Britania e Madhe dhe çështja shqiptare: (1875 - 1913)
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| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Albanian |
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Prishtinë
Inst. i Historisë
2011
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| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache. - Zugl.: Tirana, Univ., Diss., 2009 |
| Physical Description: | 331 S. |
| ISBN: | 9789951409254 |
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Record in the Search Index
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| adam_text |
Dr.
Frashër DEMAJ |
BRITANIA
E
MADHE DHE ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
1875-1913
Summary
GREAT BRITAIN AND ALBANIAN ISSUE
(1875-1913)
The Albanian historiography is increasingly paying attention to the
significance of relations Albanians had with other nations and governments of
uropean states, which directly or indirectly had influential consequences in
eterminingthe history of Albanian people and the state. Great Britain as a part
0
the Powerful group of states had a very important role, in particular during
♦h 19th centurV and beginnings of the 20th century. The idea to review
e Position of the British diplomacy in regard to Albanians and Balkans comes
naturally as a result of its strength diplomatically, politically and militarily. Great
"tain not only was part of Great Powers, but a powerful state itslef, a very
influential, even determinant factor from the emergence of the Eastern Crisis in
the European territories.
The British government after the Crimean War was quite engaged and
Pa'd a lot of attention to the struggle for national unity of Italy and Germany,
a ways observing with interest political and military developments. Supporting
e Peace Treaty of Paris, British Government became the party which guaranteed
he territorial integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire. This attitude
° British diplomacy had no tendentious
pretentions
on the peoples under the
? Vornan
occupation, as to the British policy more important has been preserving
"
^Presenting its interests than the right of peoples for liberation.
ne
position of British diplomacy toward the Ottoman Empire and Balkans in
eginnings of the Eastern Crisis infers its commitment and attitude in the first
Phase of the Crisis.
The British government had been committed to stop the Russian
advance
in
Balkans as much as possible with political course and diplomacy.
'sraeli stated to public that British interests in the East are as much important,
.
S ln
апУ
other part of the world hence the Government cannot afford to stand
"different in relation to the developments taking place in Southeast Europe.
303
Dr.
Frashër DEMAJ |
BRITANIA
E
MADHE DHE ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
1875-1913
With the break out of the Russo-Turkish war in
1877,
Disraeli Government
declared that it would remain neutral as long as British interests would not be
violated. But this "neutrality" of the British government did not last for long,
as with Russian army marching towards
Edirne,
Disraeli's government on
23
January
1878
ordered the British fleet to head for Istanbul.
The Eastern Crisis is among the most important events in the second half
of the 19th century, and one of the most influential and determinant factors for
the course of developments, undoubtedly has been the Great Britain. Albanians
were not implicated as a determinant factor that conditioned emergence or
termination of the crisis, but rather as a general part of this crisis being under the
Ottoman rule which had become the epicentre of international developments.
Determination of the Great Powers, especially of Great Britain and France, with
Serbian-Montenegrin armies marching assaulting toward Albanian lands in the
north and the Greek government preparing to annex southern lands created a
very unfavourable situation for the future perspective of Albania.
In times when Russia had established advantage, Great Britain urged
its active diplomacy. On
21
July
1877,
Disraeli convinced his government
cabinet that in case Russians invade Constantinople, Britain should declare
war to Russia. Furthermore, the British government made an agreement with
Austria for a common action if Russians were make big advances. Under these
circumstances, Russia and the Ottoman Empire ended the struggle and signed
a peace agreement on
3
March
1878
in Saint
Stefano.
This treaty severely
impinged Albanian territories.
Albanians found out the contents of the Saint-Stephen Treaty in April
1878,
when it was officially proclaimed. The treaty revealed the consideration of
Russian Empire toward Albania as a Turkish land to be divided among its allies in
the Balkans.
Albanians considered that Great Britain and some other European
powers would accept in principle the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and
under this circumstances would consider the idea to form a state on their
own. Nevertheless, as the British diplomacy did not accept the collapse of the
Ottoman Empire, this idea could not be accomplished.
