Minority politics within the Europe of regions:
Gespeichert in:
| Weitere Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | English |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Cluj-Napoca
Scientia Publ. House [u.a.]
2011
|
| Ausgabe: | 1. engl. ed. |
| Schriftenreihe: | Workshop
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | 660 S. graph. Darst., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9786069274446 9789731970578 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | ABSTRACTS
Britt CARTRITE
NEW NATIONS IN OLD EUROPE: ETHNOGENESIS
AND ETHNOPOLITICAL MOBILISATION IN THE
SHETLAND AND ORKNEY ISLANDS OF SCOTLAND
As many have noted, studies of ethno-political mobilisation in
Western Europe draw overwhelmingly from a relatively small universe
of highly visible and mobilised ethnic groups; further on, such studies
focus on ethno-political mobilisation only in recent years (typically on
votes for ethnic parties in national elections), failing even to capture the
emergence of such movements over time. In contrast,
Miroslav
Hroch
(1968 [2000])
sought to articulate a framework of mobilisation to account
for trajectories of mobilisation over time among some of Europe s most
mobilised groups. Cartrite
(2003),
building on this framework, examined
all fifteen linguistically distinct groups in France, Spain, and the United
Kingdom. Both studies focused on linguistically distinct groups, again
raising the possibility of case selection bias. Further, much of the analysis
focuses on later phases of ethno-political mobilisation, particularly
once interest groups and political parties emerge, although both studies
clearly demonstrate the importance of early mobilisation structures for
subsequent activism.
This study focuses on the dynamics underlying what might be termed
ethnogenesis : initial efforts to articulate a distinct group identity that
may facilitate subsequent ethno-political mobilisation. Focusing on the
Shetland and Orkney Islands of Scotland, this study assesses the current
nascent state of ethno-political mobilisation with a particular focus on
the mobilisation of local dialects as a salient marker of ethnic identity.
Both island groups in recent years have had activists focusing on the
standardisation and teaching of the local dialects of Scots, in addition to
other symbols such as flags, to preserve and protect the local identity.
And in both cases, individuals oppose these efforts as indicative of initial
efforts at nationalist agitation. This study finds that despite the lack of
a distinct language and history of political activism, models of ethno-
political mobilisation developed to explain that more advanced cases
apply well to these groups.
ABSTRACTS
Tove
H.
MALLOY
MINORITY RIGHTS AND THE DYNAMICS OF
EUROPEANISATION: CONVERGENCE IN THE
REGIONAL GOVERNANCE OF THE DANISH-
GERMAN BORDER REGION
The politics of regional governance in the Danish-German border region
is breaking new grounds for the European minority rights regime. Drawing
not only on their well-developed cross-cultural knowledge and natural
social capital but also on years of institutionalised
intercultural
dialogue
at various levels, the national minorities have increasingly informed an
emerging regional discourse seeking economic development through cross-
border institutionalisation and capacity-building [Competence Analysis
2007).
When a need for new cross-border infrastructure or service projects
is identified, it is often the members of the national minorities that spot
the opportunities. When
harmonisation
of social protection regulation
was identified as a major hurdle to labour commute across the border, the
national minorities engaged their national heads of governments to address
the issue. When the
2007-2013
INTERREG Commission was established,
representatives of the national minorities were seated alongside local
representatives. When public authorities and local governments meet
to review cross-border projects and progress, the national minorities
participate. When the Euro-region assembly meet, representatives of the
national minorities take their seats as elected officials. This is by no means
a best case scenario. The national minorities have fought hard for an
increased influence through their local commissions and representative
offices. Their political parties have been active since the end of World
War II
(Kühl 2001).
And there are still areas where the national minorities
are excluded even though their actions complement the ongoing strategy-
definition [Competence Analysis
2007).
But where the early years saw the
minority parties pursuing an emancipation discourse, the broader European
integration discourse has seen them turn to regional development (Klatt and
Kühl 1999).
Thus, years of trust building have enabled a marriage between
former antagonists in the common pursuit of regional development.
This is a pursuit that aims at transforming a region that is still peripheral
to nation-states economies into a progressive and modern border region.
The ultimate goal is a prosperous region that can compete in the new
regionalism of the European Union
(EU)
(Keating
1998).
But it is a region
suffering the legacy of a hard security border, even as the
Schengen
co-
ABSTRACTS
________________________________________________________565
operation was initiated in
2001
(Klatt
2006).
Thus, a common identity of
the people residing in the region does not exist. Biculturalism is, however,
everyday life for the national minorities and a united Europe without
borders; it is a natural desire, the state boundaries having separated them
from their kin-states for centuries. Moreover, a certain Europeanness
has come to inform their collective identities [Competence Analysis
2007,
Malloy
2009).
These factors contribute to the desire of elite actors for greater
European integration, and thus create a new type of minority-majority
politics in the border region. This politics is informed not only by the EU s
cohesion strategy, the Regional Policy, but also by the Council of Europe s
démocratisation
strategy, especially the Outline Convention.
EU
Structural
Funds played a first role in initiating the cross-border co-operation, and
the establishment of a Euro-region institutionalised the partnership. But it
was the Council of Europe s normative framework on minority rights, the
Framework Convention, which became, if not key, at least a major factor in
ensuring national minority participation in this co-operation. There is thus
reason to argue that the intersection of these integration strategies makes
for a view that the
démocratisation
narrative on minority rights converges
with the Europeanisation narrative in this border region.
Although neither the EU s Regional Policy nor the Council of Europe s
Outline Convention provisions national minority rights; they nonetheless
address an issue of European integration that is contingent, namely the
co-operation across state boundaries that for years has separated national
minorities from their kin-states. Coupled with the ongoing implementation
of the normative framework on minority rights ratified by both nation-
states, this paper argues that the convergence of these narratives lends
itself to support a different view of the European minority rights regime,
a view based not as heretofore on normative frameworks but also on the
dynamics of Europeanisation. Europeanisation is seen here not in terms
of outward expansion of European values but as the ex post process of
entrenching European values through deepened inward integration. The
paper will describe and analyse the new type of minority-majority politics
in the Danish-German border region with specific focus on the actions
and functions of the national minorities in relation to the border region s
development strategy. It will be argued that because this new type of
minority-majority politics is rooted in minority rights and functions on
the basis of the core tenets of diversity and pluralism in European values,
it speaks not only to the dynamics of Europeanisation but also puts the
European minority rights regime in a new light.
566_______________________________________
MÁRTON TONK-TÜNDE SZÉKELY
Klaus-Jürgen NAGEL
BETWEEN INDEPENDENCE IN EUROPE ,
A EUROPE WITH A HUNDRED FLAGS AND
A EUROPE OF OR WITH THE REGIONS .
CONCEPTUALISING THE RELATION BETWEEN
STATELESS NATIONS AND EUROPEAN
INTEGRATION IN WESTERN EUROPE
(1945-2010)
Representatives of stateless nations in Western Europe have usually
(but not always) taken positive views on European Integration but
defend different standpoints on the role of their nations in this process.
My paper describes the history of conceptualising the relation between
the stateless nations and the process of European integration in Western
Europe since the Second World War, looking for continuities and
discontinuities. The starting point is the West European Europeanist
movement. Under the influence of Proudhonian federalism, the
personalist
movement provided a first understanding of a Europe
of the regions . The second chapter deals with the development of a
Europe of a hundred flags (Yann
Fouéré),
that is the development of an
alternative to the European Economic Community from the standpoint
of stateless nations, different from the regions and substituting the old
states. During the sixties and seventies, the revolt of the province
brought a new understanding of this relation: In the framework of a
protest movement against capitalist and state-controlled European
integration, the fight against internal colonialism provided leftist
nationalist groups in some stateless nations with a (partially) new
ideological framework, defending alternative concepts of European
integration. These ideas afterwards linked with green small is beautiful
ideas (Leopold Kohr) of a bottom-up process of European Integration
that would be based on the regions. However, the governments of the
European Regions took up a very different approach in order to achieve
regional inclusion in the institutional framework of the newly founded
EU.
