Refleksione sociologjike mbi joviolencën dhe zgjedhjet:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Albanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Prishtinë
Shoqata Kulturore Zëri Ynë
2011
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Illustration |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Sociological reflections on nonviolence and elections |
| Beschreibung: | 253 S. |
| ISBN: | 9789951433211 |
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| 246 | 1 | 3 | |a Sociological reflections on nonviolence and elections |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | [PËRMBAJTJA]
Përmbajtja
Parathënie
...........................................9
I.
REFLEKSIONE SOCIOLOGJIKE MBIJOVIOLENCËN
Hegjemonizmi
і
pushtuesit
e
shpejtoi vetënjohjen shqiptare të kosovarëve
. 21
Tragjikja
e
ambientimit të një komunikimi
me
regjimin
serb
. . 27
Dyshimet dhe
dilemat
rreth konceptit (jo)dhunë-rasti
і
Kosovës
. 31
A
ishte
robería
shekullore
e
shqiptarëve të Kosovës shkak
apo
pasojë
e
tolérances rezignative ?
................................35
Kodi
identifìkues
shqiptar
-
kusht për realizimin
e identitetit
shtetëror
të Kosovës
..........................................40
A
duhet
ta
ndërtojmë shtetin më parë
apo
ta
instalojmë demokraanë?
. 43
Paradigmat
semantike
të dy sistemeve të vetëdijes
(1)..........48
Paradigmat
semantike
të
dy
sistemeve të vetëdijes
(2)..........52
Sa është afër
realizimi i
identitetit shtetëror të Kosovës?
........56
Rimobilizimi
і
faktorit të brendshëm
e
fokuson më drejtpërdrejt
prob¬
lemin
e
Kosovës
(I)
....................................60
Rimobilizimi
і
faktorit të brendshëm
e
fokuson më drejtpërdrejt
prob¬
lemin
e
Kosovës
(II)
...................................65
Modelet
e
mentaliteteve
politike
ne vetëdijen
e
shqiptarëve të Kosovës
ne
vitet
90.....,....................................67
A)
Modeli i
pozicionimit euforik
.........................72
B)
Modeli i
pozicionimit dyshues
.........................75
C)
Modeli i
pozicionimit
iluzionist.......................
82
D) Modeli i pozicionimit
frustues
........................84
Domosdoshmëria
e
tensionimeve—
kusht
për avancimin
e
demokracisë
ne Shqipëri
.........-----.............................86
Power
sharing*
e
konteston dosido shtetësinë
e
Kosovës
.......90
permbajtja:
Nuk fituan
socialistët,
por
humbën demokratët dhe shqiptarët jashtë
Shqipërisë
...........................................93
Nevoja e
kultit dhe domosdoshmëria
e institucionit
...........97
Cila
janë
meritat
e Rugovës
. . ...........................98
UÇK-ja në funksion të realizimit të shtetësisë së Kosovës
......100 -
Misteri
і
bajraktarizmit
dhe papërgjegjesia jonë
.............
ЮЗ
A do të bëhet tash Llapi
poligon
i etnobanditizmit
serb?
.......107
A është heshtja
e
krijuar pas sulmit të Jasharajve paralajmërim për një
masakër të
re
në
Kosově?
..............................
Ш
Nacionalizmi Baletian
- harte
e identitetit
kombëtar
.........115
Cili
është
interesi nacional
і
kosovarëve?
...................119
Nuk
fìtoi
opozita
serbe, por humbi regjimi diktatorial
і
Milllosheviqit.
125
Të
drejtat dhe dinjiteti i njeriut
-
rasti i
Kosovës
.............130
Kombi kosovar
apo shteti
kosovar?
.......................135
II.
REFLEKSIONE SOCIOLOGJIKE MBIZGJEDHJET
Si po
(zh)vlerësohet
koncepti
popull
në Kosovë?
...........145
Lufta mes dy
dinozaurëve kryesorë
.....................150
Kush
do të fîtojë në zgjedhjet
e
para të pasluftës,
Rugova
apo
Thaçi?
. 155
A do të jenë zgjedhjet
parlamentare gare e
fiseve,
apo
gare e
partive?. l6l
Pse
kishte aq shumë
rezerva
në votime elektorati
kosovar
në zgjedhjet
e
2002-shit?
...............................____.....166
Cili
është në
fakt portreti
i yotuesve kosovar?
...............172
Histeria
e votimit dhe votimi
histerik
në zgjedhjet
e 2007-tës.
. . 176
A ka parti të djathta dhe të majta në Kosovë?
............... 179
Cilat ishin adresimet
e
politikaneve
lokal
џе
zgjedhje? ........ 181
Pse
abstenuan mbi
60%
tëkosovarëve
ле
zgjedhjet
e 2007-tës?
. 185
Kush mbeti
opozite
e
njëmendtë në
î^edbjeţ
e 2007-tës?
*..