The British Government expressed its disagreement with the Russian-
Turkish Treaty, urging the
organizatìon
of an international conference to address
the decisions of the Treaty of
San Stefano,
which severely impinged territorial
integrity of the Ottoman Empire and under it Albanian lands.
The formation of the Albanian League of Prizren, emphasised a particular
interest of British diplomacy for political developments in Albanian territories.
304
Dr.
Frashër DEMAJ
BRITANIA
E
MADHE DHE ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
1875-1913
Albanian demands for liberation from the Ottoman rule did not find
support and backing of the Great Britain. Gladstone supporters who constantly
advocated the national rights of "Christians" in Balkans, despite knowing the
existence of Christian Catholics and Orthodox, they regarded Albanians for
Muslim population. Whenever, they would mention "Arnauts", they would be
labelled and identified with Ottoman forces responsible for repression against
Christians.
A very important role for British government opinion and the decision-
making process had consular representations and other diplomatic circles
accredited in field.
A very significant role in the period between
1878-1881
in the creation
of political opinion for Albanians have had the British consulates in Prizren,
Shkodra,
Manastiri,
Janina,
Preveza,
Shkupi,
Larissa, Sofia,
Thessaloniki
and the
British embassy in Istanbul. British consul Saint John was among the most active
diplomatic representatives in Prizren from the Great Powers group.
Saint John's close friendship with his Russian colleague, influenced his
interpretation of Albanian question, full of Yastrebov's prejudices and deliberate
intentions. Saint John's thesis was dismissed from highest ranking diplomat Lord
Edmond
Fitzmaurice,
who pointed out that John's reports "for him personally
are dubious". Fitzmaurice information on the region came from Konstanin
Kristoforidhi, who provided very different accounts.
British diplomat Kirby Green as well as other consuls and diplomats
came to Albania without a deep and full knowledge on Albanian people, but
often times with prejudices, especially when labelling them on a religious basis,
sometimes even as Turkish or Ottoman.
Kirby Green often seems to have been in blunder, believed that only
Catholic Albanians had seriously tendency for autonomy, and the League of
Prizren was essentially a Muslim organization. Kirby Green persistently continued
to feed his opinion that the League had no "national" dimension involved under
its activities and ambitions. George
Goschen,
who replaced Henry Layard in the
summer of
1880,
was one of the most impressive British diplomats, who dealt
with Albanian question and Balkan problems during his career of diplomat.
Goschen
presented his arguments in a letter addressed to Lord Granville,
written on
26
July
1880,
characterized by two main aspects: fairness or justice
in one hand, and the real politics, on the other side. He pointed out correctly
that "the Albanian movement ensued completely natural. An equally ancient
and distinguished race as all the other neighbouring nationalities surrounding
them, which have witnessed the protection of various European powers, and are
fed with aspirations for an independent entity."
305
Dr.
Frashër DEMAJ |
BRITANIA
E
MADHE DHE ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
1875-1913
In times when the League of Prizren and the Congress of Berlin
organization, Albanians sought support for the realization of their national
rights through memorandums, petitions, demands and protests addressed to
the British government, demonstrating their continual strive for freedom and
creation of the national state, and their fight for protection of the borders. Also,
the diplomatic mission in London headed by Abdyl Frasheri and
Mehmet
Vrioni
should be recognized for its particular contribution. The Albanian delegation
decided to visit Rome, Paris, London, Berlin, Vienna and finally Istanbul. On
5
May
1879,
the delegation headed for London after their visit in Paris, where they
arrived on
8
May
1879
after a long and tedious journey.
The head of British diplomacy hesitated that meeting with Abdyl
Frashëri
and
Mehmet Ali
Vrioni in Foreign Office, would be interpreted by the Porte as a
de
facto recognition by London of the Albanian League of Prizren, which could
cause reaction of Istanbul. However, Solsbury could not "hide" his interest
to meet and talk with the Albanian delegation. He expressed his willingness
to receive two Albanian delegates, privately, at his home where he has had a
discussion there.