This movement in favour of a Europe of the regions was partially
successful. However, the Maastricht and post-Maastricht institutional
structure and political practice can be probably better described as
a Europe with the regions , where stateless nations do not find the
asymmetrical recognition they claim. As a reaction, concepts of a
Europe of (autochthonous) ethnic groups were developed at the far
ABSTRACTS 567
right of the party system
(Vlaams Blok),
while some of the nationalist
movements of stateless nations formulated independence in Europe
as their new goal, and thereby returned to the idea of the nation-state,
albeit in the inclusive framework of a new European Union.
Ivan SERRANO
CONSTITUTIONAL PREFERENCES, NATIONAL
IDENTITY AND ELECTORAL BEHAVIOUR:
THE THREE CIRCLES OF NATIONALISM
Based on two recent surveys conducted in
2008
and
2009,
this
paper analyses the relation between national identity, constitutional
preferences, and electoral behaviour in Catalonia. A reasonable starting
hypothesis could expect the existence of a strong relation between
support to independence, feelings of exclusive identity, and vote for
nationalist parties. According to this congruence hypothesis , these
three particular positions could be represented as almost perfectly
overlapping spheres
-
the three circles of nationalism. However,
different studies have suggested that such a clear relation does not
exist. Rather to the contrary, complex and multifaceted relations are the
norm. Furthermore, in the case of Catalonia, constitutional preferences
have been usually approached by a four-grade scale of self-government
( region , autonomous community , state within a federal Spain , and
independent state )
,
but relatively little work has addressed them in terms
of support or opposition to an independence referendum. The paper will
present some evidence on the relation between national identity and
electoral behaviour with regard to constitutional preferences in both
dimensions, the four-grade scale of self-government, and the referendum
question. Based on the results of this twofold analysis, a number of
issues will be discussed from the extent to which the hypothesis of
congruence is a useful tool to interpret the Catalan case to the limits of
well-established contributions that emphasise the importance of the so-
called dual identities in order to explain the varying levels of support to
the different constitutional options. This complementary approach can
contribute to understand why, far from fulfilling certain expectations
of a non-conflictive accommodation within a decentralised state, the
question of self-government has remained an important element in the
political agenda of Catalan and Spanish politics.
568
ABSTRACTS
István SZILAGYI
SPAIN: FROM THE AUTONOMY MODEL TO THE
FEDERALISM. THE CASE OF CATALONIA
The 21st century is the era of globalisation, encounters of different
cultures, civilisations and identities, as well as political systems and
governmental forms recorded in universal models. The turbulent
international system including several participants and actors is being
organised and operated in the forms of networks and streams. The situation
„Governance without Government and the institutional solutions of
classical regionalism are being supplemented with the multilevel governing
structures of new regionalism. The Westphalian-type international system
based on the absoluteness and omnipotence of state characters was
transformed and disappeared. The validity of the notion „nation-state used
in the
18-19*
centuries, which involved homogeneity, came to an end.
Simultaneously with the
integrationist
tendencies and organisations
of the new regionalism superseding the territorial principle, the processes
of disintegration concerning the ethno-regionalism have intensified.
They have led again to the establishing of multinational states in Central-
Eastern Europe and in the territory of the former Soviet Union. It emerged
the questions of defending ethnic minorities, and thus, the minority
politics got into the limelight.
The identities of different types encountering and living together in the
regions of Europe have changed the classical meaning of the „holy trinity
of state, nation, and nationality. In
1992,
regarding the multi-ethnical
Spain,
Juan José
Linz
pointed out that „Spain today means the state of
all the Spanish; it means nation-state for the majority of the population,
but for the minority, it only means state and not nation. In Spain, the
democratically ruled co-existence of state (the Spanish Monarchy], the
historic nations (Basque,
Gallego,
Catalan, and
Valencián),
and the non-
historical regions
(Cantabria, Asturias, Extremadura,
Madrid,
Murcia, La
Rioja,
etc.) has been realised.
All this happened in a country where
20%
of the population is
Catalan,
6%
Basque,
2.5%
Gallego,
and
2%
is
Valenciano.
It is vital that Spanish new democracy played an important part in
solving a 100-year-old problem by creating an autonomy model based on
17
self-governing communities.
The system carried out between
1979
and
1983
still proves to be
viable. The stability does not mean motionlessness. The constitutional
ABSTRACTS
___________
56g
system in the state is constantly changing. Between
1983
and
2010,
unprecedented process of decentralisation and
démocratisation
took
place in Spain. As a consequence, nowadays, the state of autonomies has
the features of a federal system.
The changes leading from half-federalism to federalism were
accelerating from the second half of the
1990s,
and in July
2006,
it resulted
in accepting the new autonomy status of Catalonia. The self-governing
territory with the capital of Barcelona, which gained the status sovereign
nation , came up with a real alternative of separation from Spain.
The process and the changes in Spain and Catalonia led to some
conclusions that were useful for the minorities struggling for autonomy in
Central and Eastern Europe. The Spanish and Catalonian solution, in the
name of the concept „cultural nation , raised the question of the validity
of the model for the minorities that live in multinational Central European
states. The political self-governance, the territorial autonomy, the connection
between keeping the national identity and using their mother tongue, and
the creation and maintenance of the governmental system draw the attention
to the adaptability of this type of state-building model realised in the
EU.
The system of the problems being very serious, it needs a comparative
analysis. The replies to the indicated questions go beyond the frame of
this study.
Goran BANDOV
THE PROTECTION OF THE MOTHER TONGUE
OF NATIONAL AND ETHNIC MINORITY
COMMUNITIES IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA
In the academic discourse of South-East Europe, language plays the
central role in protecting the cultural dimension of national identity,
and further holds a strong influence over the national political identity
(in terms of group identification) for members of minority groups. This
discourse recognises the importance of mother tongue as the constructing
element of the elites in the process of nation-building as independent
subjects of international relations in South-East Europe.
The non-implementation of measures that protect mother languages
may be interpreted as a direct attack on the national identity of the
respective minority groups and an effective incentive for the escalation
of ethno-political conflict. Therefore, the execution of broad language
protection mechanisms is essential in avoiding such conflict.
57Q ABSTRACTS
Within the territory of the Republic of Croatia, the system of mother
language protection for national and ethnic minority communities has
been effectively implemented since the period beginning after the Second
World War. Furthermore, these protective institutions have decidedly
strengthened during the period of democratic transition and Croatia s
movement toward its independence from Yugoslavia beginning the
1990s.
This process itself had a significant impact on the magnitude and
structure of the protection of minority groups largely because it introduced
a host of new minority groups. Prior to Croatia s gaming independence,
protections were granted to Hungarian, Italian, Czech, Slovakian,
Ukrainian, and Rusyn minority groups. In the period after independence,
protective measures were extended to a number of other groups, including
Serbians and others within the former-Yugoslavia. Today, these protections
are granted to
22
different national and ethnic groups.
The system of language protection in Croatia encompasses first and
foremost the right to education in the language of a national minority
group and the right to use minority language before administrative and
judicial bodies. These rights have been recognised and guaranteed via a
series of constitutional and legal norms whose implementation has been
effectively controlled by European and Croatian legal bodies. Minority
education is the most effective way of implementing language protection,
which functions through the following models: model A (all classes
are taught in the mother language); model
В
(classes of social studies
are taught in the mother language while natural sciences are taught in
Croatian); model
С
(all classes are taught in Croatian with compulsory
additional classes of the minority language, tradition, and culture of a
national minority group).