¿
>. 187
Cilat
motive
і
shtyjnë
к
përmbajtja:
Konformistët
apo
realistët
do të
fitojnë?
...................192
Me
çfarë gjuhe folën kandidatët për kryetar komunash?
.......196
Çfarë kodi iu duhen zgjedhjeve në
Kosově?
................199
Si
votojnë zakonisht kosovarët në zgjedhjet
nacionále?
........205
Ku
qëndron sekreti
і
ngritjes dhe
ai i
renies
së
disa subjekteve
politike
në zgjedhjet
e
vitit 2009-të?
......................211
Kush do të fitojë në zgjedhjet
lokale 2009,
opsioni
і
Thaçit
apo
ai
і
Haradinajt?
........................................215
A
mundet LDK-ja
të bëhet
lider i demokratizimit
(të brendshëm)
partiak
në Kosovë?
.........................................217
(Mos)Votoni disa nga îsh-deputetët,
apo
thirrje për ndërgjegjësim
qytetar!
............................................223
A(sa)
u
besojmë sondazheve në Kosovë?
..................227
Sondazhet në shtetet në trazicion
........................229
Sondazhet në shtetet demokratike
.......................230
Si përkufizohet
opinioni
publik
në
Amerike?...............
233
Njëmbëdhjetë këshilla si të
(MOS)
votoni
tipin e
deputetit të (pa)
dëshiruar
..........................................235
Tipi
і
deputetit
idealist................................
236
Tipi
і
deputetit
oportunist dhe
servil.....................237
Tipi
i
deputetit
heshtak dhe heroik.......................238
Tipi
і
deputetit
konformist
dhe
rebel.....................
239
Tipi
і
deputetit sms-ist dhe
analfabet.....................
240
Tipi
і
deputetit
karizmatik.............................
241
Tipi komplotist
....................................242
SOCIOLOGICAL REFLECTIONS ON NONVIOLENCE AND
ELECTIONS
......................................245
SOCIOLOGICAL
REFLECTIONS ON
NONVIOLENCE AND ELECTIONS
Introduction
The first part OF this book, together with other subsequent writings in
second part that dear reader will face with, obviously are a summary
of analysis which are based and that have to do with an experience of an
exclusive empirical-sociological observer or explorer who tried not just to
research the causes and consequences of the phenomena and new occurrences
that were imposed in Kosovo in period of discrimination, segregation and
Serbian apartheid, exerted during last two decades of the twentieth century,
but also to give adequate answer for these inevitable processes those were
befallen into all region of Western Balkan.
Furthermore almost all reflections shown in this book, are addressed
to a revolt, reaction and by all means to an accumulated rebellion as a
result of the inability to change the flow of occurrences, also deviant and
nonsocial
behavior that were exerted under the pressure of the Serb regime
for years in Kosovo. Those consequences and occurrences sometimes created
the impression that started to take size of fate-reconciliation
anda
strange
imperviousness that in reality was created the perception that only an in¬
stantly improvisation could kept suchlike, notably after the period of when
the least autonomy we had, which was taken in
1989.
In fact, at this time in Kosovo opinion two feedback forms were formed
and stratified: one, which was addressed to a kind of collective self-satis¬
faction up to a surprisingly hysterical level
(!),
that can be explained as a
result of the process of the uncontrolled homogenization and utterly ethnic,
which at that time, somehow, had acquired a strange kind of informal
245
Prof. dr.
Fadil
MALOKU
sympathy, but still reserved and totally public for international opinion,
which with its restrain still euphoric had taken the form and content of
an irreversible mobilization and for another fact which was actual in all
Yugoslav ex-republics. This kindofhomogenization with exclusively ethnic
basis, was first started by Serbs, even began to take dimensions of a silent
international moral legitimacy.
And second feedback had to do with a kind of fear, anxiety also some¬
what of reserve or dilemma that with this kind of the new identified code
(indentified by the most of the media and domestic and international ana¬
lysts
—
as a nonviolence), Albanians of Kosovo will have sorely difficulties
to be liberated from the oppression of the Serb regime. It happened as it
happened. We were witness of an old saying that rebellion and expression
of dissatisfaction over the created situations as a result of discrimination,
segregation and violation of elementary human rights, undoubtedly that
one day it will create conditions of a situation where the power of argu¬
mentation can t be justified with the argument of power 1. Kosovo was
liberated from that state and inertia, which had caused to it not just ethic
damages, but economical, political and social, and above all cultural and
civilization ones, violent age-along Serbian colonization.
The reader will find some of the writings and analysis of this occurrences
in the form of expression with harshness and dissatisfaction and openly
expressed
(!),
unequivocal, and some of events expressed with euphemism,
which was depended on circumstances and targeted event anteriorly, also,
from the propaganda and synchronized defamation of Serbian regime.