Congress of Berlin managed to devaluate the Treaty of
San Stefano
imposed by Russian victory against the Ottoman Empire. Albanians were severely
damaged by the content of this Treaty. And Britain did not come in support of
their demands.
The Great Britain did not recognize the autonomy of Albania, as it has
been traditionally the ally of the Ottoman Empire and a supporter of the status-
quo in Balkans. Britain considered that fall of the Ottoman Empire would be a
"catastrophe", hence backed and defended it for as long as possible its existence.
Nevertheless, British diplomacy regarded that inclusion of Albanians under
Greek borders was "exaggerated" and that would rather harm than empower
Greece itself. Britain had promised Greece to consent the exchange of Cypruss
for
Janina.
London feared that disagreements between peoples of Balkans risked
to induce a new Balkan war which would necessarily implicate and affect the
United Kingdom in various aspects.
Lord
Edmond
Fitzmaurice
raised the Albanian issue on April
28, 1880
when the in the meeting with representatives of the international commission in
Istanbul. He stated that Albanians require a unique administration as they are a
different race with their unique history, hence merit a future on their own. Lord
Fitzmaurice backed by his Government and the British Ambassador in Istanbul
Lord
Goschen
have unfolded the project for the Eastern Rumelia.
306
Dr.
Frashër DEMAJ
BRITANIA
E
MADHE DHE ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
1875-1913
The British project foresaw autonomy of Albania under which would be
established four independent administrative districts with centres in Shkodra,
Prizren, Elbasan and
Berat,
and recommended to the Sublime Porte to adjoin
into a single governor Vilayets of Shkodra,
Janina,
Kosova
and
Manastiri.
British
representative Fitzmaurice insisted and acknowledged the right of Albanians
for "national development, as other nations of the Balkan Peninsula". British
proposal came under fierce opposition by the other Powers which not only
rejected, but forcefully opposed this idea.
The suppression of the League of Prizren found Albanian position
worsened, furthermore because of the alienation with the Ottoman rule.
A document of British Consulate in Shkodra dated on
14
February
1882,
which is addressed to the British government, states that people of the
North-eastern areas of Albania do not accept any reform of the Sublime Porte.
Albanians did not obey orders of the Turkish government, but rather they have
been very angered and alienated by the Porte, whom they considered to be the
main culprit for the disintegration of their country.
The crisis of
1879,
provided the basis for the Turkish-Greek conflict
on Crete began to set again in motion the British diplomacy. Violation of the
status-quos in Balkans set in motion the governing circles of all European states,
which had interests in this area. According to British view the Turkish-Greek war
can also trigger other movements of peoples in Balkans, especially in Albania
and Macedonia. Great Britain's foreign policy for Balkans aimed to prevent any
instigation on the other Balkan states.
At the time of the League of
Peja,
many British diplomats intentionally
or inadvertently confused the religious adherence with Albanians national
demands, and all insurgent activities and actions regarded as a request "for a
better life" within the Ottoman Empire, but not as demands and activities with
national goals.
During the period between
1900
and
1912
the crisis of the Ottoman rule
deepened in Albania. Albanian demands attracted the attention of the British
diplomatic circles as the result of ceaseless diplomatic activities of Albanian
politicians and diplomats as Ismail Qemali,
Faik Konica,
Ibrahim
Temo
and others.
The activities of these patriots were followed with interest by the British, Austro-
Hungarian, Italian, French, Germans Consuls and others who send reports to
their governments, informing about the activities of Albanians in their efforts for
realization national rights.
Britain applied active policy to prevent the incursion and strengthening
of economic, political and strategic positions of its rivals, especially Russians.
307
Dr.
Frashër DEMAJ |
BRITANIA
E
MADHE DHE
ÇËSHTJA
SHQIPTARE
1875-1913
Rivalry between Austro-Hungary and Italy as a result brought in the
agreement for an Albanian state, if situation of circumstances in the region
changes. Even in Britain had begun to find support the idea of Turkey's exclusion
from the Balkans, and the separation of its European territories between the
Balkans states.
The need for the reformation in the Ottoman Empire brought Young Turks
Revolution in
1908.