Michael HORNSBY-Tomasz WICHERKIEWICZ
TO BE OR NOT TO BE (A MINORITY)? THE
CASE OF THE KASHUBIANS IN POLAND
When Poland signed the European Charter for Regional or Minority
Languages on
12
February
2009,
out of the fifteen languages listed all but
one were categorised as minority languages. Kashubian was (apparently)
the only regional language. Of course, the original wording of the Charter,
when it was first drawn up in
1992,
did not specify what the difference
between a minority and a regional language actually was (Woerhrling
2005: 54).
Thus Poland s ratification, while totally complying with the
ABSTRACTS
_________________________________________________________571
Charter s original wording, is nevertheless controversial in its application
of the Charter s principles.
In this paper, we aim at exploring the tensions that have been created
by the implementation of the Charter in Poland. The most obvious point
of friction concerns the singling out of the Kashubian to the detriment of
other less widely-used languages; this will be discussed in the context
of one presenter s expert knowledge and close association with the
Charter s implementation in Poland. Less obvious, but equally important,
is the identification of the conflicting language ideologies at play here.
If all minority languages in Poland (apart from Kashubian) are located
within the confines of a language-and-identity ideology, then locating
Kashubian within a framework of territoriality (or a language-and-
territory ideology [Myhill
1999])
is not only bound to lead to a clash of
counterproductive ideologies, but it also seems anachronistic at a time
in the history of Kashubian when in only three districts of the traditional
Kashubian-speaking area (Mordawski
2005: 56;
Nestor and Hickey
2009)
it is spoken regularly by more than
50%
of the population. Given these
conditions, we address the question of the effectiveness of such language
planning for Kashubian in the final section of our paper
László MARÁCZ
LANGUAGE POLICIES IN CENTRAL
AND EAST EUROPEAN STATES WITH
HUNGARIAN MINORITIES: IMPLICATIONS
FOR LINGUISTIC RIGHTS PROTECTION
OF NATIONAL MINORITIES IN THE
EU
Due to the peace-treaties of the twentieth century, Hungarian
minorities live in seven different Central and East European states,
including Slovakia
(520,000),
Ukraine
(200,000),
Romania
(1,930,000),
Serbia
(400,000),
Croatia
(30,000),
Slovenia
(20,000),
and Austria
(5,000).
In agreement with Central and East European tradition, the most
important feature of ethnic identity is the mother tongue. Hence, these
states are
de
facto multilingual states, although not all of them consider
themselves
de
jure as such, but rather as monolingual nation-states. In
the latter cases, Hungarian minorities are confronted with a policy of
exclusion , that is discriminating language laws restricting the use of
the Hungarian language in the official and public space. This leads to
polarised, divided societies along the lines of ethno-linguistic cleavages.
572
ABSTRACTS
This paper compares exclusive and inclusive language policies in
multilingual Central and Eastern European states with Hungarian minorities
.
We will investigate the legal system in these countries concerning the
status and use of the languages of national minorities. It will be concluded
that the position of the Hungarian language in the countries concerned can
be classified into two groups:
(1)
Serbia, Slovenia, Croatia, and Austria;
(2)
Slovakia, Romania, and Ukraine. In the first group, the minority language
has a legal status equal to the language of the majority and is included into
the official domains. This is especially true for Serbia s
Vojvodina
region
where an official policy supporting multilingual, multicultural society
is pursued. In the second group, minority languages are subordinated to
the official state language, they are restricted in the official domains, and
additional requirements and conditions determine their use. Hence, the
second case does not match the EU s democratic standards whereas the
first case respects these standards.
This grouping is interesting as all the countries involved are subject to
the process of Europeanisation. All seven countries mentioned above are
members of the Council of Europe (CoE), they have ratified the Framework
Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European
Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, and foremost, four countries,
Austria, Slovenia, Romania, and Slovakia are members of the Union. Two of
these countries, Romania and Slovakia are however not in the group where
democratic values and standards are satisfactory. Hence it follows that the
membership of the Union is not a guarantee for the protection of the linguistic
rights of national minorities. Thus, we can observe a discrepancy between
the theory of the Union celebrating linguistic diversity and democratic values
and the practice in the Member States. It turns out that there are no effective
controlling and sanctioning mechanisms in the Union available when the
linguistic rights of national minorities are violated and multilingual practice
is banned from the public and official space. The state of affairs in the second
group is not only violating human rights but it undermines the cohesion of
the Union and affects the deepening of conflicts between the states with
Hungarian minorities and the kin-state of Hungary (see Brubaker
et. al.
2006,
Csergő
2007).
This implies that we have to reconsider the controlling and
sanctioning mechanisms in the legal framework of the Union. An important
step forward would be the adoption of the Council of Europe s Framework
Convention and the Language Charter as a benchmarking system by the
Union, as well as the integration of these into the Union legal system. This
would allow sanctions against states violating them.
ABSTRACTS
____________________________________________573
Mykola RIABCHUK
MAKING SENSE OF AMBIGUITY: REDEFINING
MINORITY-MAJORITY
RELATIONS
IN A POST-SOVIET COUNTRY
The paper examines highly complex and ambiguous minority-
majority relations in the post-Soviet republic of Ukraine. This ambiguity,
the paper argues, largely stems from the Soviet tradition of arbitrary
ethnic classification based on a formal notion of parents ethnicity rather
than on people s ethnic, cultural, and linguistic self-identification. Such
a formal approach makes Ukrainians a strong majority in their country
and, at the same time, downgrades Russians to the status of one of many
ethnic minorities such as Poles, Jews, Crimean Tatars, Hungarians,
Romanians, and many others. The formal and arbitrary classification
does not only completely distort the ethno-linguistic reality but it also
precludes effective implementation of appropriate policies in the field.
First, it ignores an obvious fact that a substantial part of Ukrainians
are heavily russified and therefore, in many parts of Ukraine, it is not
the Russophones but the Ukrainian-speaking Ukrainians who represent
a cultural and linguistic minority, which like any other minority,
requires state-sponsored support and protectionism for their cultural and
linguistic rights.
Secondly, by the same token, it ignores that it is Russians and russified
Ukrainians who, in many parts of Ukraine, make up a strong majority
that barely needs any help
-
contrary to the socially disadvantaged and
culturally marginalised Ukrainian-speaking minority. On the one hand,
the Russophone cultural group feels undermined and dissatisfied by the
highly arbitrary and ambiguous minority status. On the other hand,
the status relieves them from any responsibility
vis-à-vis
real minorities,
including Ukrainophones, and strengthens their commitment to a laissez-
fair cultural and linguistic policy that benefits them as the strongest players.
And thirdly, the laissez-fair policy promoted by the Russian/
Russophone group as a response to the ambiguity and as a way to preserve
the
de
facto dominance is especially harmful for small minorities in
Ukraine, who can neither benefit from the symbolical status of a titular
nationality (like Ukrainians) nor rely on
de
facto social and cultural
dominance like Russians/Russophones.
The dissolution of ambiguity, the paper claims, is the only way
to craft proper policies for minorities in Ukraine and harmonise tense
574
ABSTRACTS
relations between the two major groups
-
Ukrainians/Ukrainophones and
Russians/Russophones
-
that do not fit in with the traditional minority/
majority paradigm.
