar-Aufstand (DE-588)1034115618 gnd Albanischer Aufstand 1912 (DE-588)1028253699 gnd Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 gnd Albanischer Aufstand 1910 (DE-588)1028274998 gnd
topic_facet	Unabhängigkeitsbewegung Albanischer Aufstand 1843-1844 Albanische Frage Nationale Minderheit Ohrid-Debar-Aufstand Albanischer Aufstand 1912 Albaner Albanischer Aufstand 1910 Nordmazedonien
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025955044&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025955044&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
work_keys_str_mv	AT xhemailivebi shqiptaretemaqedonisesesotmengakryengritjaedervishcares1843deritekryengritjaedibres1913thealbaniansoftodaysmacedoniafromuprisingofdervishcare1843untilthedibrasuprisingof1913 AT xhemailivebi thealbaniansoftodaysmacedoniafromuprisingofdervishcare1843untilthedibrasuprisingof1913

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