Preparation for the Young Turks revolution included many
Albanians who believed that Young Turks would show a new political mentality
and gradually would allow Albanians to realize their national demands. Young
Turk Revolution also drew reactions from the Great Powers. British diplomacy
showed its concern and fears that situation can escalate and turn into civil war in
the Ottoman Empire. In this case, it could seriously threatened British interests
in the region.
London reacted to Albanian insurgency of
1910-1911.
Britain's reaction
was consistent to its position in regard to Albanians and Balkans. The British
warned Istanbul not to incite violence and conflicts in a very inappropriate time
for the Empire, as the Balkan countries were eagerly awaiting escalation of
situation to enter into a war against the Ottomans.
The British policy was clearly reflected in reports and correspondence
of its diplomacy. Thus, the British vice-consul in
Mănăstiri,
Geary in the letter
addressed to his ambassador in Istanbul, Mr. Marling mentioned the persistence
and the statement of Albanian national movement for national rights.
British interest on Albania comes to attention in a report of British
ambassador in Vienna, Sir T. Rael sent to Edward Grey on June
25, 1911
informing on Albanian uprising and intervention of some of the Great Powers to
the Sublime Porte for avoiding violence. Also, it contained articles of the Vienna
press for events taking place in Albania.
With the outbreak of the general uprising of
1912
leaders of the National
Movement made efforts to secure the support of the Great Powers. They were
focused mainly on Austria-Hungary, Italy and the Great Britain establishing
immediate contacts with consular representatives of these states in Shkupi,
Thesalonikki,
Manastiri,
Prizren. Nevertheless, none of the Powers demonstrated
willingness to support the autonomy of Albania with armed struggle.
Hasan Prishtina made efforts to take the British support and for this
purpose met with British Consul in Shkupi, Mr. Peckham. British Consul said he
preferred the idea of rebellion, but the final answer will come when it would
get the opinion of his government in London. He could not make any public
statement as he was not sure this was in line with foreign policy of the British
308
Dr.
Frashër DEMAJ |
BRITANIA
E
МАРНЕ
DHE ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
1875-1913
government. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs ordered Peckham "offer
no support to Hasan Prishtina for the fulfilment of these aspirations".
The end of
1912
marks a crucial stage in the developments of Albanian
national movement. At the time, diplomacy of the Great Powers was activated
to find solutions for different unresolved situations created as a result of coping
with different interests. At this time, British diplomacy reacted consecutively,
also. Sir George W. Buchanan in his letter sent to Sir Edward Grey on November
25, 1912
from St. Petersburg, informed him of Russian diplomats meeting with
Serbs and requirements thereof. In Serbo-Russian meetings according to W.
Buchanan were addressed the interests of Serbia for expansion at the expense
of the Albanians.
Proclamation of the Independence of Albania was not an unexpected
act from the Great Powers. The Great Britain expected that Albanians would
take such a step, especially as they were threatened even more after the crisis
and the Balkan wars.
Balkan War broke out on October
8,
when Montenegro declared war on
Turkey. On October
17
this war joined Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece a day later.
Albanians were as interested as other oppressed peoples in Balkans to be free
off the Ottoman domination.
Situation created after the start of the Balkan wars sparked concerns
and response of the Britain which was very much worried because of potential
instability and uncontrolled situation in the South-eastern Europe. London's
officially represented concern in the letters and telegrams of consuls and
ambassadors of the United Kingdom government sent to London. British
diplomacy had analyzed and drawn the conclusions in regard to the Balkan
armies' strategies and actions. British diplomats also expressed regarding the
Albanian problem "Albania's autonomy would be guaranteed and controlled
exclusively by the Six Powers under the Sultan sovereignty".
On December
17, 1912,
nineteen days after the proclamation of
independence of Albania, the Great Powers of Europe: Britain, Germany, Russia,
France, Austria Hungary and Italy, organized a peace conference in London at
ambassadorial level. All the states but Great Britain was represented by British
Foreign Minister Sir Edward Grey.