Andrei
AVRAM
TERRITORIAL AUTONOMY OF THE GAGAUZ IN THE
REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA: A CASE STUDY
In December
1994,
the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova passed
the Law on the Special Judicial Status of the Gagauz Yeri, formally ending
a stand-off between the central government and the self-declared Gagauz
Republic in the south of the country. The Gagauz were granted territorial
autonomy covering almost the entire spectrum of domestic policy areas and
were provided with a regional legislature and executive body. This peaceful
solution was hailed as a spectacular victory of reason (Troebst
2001: 76),
given the fact that the Republic of Moldova was engaged in a further conflict
in the breakaway region of Transnistria. However, the effectiveness of an
autonomy model primarily depends on its subsequent implementation and
the consequences it has for the state as a whole (Protsyk/Rigamonti
2007:1).
The aim of the present paper is to shed light on the success of Gagauz
territorial autonomy by analysing its capacity to enhance Gagauz identity,
as well as the extent to which it can be considered a (de-)stabilising factor
for the Republic of Moldova. The first criterion appears to be relevant in the
Gagauz context because the legitimacy of an ethnically-based territorial
autonomy is related to the right of a national minority to pursue its own
nation-building at sub-state level (Kymlicka
2001),
whereas political elites
in the region have been accused of being more intent on maintaining
Soviet identity than promoting Gagauz nationhood (Nantoi
2009: 6).
The
second criterion involves examining if the territorialisation of Gagauz
collective rights resulted in an increased secessionist potential. This risk
has been voiced for all new democracies in Eastern Europe (Hughes/Sasse
2002: 9)
and it has periodically been invoked by Moldovan analysts due
to the Gagauz co-operation with Transnistrian authorities
(Praporşcic
2008)
and their demands for
a fédéralisation
of the Moldovan state
(Gherasim
2010).
At the same time, territorial autonomy is also viewed
as having the potential of strengthening weak states with a multiethnic
population (Kolst0
2001: 214) -
a hypothesis that needs to be considered,
especially since Gagauz experts underline the wish of their people to
contribute to the unity of the country (Angheli
2009).
ABSTRACTS
575
The present paper
therefore aims to present the development of
Gagauz autonomy after
1994
in order to measure its degree of success as
a model for accommodating both minority rights and state consolidation.
Ana
PAVLOVIC
CONTEMPORARY MINORITY PROTECTION IN
EUROPE: COLLISION AND HARMONY BETWEEN
NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL LAW
In the introduction of her paper, the author brings up the history
of minority protection briefly recalling its most important moments. In
addition, she explains what minority rights mean today and stresses
on the most relevant parts of contemporary international agreements
concluded under the auspices of the United Nations, the Council of
Europe, the European Union, and the
OSCE.
The main part of the paper is dedicated to the tension between the
state and the international community, as well as how this collision is
contributes to the minority question. Does the fact that the state delegates
many of its responsibilities to other members of the international
community, to the regions, mean that some day it will die out conceptually?
The author discusses why this will probably never happen and why the
state should be strong and effective. This stands for a democratic and
responsible state, one that can become a suitable model for the region
of Central and Eastern Europe. Globalisation is placing many challenges
in front of the governments and old state theory is not enough anymore;
therefore, states should
reconceptualise
themselves in order to survive.
One of the key issues here is the necessity to transfer some of the power
from the top to the middle levels, which implies different forms of self-
rule and autonomy. This is precisely the issue that casts a new light on
minority question, leaving us in doubt why the process is going easily in
some countries while others fight strongly against it.
The leading idea of this work is to point out that nowadays, in the
2
1st century, with numerous newly emerging demands our reflections on
this issue must also change and evolve according to the present state of
affairs. While the international organisations will obviously continue to
seek better solutions, the primary responsibility for minority policies will
remain with the state itself.
576
ABSTRACTS
Csaba Máté SARNYAI-Tibor PAP
PERSONAL AUTONOMY AND/OR
NATIONAL
COUNCILS
IN VOJVODINA
One of the greatest political challenges of the 21st century is the local
treatment of global social risks. Among these, the establishment of the
possibility of legal power to enforce interests is of utmost importance.
An essential element of this is the involvement of an ever-growing layer
of voters into decision making. However, these days, this fell into the
background because of the current and acute economic challenges. The
focus of the problem seems to be shifted. The reason for this shift is
to be found in the appearance of the so-called electoral democracies
in the former Eastern block and in the spreading of universal suffrage.
These weaknesses derive from the internal logic of the institutions that
are supposed to establish democracy. From these, the most significant
problem is provided by the difficulties of expressing minority interests
in the currently operating parliamentary systems. The European Union
set the goal to preserve the cementing force of the member states. This
political effort placed on regional bases highlighted some average (NUTS
2.)
solutions of the issue. These include e.g. the settling practice of British,
Spanish, Belgian, and Italian ethnic and national minority challenges
covering several decades back in time.
For the new millennium, the problem-solving models have become
more universal, globally followable, and exemplary models. After some
time, they have become the basic guiding requirements of democracy
for the
EU
applicant countries. Among others, this motivated Serbia
when it wanted to provide EU-conform answers for the challenges
arising from its multiethnic population structure and heterogeneous
geographic structure deriving from the local forms of territorial and
personal autonomies. An example for the first is the
regionalisation
of
the Voivodeship (the so-called statute-debate) coming from below while
an example for the latter is the issue of the representability of national
minorities constituting separate cultural worlds (the so-called National
Councils). This presentation wants to use the case of the Hungarians
in Serbia to highlight the political consequences of the problem and its
handling in a social-theoretical framework.
We want to handle the following separately:
1.
the institutions that actually came or are coming into being as a
result of political compromises;
ABSTRACTS
_________________________________________________________577
2.
their reception in political discourses;
3.
their
politologicei
consequences that can be derived from the
normative character of the long-term perspective: the development of the
partner nations from monolith national states into an equal community.
In the course of our investigation, we will draw a parallel between
the solutions of the abovementioned European examples and the Western
Balkan efforts that can be found in a narrower environment. In our
comparison, we try to present the institutional possibilities arising from
the different situations of politically relevant and residuary minorities. We
will also elaborate on the problem of theoretical and practical classification
possibilities of minority role-taking (loyalty, protest, and leaving).
Meanwhile, we keep in mind that the arising local solutions should
also serve the guiding institutional elaboration of the global challenges
of the 21st century.
Edina SZÖCSIK
FRIEND, FOE OR SIMPLY INDIFFERENT?
EU
CONDITIONALLY IN THE FIELD OF
MINORITY PROTECTION IN THE LIGHT OF THE
DEMANDS OF ETHNIC MINORITY PARTIES
Many studies analysed whether and how the
EU
succeeded to induce
a higher level of minority protection in Central and Eastern European
countries (CEECs) through the conditionality of the
EU
membership.
The prevalent opinion in the literature is that, in general, the
EU
conditionality was effective. However, the
EU
conditionality in the field
of minority protection came under criticism due to its lacking
EU
internal
foundations, its inconsistent application, and the lacking transparency
of the monitoring process by the European Commission. This paper
explores the
EU
conditionality in the field of minority protection from a
new angle. The aim of this paper is to assess in a descriptive manner how
the conditions in the field of minority protection of the
EU
are related to
the demands of ethnic minority parties during the accession process. Did
EU
conditionality support or undermine the demands of ethnic minority
parties? This question is highly relevant as ethnic minority parties provide
the political representation of national minorities in many cases and are
often the most important and legitimate actors pushing for higher levels
of minority protection in the domestic area of the CEECs. As an example,
the demands of the Hungarian minority party in Romania (UDMR) and
578
ABSTRACTS
the conditions of the
EU
related to the Hungarian minority are compared
based on the content analysis of the most important programmatic
documents of the two actors. The results show that the
EU
backed only
the demands of the UDMR in the field of restitution and Hungarian
language use but it did neither in the field of education in the Hungarian
language nor related to the reform of the public administration.