Albania was the country where met the interests of two major groups.
Great Britain had held discussions with its allies and other interested powers
concerned about the situation in the Balkans. But, concrete actions to resolve
the issue were taken by Edward Grey, on
21
November
1912,
at the meeting he
had with prince Lichnovsky, the German ambassador in London. At this meeting,
309
Dr.
Frashër DEMAJ
]
BRITANIA
E
MADHE DHE ÇËSHTJASHQIPTARE
1875-1913
Edward Grey proposed three essential issues that major powers should come to
an agreement in order to preserve the peace in Europe.
"1.
The possible establishment of autonomous Albanian state with its
borders determined.
2.
Methods and terms for securing Serbia's access into
Adriatic.
3.
The issue of the Aegean islands."
Conference decisions shall be subject to approval by the respective
governments, and will only produce legal effects after their approval. Therefore,
the reached agreements, ambassadors conveyed to their respective governments,
which were approved within three days. Hence, on December
20,1912,
Edward
Grey, in charge of the conference, gave official approval and communication of
the decisions by the great powers. This is considered the date, when the Great
Powers recognized in principle the establishment of the independent Albanian
state.
The conclusion of the first meeting produced approval of two resolutions:
which called on Austria-Hungary and Italy, initiators of the proposal for Albanian
autonomy to submit their provisions for organization of the future Albanian
state, and second, calling on the Russian government to submit the project for
Serbia's access to Adriatic Sea.
As a result of E. Grey's efforts for approaching the positions on
29
July
1913,
the conference approved the Austro-Hungarian and Italian project.
The conference discussed the problem of borders from its first session
on
17
December
1912.
The statement by the Russian ambassador that Russia
would abandon the demand for submitting the port of
Dürres
under Serbian
sovereignty provided the impression for a quick solution to the issue with mutual
concessions. Nevertheless, even greater contradictions emerged later between
parties.
The position of Great Britain for settling border issues had been clear
on the beginning of November
1912.
In a conversation of
6
November
1912
that E. Grey had with the Serbian charge d'affairs in London, had expressed the
support of British government for Serbian
pretentions
on Shkodra, Lezha, even
Dürres.
The borders issue of the young Albanian state opened yet again into the
conference of ambassadors on
20
December
1912.
The fierce fight has been going on the issue of Shkodra. On
22
January
1913,
Austria had threatened to abandon the conference if Montenegro would
require getting hands on Shkodra. In these conditions, the Italian ambassador
changed his position by supporting Austria and the ambassadors were divided
into two: England, Russia and France sided with Russian project, while Germany,
Austria-Hungary and Italy against it. Edward Grey saw that the obstacles
310
Dr.
Frashër DEMAJ |
BRITANIA
E
МАРНЕ
DHE ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
1875-1913
were insurmountable and decided to propose the suspension of conference
proceedings on this case, giving an opportunity to open paths for secret
diplomacy to seek ways of resolving.
Edward Grey was clear that the commission could not find any reason
to give Gjakova to Serbia, therefore in his response in a telegram, Ambassador
Buchanan states: "In terms of my appointment by the commission to determine
pertaining belonging of town of Gjakova to Serbia or Albania, the issue is going
to expose me to a grim and biased service", as it is known worldwide Gjakova
is Albanian. On March
18,
Edward Grey formulated "collective demarche"
in behalf of the Conference of Ambassadors submitted to Serbian and
Montenegrin government, stating that "borders of Albania are reserved right
to be determined by the major powers and to the end Serbia and Montenegro
should not take any actions in Albania
. ".
In meantime, the conference of
ambassadors again examined the situation in Shkodra, on
31
March
1913.
Faced
with this dire situation, Edward Grey proposed a collective proceeding to hold
a naval demonstration of force between the Albanian coast and port of Bar, in
order to cut the sea route of supplies to Serbia-Montenegro. Under a common
agreement, the command of the naval demonstration had the British Admiral
Burney, who on April
10,
sent a telegram to the King of Montenegro Nikola,
where he wrote "the international fleet has been stabilized from the coast of Bar
to the flow of Drin. and no vessel shall be allowed to enter into these waters.
Only, the ships currently in port will be allowed to depart".
On
26
April
1913,
Edward Grey announced that if Montenegro was
not going to withdraw off Shkodra, it will have to face the Great Powers. In
this situation, King Nikola dispatched a telegram announcing to accept the
submission of Shkodra to the international forces.
This is how the great powers resolved the issue of Shkodra and North
and North-Eastern borders of Albania. And the conference of Ambassadors
proceeded with Southern and South-Eastem borders of Albania on
б
March
1913.
Edward Gray had a meeting with Italian ambassador on
7
May
1913
who
expressed, "Italy's willingness to find ways for Greece to accept southern borders
of Albania determined by the great powers. On
11
June
1913,
Edward Gray
called back another session of conference, which had suspended its proceedings
from March
28.
In the meeting, Gray continued the discussion on southern
borders with terminal points being Cape of
Stillos -
Korça.
Edward Grey made
all efforts to reach agreement between the major powers through compromise
and to secure Greece acceptation of the agreement. Edward Grey seems to
311
Dr.
Frashër DEMAJ
BRITANIA
E
MADHE DHE ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
1875-1913
have reached an agreement regarding the boundary line, including within the
borders of Albania,
Korça
and Gjirokastra. The Greek government informed of
these arrangements, instructed its representative in London, Karomilas to visit
Edward Grey and the present a note of protest, considering Greece for a "victim
of British moderation."
On August
11, 1913,
Edward Grey was able to adopt an agreement on
the borders and the border commission of the conference of ambassadors.
Austria-Hungary gave up
Janina,
but asked that
Korça, Permeti,
Gjirokastra and
all territories up to the river flow of
Kallamas
to remain in Albania. Greeks did not
accept this decision; hence the Conference of London made more concessions
to Greece by placing the southern edge of Albania to Cape
Stillos,
rather than
river of
Kallamas.
Also, it was decided that
Korça
would remain in Albania, but
while status of Gjirokastra remained undetermined.
312
Dr. Frashër
DEMAJ
BRITANIA
E MADHE
DHE
ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
1875-1913
PASQYRA E
LËNDËS
Përmbajtja
.
Shkurtesat
.
9
Parathënie
.
^
Hyrje
.
19
KAPITULU
I PARE
POLITIKA
E
BRITANISË
SE MADHE NDAJ
SHOJPTARËVE
DHE BALLKANIT
1875-1878
1.
Británia
e
Madhe ne pragtë Krizës
Undoré
.35
2.Qëndrimi
і
diplomacisë britanike ndaj Perandorisë
Osmane
dhe Ballkanit ne
fillim tëKrizësLindore
.
40
3.
Kriza Lindore
dhe Shqipëria
.44
4.Qëndrimi
і
politikës britanike ndaj luftës ruso-turke dhe shqiptarët
.52
KAPITULU
I
DYTË
REAGIMI
I
BRITANISË SE MADHE NDAJ TRAKTATIT TË SHËN
STEFANIT
l.Traktati
і
Shën
Stefanit
dhe Shqipëria
.55
2.Mospajtimet
e
qeverisë britanike me marrëveshjen ruso-turke dhe kërkesa për
organizimin
e
një
konference
ndërkombëtare
.
64
KAPITULU I
TRETE
QËNDRIMI
I
DIPLOMACISË BRITANIKE NDAJ LIDHJES SHQIPTARE TË PRIZRENlT
1.
Lidhja Shqiptare
e Prizrenit
nga
prizmi i
diplomacisë britanike
.67
2.
Memorandumet,
kërkesat dhe
protestat
e
shqiptarëve drejtuar qeverisë
britanike
.93
3.
Misioni
diplomatik
і
Abdyl Frashërit dhe
Mehmet
Vrionît ne Londër
.99
Dr.
Frashër DEMAJ
BRITANIA
E
MADHE DHE ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
1875-1913
KAPITULU
I
KATËRT
BRITANIA
E
MADHE,
KONGRESI
I
BERLINIT
OHE ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
1.