Edina-Ildikó
ŢIPŢER
THE SZEKLER AUTONOMY INITIATIVES
The aim of the present paper is to assess the feasibility of the Szekler
autonomy initiatives between
1989
and
2009
based on the nine criteria
of Yash Ghai. The conflict arose between the Romanian majority and
a Hungarian minority group, the Szeklers, who claim back their right
to territorial autonomy in order to preserve their national and cultural
identity in a region where they represent the majority of the inhabitants.
The conceptual framework in which the paper is embedded is represented
by the autonomy concept and the nine criteria of Yash Ghai. By analysing
the autonomy bills, statutes, and memoranda, I have reached to the
conclusion that not all the criteria are entirely fulfilled. Consequently,
my assessment is that even though the autonomy project has undergone
significant progress throughout the years, that was not enough for
complete success and further improvements are needed. However, with
the correction of the weaknesses I specified and paying more attention to
the unfulfilled criteria, the chances of success can appreciably increase.
Barna BODÓ-Alpár Zoltán SZÁSZ
DECONSTRUCTING A REGION: THE
BÁNAT/BÁNSÁG
The
Banat/Bánság
is a special region in Europe. Its modern history
began in
1716
when it was conquered back from the Turks and obtained a
special status as part of the
Habsburg
Empire. This meant that the region
became part of the latter without having to adopt its system of territorial
administration. The special status lasted approximately one hundred
years and entailed a rather unique colonisation policy practised by the
Viennese Court, which resulted in an ethnic diversity that is seemingly
unparalleled on the continent. These processes and their consequences
still influence the situation of the region and the life of the national
minorities inhabiting it.
ABSTRACTS
_________________________________________________________579
The primary aim of our paper is to identify the factors that currently
shape the regional discourses developed mainly on the basis of the
historical elements presented in the previous paragraph. Needless to say:
there are indeed several discourses. However, the one adopted by the
Romanian majority focuses on the basic values characterising the history
of the
Banat/Bánság
without mentioning which elements are attached to
national minorities. Rallying around this discourse devoid of elements
concerning minorities could call into question the future of the Banat s
minorities. The secondoray aim of our paper is to provide empirical
evidence for this process and analyse it.
Sébastien GOBERT
THE BACKSTAGE OF A SUCCESS STORY. MINORITY
PROTECTION IN LITHUANIA
Since it declared its independence in
1990,
Lithuania has been
praised for the consensual integration of its national minorities. Thanks
to a favourable demographic situation, the government adopted the so-
called, zero-option , that is an inclusive citizenship law, as early as
1989.
The further development of minority representative institutions
and media allowed Lithuania to overcome most of the problems Estonia
and Latvia had been facing.
Yet, despite this formal integration, some tensions still occur
among minorities, especially among the Polish community, the largest,
geographically most concentrated, and most controversial ethnic group.
Recurrent rows over the ,lithuanised spelling of Polish names on passports
and street signs, as well as regular reports on discrimination in the media
have demonstrated the contradiction between a well-achieved formal
integration and the persistence of prejudice and discrimination practices
among the majority population against the national minorities. Furthermore,
the recent introduction of an exclusive dual citizenship law, limited to a
part of the ethnic Lithuanians, has highlighted a structural divide between
the , ethnos and the /demos among the country s very citizenry.
This research stresses the existing lag between a successful formal
integration of Lithuania s minorities and their persisting status of ,alien
in the country s public discourse. This work intends to provide some
elements of understanding on why the inclusive and tolerant integration
framework has not yet led to the actual inclusion of the minorities.
The study focuses on the case of the Polish community. I investigate
ABSTRACTS
the legal provisions regarding minority integration on both domestic
and international scale, as well as the different theoretical conceptions
of citizenship. I examine then the most sensitive issues related to the
participation of ethnic Poles in Lithuanian public life and analyse the
short- and long-term consequences of their incomplete inclusion into the
Lithuanian public sphere.
Balázs MAJTÉNYI-András László PAP
MINORITY REGIMES AT WORK
-
HUNGARIAN
EXPERIENCES ON THE INTERRELATED COMPLEXITIES
OF DATA PROTECTION AND MINORITY PROTECTION
Looking at the regulatory context of the Republic of Hungary, this
essay proposes to examine the relationship between the protection of
sensitive data and protection against violations of minority rights, on the
one hand, and the free flow of ethnic data, which is required for the
unimpeded provision of additional rights, on the other hand. In other
words, we attempt to identify cases where a conflict between various
fundamental rights may arise, as well as the circumstances in which
placing restrictions on the right to the protection of personal data may be
justified in the interest of making a distinction between the fundamental
right associated with the prohibition of discrimination and the preferential
treatment (affirmative action or reverse discrimination) of disadvantaged
groups, as well as in order to uphold the constitutionally guaranteed
rights of national and ethnic minorities. Such cases often harbour a
conflict between even more fundamental rights than those mentioned
above, but the only lawful objective of any restriction is the protection
of subjective fundamental rights. In cases of preferential treatment,
however, the restriction is invariably based on the consent of the subject.
Pieter
H.
van
der
PLANK
A HISTORY OF COLLECTIVE MINORITY RIGHTS
IN THE EUROPEAN HISTORICAL CONTEXT
Autonomy was a traditional solution that state and church authorities
implemented to solve the problems of ethnic diversity predominantly
represented by religious denominations. Although the 17th century
Ancien Régimes
generally used compulsion and violence to maintain
homogeneity among the objects of their sovereignty, in the run of the 18th
ABSTRACTS
_______________________581
century, this policy was no longer a guarantee for stability and control.
Shifting political boundaries too often brought dissident denominations
under the control of states dedicated to other (state) religions. The
Age of Enlightenment would no longer accept traditional solutions of
converting and expelling minorities, and granted particular privileges,
in other words, collective rights, in order to control such minorities by
juridical isolation.
In the
1
9th century, collective rights were no longer acceptable in unitary
democratic states. Because their citizens emancipated from objects of the
sovereign to subjects of the state, they had to become individuals equal in
rightsandlivingtogetherunderthesamelaws.InWesternEurope.aso-called
Kulturkampf
(culture struggle) was necessary to secure the predominance
of the state over the (Roman Catholic) Church, restricting her jurisdiction.
So, the national democratic concept became successful in mono-
national Western European states. In East-Central Europe, it could not be
implemented without a severe threat to the integrity of the multinationally
composed states: Russia, Austria-Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire.
Here, national dissident emancipation was fostered by strongholds in
religious denominations and organisations. Anyway, the great powers
had to cope with growing and centrifugal national separatist movements
among their citizens. Each of them tried to solve this problem in different
and often reactive and repressive ways, and none of them succeeded.
Austria tried in vain to work out compromises between personal,
collective, and territorial rights. In this respect, important contributions
were made by social democrats
(Renner
and Bauer) with the aim to
reconcile old collective and new individual rights in a territorial solution.
But besides an interesting implementation of their ideas in the crown
provinces of Moravia and Bucovina, an outspoken nationalism dominated
the discourse in other provinces, paralysing any further debate and the
development of a tolerant and liberal climate.
The collapse of the multinational great powers in
W W
I gave way to
the political reorganisation of Central Europe in some seven new nation-
states founded by the Peace-Treaties of Paris on the confusing basic
principle of the international law: the Peoples Right of Self-determination.
Although this right was a collective one, giving a people sovereignty as
a nation was implemented in states inhabited not only by such a nation
but also by large national dissident minorities, mounting up to thirty
million Central Europeans. State citizenship proved to be a weak concept
in the new nation-states. They were not able, and most of them also not
582
ABSTRACTS
willing, to work out a compromise between constitutionally guaranteed
individual rights of their citizen subjects and the need of collective rights
by those citizens belonging to minority groups willing to maintain a social
and cultural life of their own. Since then, religious as well as national
provisions of minorities have deteriorated under state jurisdiction,
becoming play things in the hands of politicians.
In the last years before the outbreak of WW II, the Axis Powers in
co-operation with the Soviet Union provoked and forced large-scale
territorial annexations as a correction upon the peace-treaties, making the
fear for
irridenti
real. Even new national (puppet) states were erected for
nations who formerly had not received recognition in the peace-treaties.
These territorial solutions could only solve the old minority problems
by creating new ones. Ethnic cleansing was carried out to enforce
national homogeneity within the new boundaries. Jewish minorities were
eliminated by genocide. In German-occupied territories, German-speaking
minorities were privileged by a collective status. In agreement with the
state authorities of the Axis-confederates, some and in particular also
these
germanophone
minorities got a bi-national status, and finally had
to accept German nationality exclusively. These constitutional distortions
discredited collective minority status as a solution.
After the war, the victorious Allied Powers considered the existence
of minorities to have been a war cause in the hands of the Axis Powers
and their confederates, and collective minority rights still to be a source
of severe international troubles for the future. They not only decided
to return to the pre-war state boundaries (with the exception of the
annexations by the Soviet Union) but also to accept and even guide
massive national cleansing of the population within these boundaries.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights reflects this juridical re-
enforcement of the individual citizen, but in a new quality: as a sovereign
human subject of a state. The date of the proclamation can hardly be
coincidental: December
1948,
just after three years of the massive and
forceful replacing of some twenty million Central Europeans just because
of an unwanted ethnic or national identity.
Since then, in the Soviet-controlled parts of Europe, minority
problems were marginalised in bureaucratic regulation. The socialist
peoples republics implemented an ideological solution of these problems,
making individual rights unnecessary and collective rights unlawful.
Only one territorial experiment
-
the autonomous Szekler region in
Romania
-
had a short and unhappy life.
ABSTRACTS
583
In
1990,
a new era would start, giving new perspectives to minority
rights within the framework of a European legislature. And, covered by
this jurisdiction, national minorities should no longer be a threat to the
integrity of a modern European state. Nevertheless, anachronistic reflexes
still continue to define and (mis)use their existential need for collective
rights as such.
Maik
SCHMERBAUCH
THE TREATMENT OF MINORITIES IN
RELIGIOUS PERSPECTIVE: THE CATHOLIC
CHURCH AND THE GERMAN MINORITY IN
UPPER SILESIA BETWEEN
1922
AND
2010
With the exception of my researches and investigations during the
last years, there has not been any scientific or modern research on this
topic in the (ecclesiastical) history, although the relationship between
the Catholic Church and the German Catholic minority in the diocese of
Kattowitz between
1922
and
1939
was a very interesting and important
period of the twentieth century ecclesiastical history.
After the defeat of the German Empire at the end of the First Word
War in
1918,
the German province of Upper Silesia was divided by
the
Völkerbund
between Poland and Germany in
1922.
So the eastern
part of Upper Silesia, with the important industry area of Kattowitz
and
Königshütte,
went to Poland. In this area, there had lived over one
million inhabitants of Polish and German origin, although the Upper
Silesian folklore has been a mixed one with German and Polish elements
intermingled for centuries so that one couldn t identify a person as
expressly German or Polish. Normally, a person identified his nationality
with the language he spoken and the confession to his own folklore. So,
after
1922,
there has been a big exodus of German Upper Silesians from
this part into the German Empire while Polish people came to the new
Polish Upper Silesia from all parts of this country. Finally, around
20%
of German people remained in this area as a political minority in the
Polish
Wojewodschaft
of Silesia between
1922
and
1939.
This political
process has caused a changing process even in the Catholic Church.
Upper Silesia was a very Catholic part and in
1922
it belonged to the big
German diocese of
Breslau
with Bishop Cardinal Bertram. After
1922,
the Holy See decided to create a new diocese in the part of East-Upper
Silesia that was divided from Germany. So, in
1925,
the Holy Seat created
584
ABSTRACTS
the new Polish diocese of Kattowitz with its first bishop, Cardinal Hlond,
who was followed by Arkadisuz Lisiecki
(1926-1930)
and then Stanislaus
Adamski
(1930-1967).
For the new Polish diocese, the existence of a Catholic minority they
now had to take care was a new experience in this area. For centuries,
German and Polish Catholics had lived peacefully in their community,
shared the churches for the services, praised together, and went together
to the big pilgrim places in Upper Silesia such as
Annaberg
or
Piekary.
Because of the political change in
1922,
there has developed a great
mistrust between German and Polish inhabitants not only in general
matters but also in the Catholic life. Consequently, the German Catholics
were angry to lose their former way of life in the church they had enjoyed
as German citizens. The Bishop of Kattowitz and his priests recognised
this problem in their communities and tried everything to avoid political
problems in the Catholic Church during the time between
1922
and
1939.
For them, it was clear that regarding faith, there could not be a difference
between the faith of a German and that of a Polish. The Church was the
shelter without any folkloristic problems. But this matter was hard to
manage. The German priests tried for several of times to avoid radicalism
among the German Catholics during the period between
1922
and
1939.
They provided and supported the German Catholic societies: the children,
the youth, men, and women all went together to the great pilgrim places;
they taught them about social and religious life and warned them not
to believe in the new political systems of Nazism and communism,
which tried to convince the German faithful to their ideology. With their
efforts, the Catholic Church could convince the majority of the German
Catholics very successfully to stay in the Church until the end of the
thirties. This time, the political situation between Germany and Poland
changed for the worse, and the Polish government of Upper Silesia began
to persecute a lot of societies and magazines of the German minority until
the beginning of World War
2
in
1939,
which could not be prevented
even by the Catholic Church.
So, the discussion and exploration of this area of the twentieth century
ecclesiastical history is expected to be a huge project with new results for
the current research. I think, this project is going to give new perspectives
to minority research in Catholic theology and will offer new ways how to
handle as Catholics a religious community living in minority.
ABSTRACTS
______________________________________________________585
Jeroen TEMPERMAN
RECOGNITION/REGISTRATION
POLICIES
TOWARDS
RELIGIOUS MINORITIES: A COMPARATIVE LEGAL
ANALYSIS AND A HUMAN RIGHTS-BASED ANALYSIS
The issue of freedom of association is inextricably linked up with
the freedoms enjoyed by organised religious groups. Focusing on Eastern
European countries, this paper examines the question of what the precise
legal ramifications of the norm which holds that states may not discriminate
between different religions and beliefs are in the field of registration of
religions. It will be outlined that religious association laws may be used in
practice to confirm and/or cover up historical financial prerogatives of the
dominant and traditional religion of the state (i.e. Eastern Orthodox national
churches predominantly, in most states in this region that maintain
de
jure
or
de
facto ties with this religion) or to restrain the activities of religious
groups (in secular states with strict interpretations of state secularism or
separationism). Thus, it may be that financial support schemes are based
on the
prima
facie neutral criteria ( all recognised/registered religions and
beliefs receive funding ) but the rules for registration, in turn, are actually
not. If a state s predominant religion or church is automatically granted
financial support yet other religious groups are to go through arduous
procedures to reach that same level of legal recognition, the policy of
allocation of financial benefits can hardly be considered based on objective
criteria . The same holds true,
α
fortiori, if religious association laws lay
out illegitimate registration criteria that non-dominant or non-traditional
religious communities can simply never meet. Thus, two different issues
which may both lead to discrimination against certain religions can be
distinguished from each other: (i) basic recognition as a legal entity by the
state (and the rights that come with this status); (ii) eligibility criteria for
state funding (which is often interwoven with the issue of the status of the
religious groups). On the basis of state policies towards the recognition
of religious groups and, more specifically, on the basis of the terms and
criteria enshrined in so-called religious association laws , it might happen
that a religious community is denied legal entity status altogether, or a
religious community might be granted this basic legal status but finds
itself disadvantaged nonetheless when compared to churches or religious
organisations that are granted a (higher) status making them eligible for
additional benefits. The paper presents a comparative legal overview of state
practice in this region so as to chart the main issues in this field.