Diplomacia
britanike dhe
rivaliteti
і
Fuqive
të Mëdha në Kongresin
e
Berlinit
.
.
Ill
2.
Qëndrimi Londres dhe
trajtimi i
çështjes shqiptare në Kongresin e
Berlinit
.117
3.
Reagimi
і
diplomacisë
britanike
ndaj copëtimit të tokave
shqiptare
.125
KAPITULLI
I
PESTE
RRETHANAT
POLITIKE
NË BALLKAN
DHE QËNDRIMI
I
BRITANISË
SE MADHE NDAJ LËVIZJES KOMBËTARE SHQIPTARE
1881-1899
1.
Požita
e
shqiptarëve pas Lidhjes se Prizrenit dhe qëndrimi
і
Britanisë ndaj
tyre
.135
2.
Situata
në Shqipëri dhe qëndrimi
і
Britanisë se Madhe ndaj Krizës se
vitit
1897.140
3.
Formimi
і
Lidhjes se Pejës dhe reagimi
і
diplomacisë britanike ndaj
saj
.144
KAPITULLI
I
GJASHTË
RRETHANAT NDERKOMBËTARE DHE QËNDRIMI
I
DIPLOMACISË BRITANIKE
NDAJ SHQIPTARËVE
1900-1912
1.
Rrethanat në Shqipëri,
rivaliteti italo-austro-hungarez
dhe prezenca britanike
në
viset
shqiptare
.155
2.
Situata
në Shqipëri dhe Revolucioni Xhonturk
1908.170
3.
Kryengritjet shqiptare të vitit
1910-1911
dhe qëndrimi
і
Britanisë se Madhe
ndaj
tyre
.182
4.
Kryengritja
e Përgjithshme e
vitit
1912.210
Dr.
Frashër DEMAJ |
BRITANIA
E
MADHE
DHE
ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
1875-1913
KAPITULLI
I
SHTATË
SHPALUA E
PAVARËSISË SË
SHQIPËRISË
DHE REAGI M
11 DIPLOMACISE BRITANIKE
1.
Shpallja e Pavarësisë së Shqipërisë
.239
2.
Reagimi i
Britanisë së Madhe ndaj Aleancës dhe luftërave ballkanike
.246
3.
Britania
e
Madhe dhe çështja shqiptare ne Konferencën
e
Ambasadorove
ne
Londër
.256
4.
Qëndrimi
і
diplomacisë britanike ndaj kufirit verilindor të Shqipërisë
.267
5.
Qëndrimi
і
Britanisë së Madhe ndaj kufirit me Greqinë
.283
Përfundimi
.294
Summary
.303
Tabela
Kronoiogjike
.313
Burimet
arkivore
. .321
Dokumentet
e botuara
.322
Gazetat
dhe
revistai
. 323
Literatura
. 324 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Demaj, Frashër 1973- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1025013395 |
| author_facet | Demaj, Frashër 1973- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Demaj, Frashër 1973- |
| author_variant | f d fd |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV040360796 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)812218566 (DE-599)BVBBV040360796 |
| era | Geschichte 1875-1913 gnd Geschichte 1912-1913 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1875-1913 Geschichte 1912-1913 |
| format | Book |
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| genre | (DE-588)4113937-9 Hochschulschrift gnd-content |
| genre_facet | Hochschulschrift |
| geographic | Großbritannien (DE-588)4022153-2 gnd Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Großbritannien Albanien |
| id | DE-604.BV040360796 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-08-10T00:25:16Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789951409254 |
| language | Albanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-025214643 |
| oclc_num | 812218566 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 331 S. |
| publishDate | 2011 |
| publishDateSearch | 2011 |
| publishDateSort | 2011 |
| publisher | Inst. i Historisë |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Demaj, Frashër 1973- Verfasser (DE-588)1025013395 aut Britania e Madhe dhe çështja shqiptare (1875 - 1913) Frashër Demaj Prishtinë Inst. i Historisë 2011 331 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache. - Zugl.: Tirana, Univ., Diss., 2009 Berliner Kongress 1878 Berlin (DE-588)2050599-1 gnd rswk-swf Londoner Botschafterkonferenz 1912-1913 London (DE-588)1277934169 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1875-1913 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1912-1913 gnd rswk-swf Unabhängigkeit (DE-588)4186820-1 gnd rswk-swf Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd rswk-swf Orientkrise 1875-1878 (DE-588)4172829-4 gnd rswk-swf Grenzkonflikt (DE-588)4158142-8 gnd rswk-swf Diplomatie (DE-588)4012402-2 gnd rswk-swf Albanische Frage (DE-588)7748428-9 gnd rswk-swf Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 gnd rswk-swf Großbritannien (DE-588)4022153-2 gnd rswk-swf Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4113937-9 Hochschulschrift gnd-content Großbritannien (DE-588)4022153-2 g Orientkrise 1875-1878 (DE-588)4172829-4 s Berliner Kongress 1878 Berlin (DE-588)2050599-1 f Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 s DE-604 Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 s Diplomatie (DE-588)4012402-2 s Albanische Frage (DE-588)7748428-9 s Geschichte 1875-1913 z Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 g Unabhängigkeit (DE-588)4186820-1 s Grenzkonflikt (DE-588)4158142-8 s Londoner Botschafterkonferenz 1912-1913 London (DE-588)1277934169 f Geschichte 1912-1913 z Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025214643&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025214643&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Demaj, Frashër 1973- Britania e Madhe dhe çështja shqiptare (1875 - 1913) Berliner Kongress 1878 Berlin (DE-588)2050599-1 gnd Londoner Botschafterkonferenz 1912-1913 London (DE-588)1277934169 gnd Unabhängigkeit (DE-588)4186820-1 gnd Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd Orientkrise 1875-1878 (DE-588)4172829-4 gnd Grenzkonflikt (DE-588)4158142-8 gnd Diplomatie (DE-588)4012402-2 gnd Albanische Frage (DE-588)7748428-9 gnd Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)2050599-1 (DE-588)1277934169 (DE-588)4186820-1 (DE-588)4003846-4 (DE-588)4172829-4 (DE-588)4158142-8 (DE-588)4012402-2 (DE-588)7748428-9 (DE-588)4068517-2 (DE-588)4022153-2 (DE-588)4001028-4 (DE-588)4113937-9 |
| title | Britania e Madhe dhe çështja shqiptare (1875 - 1913) |
| title_auth | Britania e Madhe dhe çështja shqiptare (1875 - 1913) |
| title_exact_search | Britania e Madhe dhe çështja shqiptare (1875 - 1913) |
| title_full | Britania e Madhe dhe çështja shqiptare (1875 - 1913) Frashër Demaj |
| title_fullStr | Britania e Madhe dhe çështja shqiptare (1875 - 1913) Frashër Demaj |
| title_full_unstemmed | Britania e Madhe dhe çështja shqiptare (1875 - 1913) Frashër Demaj |
| title_short | Britania e Madhe dhe çështja shqiptare |
| title_sort | britania e madhe dhe ceshtja shqiptare 1875 1913 |
| title_sub | (1875 - 1913) |
| topic | Berliner Kongress 1878 Berlin (DE-588)2050599-1 gnd Londoner Botschafterkonferenz 1912-1913 London (DE-588)1277934169 gnd Unabhängigkeit (DE-588)4186820-1 gnd Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd Orientkrise 1875-1878 (DE-588)4172829-4 gnd Grenzkonflikt (DE-588)4158142-8 gnd Diplomatie (DE-588)4012402-2 gnd Albanische Frage (DE-588)7748428-9 gnd Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 gnd |
| topic_facet | Berliner Kongress 1878 Berlin Londoner Botschafterkonferenz 1912-1913 London Unabhängigkeit Außenpolitik Orientkrise 1875-1878 Grenzkonflikt Diplomatie Albanische Frage Albaner Großbritannien Albanien Hochschulschrift |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025214643&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025214643&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT demajfrasher britaniaemadhedheceshtjashqiptare18751913 |