586
ABSTRACTS
The paper will argue that registration systems as such can be reconciled
with human rights law (on the basis that neither the manifestation of a
religion nor the right to freedom of association is an absolute freedom).
Equitable policies of recognition and registration of religions and religious
organisations could in fact facilitate and accommodate religious freedoms.
Having said that, state practice is that these policies are occasionally
designed and implemented not with a view towards facilitating religious
freedom but rather so as to tightly control the practice of religion, actively
discriminate against what these governments consider dangerous sects ,
or privilege the traditional and predominant church. The paper will argue
that the precise requirements for registration must strictly accord with the
international standards on freedom of association being in conjunction
with freedom of religion or belief.
Fahri TURK
THE HISTORICAL AND THE PRESENT STATUS
OF THE TURKISH MINORITY IN BULGARIA
Although the Bulgarian Turks had been suppressed by the government
authorities since the Independence of Bulgarian Kingdom in
1908,
after
the collapse of the communism they have gradually become the most
influential minority in Eastern Europe. According to the
2005
census in
Bulgaria, there live
7,450,000
people totally, out of which the Bulgarian
Turks make up
9.4 % (700,300).
Although Sofia guaranteed the cultural and religious rights of
the Turks according to bilateral agreements with Ankara, it started to
suppress the Turkish minority to a great extent in
1984.
The Bulgarian
government banned the usage of Turkish names for its citizens. So, the
Turkish minority had to take Bulgarian names until
1991.
It was even
forbidden to speak Turkish in public places. In the end, the Bulgarian
government declared that it would not recognise a Turkish minority in
Bulgaria. The Turks in Bulgaria were not Turks but Bulgarians forced to
convert into Islam by the Ottoman government.
After the collapse of the communist system, the Turkish minority
engaged itself in the political arena of Bulgaria. S, the Rights and Liberties
Party, whose members are from the Turkish minority, gained
34
seats in
the 240-seat parliament during the general elections in
2005.
Afterwards,
the Rights and Liberties Party took part in building a new coalition
government in Sofia, where it was represented by three ministers. This
ABSTRACTS
587
engagement
gave the Turkish minority the possibility to regain their rights
they had lost in the wake of the assimilation policy of Todor Zhivkov. In
January
1991,
the Bulgarian government allowed the Turkish minority to
learn Turkish in the schools where they live in majority such as in the city
of Razgrad. Beside that, the National Bulgarian Radio started to broadcast
Turkish programmes in
1993.
The
EU
membership of Bulgaria gave new
impulse to the Turkish minority to become aware of their cultural and
other civil rights.
Eleni
VELIVASAKI
ACCOMMODATING RELIGIOUS PLURALITIES:
THE CASE OF GREECE
The question of how to manage diversity has been central in today s
prominent debates on multiculturalism. The region of the Balkans has
demonstrated a number of techniques and policies in dealing with
diversity, varying from violent wars to silent assimilation and the
unique technique of exchange of populations. In the case of Greece, the
recognition of broad religious rights
-
what at first seems as a rather
compatible method to manage diversity, considering all the human rights
and tolerance requirements of the modern times
-
has been reserved
for the only officially recognised minority of the country, namely the
Muslim/Turkish minority of Western Thrace. Yet, what we experience
today in Greece is the paradox survival of the neo-millet system by the
sustenance of pro-modern community institutions and the recognition
of special religious rights for a religious minority that has been gradually
nationalised. An Islamic personal law system is applicable for the
members of the minority, who may take their private law disputes of
inheritance and family matters to the courts of special jurisdiction, the
Muftis. This paper aims to examine the institutional solution of the
neo-millet system and evaluate any positive results achieved by the
accommodation of Islamic law as a separate normative order. For this
purpose, I will briefly discuss the extent and input of Islamic law within
the Greek legal system as well as the religious rights awarded to the
minority. Finally, I will attempt an assessment of the Greek example: is it
a legal anachronism or an applied multiculturalism, a possible model for
today s European minority policies?
588
ABSTRACTS
István HORVÁTH
MINORITIES, MINORITY PROTECTION IN ROMANIA
The article is a general overview of the Romanian situation of
national minorities and and a brief analysis of the post
1990
shaped
minority protection system in Romania. The first two parts are analysing
the Romanian ethnic landscape with a special focus on the margins of
the panorama: ethnographic groups striving for official recognition as
national minorities and the (still marginal) presence of the new, immigrant
minorities. Figures and demographic dynamics of the recognized national
minorities are presented followed by indicators on the ethno-linguistic
vitality of these groups. Also a typology of Romanian minority ethno-
geography is outlined too.
Analysing the Romanian minority protection system the article first
offers a historical overview of the last two decades ethno-political debates
and trends, and in the last part of the article the major institutions of the
present day Romanian minority protections system are inventoried.
János Kristóf Murádin
RECOMMENCEMENT WITHOUT PROSPECTS.
THE TRANSYLVANIAN MUSEUM
SOCIETY BETWEEN
1944
AND
1950
My lecture deals with a most controversial period in the life of
a Hungarian academic-scientific institute from Transylvania. The
Transylvanian Museum Society (TMS) was founded in
1859,
based on
the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, and it was the most important
scientific institute for the Hungarians living in the region. Its life of
ups
and downs seems to reflect the destiny of the separated nation. This
comparison becomes distinct most strikingly in the events of the period
between
1944
and
1950,
which was the period of narrow opportunities
and of increasingly limited scopes for action both in the history of the
TMS and the life of the Hungarians living in Transylvania.
Many people have written and expressed their opinions about the
TMS in many ways, but one thing is certain: the importance and defining
role in the Hungarian cultural life of this scientific institution has never
been disputed. This might be the reason why in
1944
the new Romanian
power occupying Northern Transylvania, in the shade of the Soviet
arms, aimed at making impossible, putting an end to, and winding up
ABSTRACTS
589
the leading institutional structure of the Hungarians and among them,
the TMS seated in
Kolozsvár.
In my lecture, I am trying to present this silent and continuous battle
going on behind the scenes between the scientific institution and the
state. First of all, I am trying to outline the steadily regenerated TMS
-
a
scientific institution trying to meet the political-ideological expectations
of the period
-
in the continuously changing transition period following
the war. At the same time, I will follow with stressed attention the
scientific work, the bringing out of publications, creating a historic past,
and organising educational and scientific series of lectures carried out
within the TMS, marking the end of an era.
Benedek NAGY
SZEKLERLANDrTHETOURISTICWAYTOAUTONOMY
The main purpose of our short article is to outline if there are other
possible ways for obtaining the so much desired autonomy. The political
way is already very much exploited and probably efficient, too, to a
certain extent. But probably there would be a need for some other ways
of communication, too, for convincing the Romanian majority about
the existence and the importance of an ethnic minority such as the
Hungarians in Transylvania, and within that, the Szeklers.
In the first part, we try to present the current political and public
life events and evolutions in our region, to demonstrate that there is a
strengthening internal will to have a self-governing structure for Szeklerland
and to have common projects, so to say, Szekler regional initiatives. These
were absent in the
1990s,
but now we can experience a rise in the number and
quality of the different kind of Szekler „products : common development
projects, tourism initiatives, communication, scientific works, and so on.
In the second part, we present the tourism-related communication and
the symbols used for these purposes, as well. What are the regional symbols,
who use them, and how much are they unified and conceptually settled?
The third part should bring foreign, best-practice examples in Europe,
where the local tourism and communication has contributed to the
process of
regionalisation
not only through the gained incomes and taxes
but also by the changes they have achieved with the communication and
proclamation of the distinct elements of the local cultures.
This way, if used with a very conspicuous manner, tourism can have
-
in our belief
-
a double positive effect: beside generating a wide range of
590__________________________________________________________
ABSTRACTS
healthy
economie
effects (we are not going to deal with them in this paper),
it can also persuade a very opposing national majority about the importance
of preserving cultural heritage, different ethnic values, and, above all, that
difference does not necessarily mean segregation, or exclusion.
Marton TONK-Tünde
SZÉKELY
PRESENT AND FUTURE OF HIGHER EDUCATION
IN THE HUNGARIAN LANGUAGE IN ROMANIA
The purpose of the study is to analyse the current problems and
challenges of Hungarian language education policy in Romania in the
context of the education policy of the European Union, respectively, the
processes going on in the European Higher Education Area. In this sphere
of thought, we briefly outline some of the consequences of the so-called
Bologna Process regarding domestic higher education (and Hungarian
minority higher education within it), after which we attempt to analyse
the specific problems of Hungarian language university education. In
the course of the latter inquiry, which is the larger part of our study,
we intend to be mindful of both the national policy, demographic and
minority aspects pertaining to the Transylvanian Hungarian minority and
the higher education offer and institutional system in a qualified sense.
Our analyses can obviously not ignore the
topos
of the independent
Hungarian language state university either
-
its dilemmas and questions
constitute the last thematic unit of our study.
CONTENTS
Foreword
.................................................17
I. ETHNO-REGIONAHSM, STATELESS NATIONS, AUTONOMIES
AND FEDERALISM IN WESTERN EUROPE
Britt Cartrite
New Nations in Old Europe: Ethnogenesis and Ethnopolitical
Mobilisation in the Shetland and Orkney Islands of Scotland.
... 21
Tove H.
Malloy
Minority Rights and the Dynamics of Europeanisation:
Convergence in the Regional Governance of the Danish-German
Border Region or What One Preaches, the Other Practises
.......37
Klaus-Jürgen Nagel
Between Independence in Europe , a Europe with a Hundred
Flags , and a Europe of or with the Regions . Conceptualising
the Relation between Stateless Nations and European
Integration in Western Europe
(1945-2010)..................61
Ivan Serrano
Constitutional Preferences, National Identity and Electoral
Behaviour: The Three Circles of Nationalism
.................87
István Szilágyi
Spain: from the Autonomy Model to the Federalism.
The Case of Catalonia
..................................107
II. LANGUAGE RIGHTS AND CULTURAL POLICIES TARGETING
MINORITIES IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE
Goran Bandov
The Protection of the Mother Tongue of National and Ethnic
Minority Communities in the Republic of Croatia
............123
Michael Hornsby
-
Tomasz Wicherkiewicz
To Be or Not to Be (A Minority)? The Case of the
Kashubians in Poland
...................................141
6_________________________________________________________CONTENTS
Lászió Marácz
Language Policies in Central and East European States with
Hungarian Minorities: Implications for Linguistic Rights
Protection of National Minorities in the
EU.................155
Mykola Riabchuk
Making Sense of Ambiguity: Redefining Minority-Majority
Relations in a Post-Soviet Country
.........................185
III. THE POLITICAL REPRESENTATION OF MINORITIES AND THE
PROSPECTS OF AUTONOMY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE
Andrei
Avram
Territorial Autonomy of the Gagauz in the Republic
of Moldova: a Case Study
................................211
Ana
Pavlovic
Contemporary Minority Protection in Europe: Collision and
Harmony between National and International Law
...........237
Csaba Máté Sarnyai
-
Tibor Pap
Personal Autonomy and/or National Councils in
Vojvodina.....251
Edina Szöcsik
Friend, Foe or Simply Indifferent?
EU Conditionality
in
the Field of Minority Protection in the Light of the
Demands of Ethnic Minority Parties
.......................277
Edina-Ildikó
Ţipţer
The Szekler Autonomy Initiatives
.........................303
IV. THE TROUBLED PASTS AND PRESENTS OF ETHNICALLY OR
RELIGIOUSLY DIVIDED SOCIETIES
Barna
Bodo -
Alpár Zoltán Szász
Deconstructing
a Region:
the
Banat/Bánság
..................329
Sébastien Gobert
The Backstage of a Success Story. Minority Protection
in Lithuania
...........................................351
Balázs Majtényi
-
András László Pap
Minority Regimes at Work
-
Hungarian Experiences
CONTENTS 7
on the Interrelated Complexities of Data Protection and
Minority Protection
.....................................367
Pieter
H.
van
der Plank
A History of Collective Minority Rights in the
European Historical Context
.............................393
Maik
Schmerbauch
The Treatment of Minorities in Religious Perspective:
The Catholic Church and the German Minority
in Upper Silesia between
1922
and
2010...................413
Jeroen Temperman
Recognition/Registration Policies towards Religious Minorities:
A Comparative Legal Analysis and a Human
Rights-Based Analysis
..................................425
Fahri
Türk
The Historical and the Present Status of the Turkish
Minority in Bulgaria
...................................443
Eleni Velivasaki
Accommodating Religious Pluralities: The Case of Greece
.....455
V. ETHNOPOLITICS AND MINORITY PROTECTION IN ROMANIA
István Horváth
Minorities, Minority Protection in Romania
.................475
János Kristóf Murádin
Recommencement without Prospects. The Transylvanian
Museum Society between
1944
and
1950...................501
Benedek Nagy
Szeklerland: The Touristic Way to Autonomy
................527
Márton Tonk-Tünde Székely
Present and Future of Higher Education in the Hungarian
Language in Romania
...................................549
Abstracts
................................................563
Kivonatok
...............................................591
Rezumate ...............................................
621
About the Authors
.........................................651
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| indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:28:12Z |
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| spelling | Minority politics within the Europe of regions ed. by István Horváth ... 1. engl. ed. Cluj-Napoca Scientia Publ. House [u.a.] 2011 660 S. graph. Darst., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Workshop Minderheitenpolitik (DE-588)4170001-6 gnd rswk-swf Region (DE-588)4049029-4 gnd rswk-swf Osteuropa (DE-588)4075739-0 gnd rswk-swf Westeuropa (DE-588)4079215-8 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content Westeuropa (DE-588)4079215-8 g Minderheitenpolitik (DE-588)4170001-6 s Region (DE-588)4049029-4 s DE-604 Osteuropa (DE-588)4075739-0 g Horváth, István 1966- (DE-588)12396332X edt Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025472929&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025472929&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Minority politics within the Europe of regions Minderheitenpolitik (DE-588)4170001-6 gnd Region (DE-588)4049029-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4170001-6 (DE-588)4049029-4 (DE-588)4075739-0 (DE-588)4079215-8 (DE-588)4143413-4 |
| title | Minority politics within the Europe of regions |
| title_auth | Minority politics within the Europe of regions |
| title_exact_search | Minority politics within the Europe of regions |
| title_full | Minority politics within the Europe of regions ed. by István Horváth ... |
| title_fullStr | Minority politics within the Europe of regions ed. by István Horváth ... |
| title_full_unstemmed | Minority politics within the Europe of regions ed. by István Horváth ... |
| title_short | Minority politics within the Europe of regions |
| title_sort | minority politics within the europe of regions |
| topic | Minderheitenpolitik (DE-588)4170001-6 gnd Region (DE-588)4049029-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Minderheitenpolitik Region Osteuropa Westeuropa Aufsatzsammlung |
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