So, an opposition essentially scientific towards the very sophisticated
Serbian propaganda, that had managed to adopt in decades not only the
science, but also the journalism and global media, regarding to the right
246
ÍREFLEKSIONE SOClOLOGJfKE MBI
JOVIOLENCÊN
DHE ZGJEDHJET]
of their historical domination over Kosovo and its citizens. These writings
are not so based in any theory nor
dioptry
given before in
aula
of science of
history of sociology, but they are a reflection (by all means sociological one),
based on the experience of phenomena, that happened every day instantly,
during the process of building to the our new appearance of philosophical
policy of nonviolence, for which I had not only the reserves but also my
suspicions for our definitive national liberation.
This thing has been proved during the years
1997-8,
when the
KLA
(Kosovo Liberation Army) was introduced, with which we were returned
to our historical code of rebellion. Ultimately, this has been proved by the
whole history of forming and existing of nations which fought for its col¬
lective rights, so neither Kosovo could make any emphatic exception from
this unwritten rule.
What
/
want to emphasize in this short introduction is that Kosovo
Albanians, unlike the other nations and peoples, who began to turn out
from the oppression of the isolation and communist colonization in this
period of global transformations (fall of Berlin Wall and embrace of new
democratic west values), instead of one (as other Balkan nations and states),
two processes, two tasks, namely, two major obligations had fallen over its
shoulders at the same time: national liberation, that
L
interconnected with
the position of Serbian century colonialism, and building of the democracy
which was very hard to manage them in parallel.
Lnfact, when
ƒ
think back, I remember that it must be accepted that
it was difficult and a great responsibility to keep our goals in compass
during these two decades. Thanks God and big zeal of all of those who
sacrificed for what we have today, I remember that we achieved in a way
our national objectives
(ш
don t have Serbia present physically any more
m
Prof. dr.
Fadil
MALOKU
here in Kosovo) and political ones (we achieved in a way to install spirit
and western values: democracy, building of law capacities and resources, in
coherence with European standards). This for now is hopeful for entering
in other extra settings, such as: integration to the big European family,
where we belong like the other European nations,
a s
well as reduction of
unemployment, sofiening of poorness, rule of law, fight of corruption and
otherdeviant behaviors in
Kosovar
society.
Writings that are in fiont of honored reader, are divided according to the
field, respectively to the domain that has exerted in my interest, exclusively
only when I noticed with
sociologie
parameters that in fact this interest
took size of an occurrence or phenomena during the surveillance period.
In fact, I have tried to address the classification according to the nature of
the consequence of events. So the reader in any case would be faced with
a group of writings which mainly have to do with essayistic-sociological
analysis onto nonviolence, meanwhile, in another group, the reader would
be faced with writings which have to do with the so-called building democ¬
racy, and some others also for the lack of institutions among Albanians of
Kosovo
—
so, for the institution of state, and some others for elections as a
very important mechanism in installation of democracy in Kosovo. But,
what I remember that is priceless in all these writings, is undoubtedly the
fact that they haven t met with any changes or later intervention.
With this fact, I wanted the reader to perceive his judgment and im¬
pression not only from the distance of current time, but in that time when
these writings were developed, respectively when they were identified and
especially they were written. In a word, I wanted the reader to remain the
king of diagnosis and my
sociologie
therapies, in
hst
two decades. I think
that this kind of conveyance of thinking, analysis and my personal reflec¬
tions, so ever speaks about not only the way of access, but essentially even
248
[REFLEKSIONE SOCIOLOGJIKE
M
В і
JOVIOLENCËN OHE ZGJEDHJEï]
for my right to judge the phenomena and occurrence, justice or injustice
ones, that were in their (un)naturally flow in that time. All of this writ¬
ings saw the light of publication through magazines, written media and
those electronic ones of the time when events happened, which means that
even I wanted to change those writings I couldn t do that because they have
remained an evidence of the time.
I must say that a huge number of other writings for this time have be¬
come ash in the flame of fires which the Serbian regime apply on houses,
so that the reader should be content with this that had been rescued. In
fact this writings were kept in hard copy
andsaved
with the price of life
only and only just to see nowadays light. The contemporary reader, who
has the age of rational appreciation could give his opinion in best way
according to these events, phenomena, impression and exposed view with
parameters and judging of time of segregation and big prosecutions that
happened in Kosovo, and by will of God I pray for not repeating of this
horrible events anymore.
The saved corpus of writings and research analysis, in fact has to do
with my perceptions about nonviolent discourse (that in almost two decade
period took a chance to become a kind of
sociologie
mentality), that for
the most citizens of Kosovo suddenly entered in their daily life, in that
time when all the analysis, especially international ones, spoke about for
a possible new conflict with a catastrophic size. The thing I had in mind
thereat, and can be checked best by reading these writings, was that how
is it possible that through this new philosophy, we can be liberated from
the century oppression of Serbian regime, as well as what and how is it
possible this new behavior to be accommodated with the character of
circumstances and by all means with the
ethno-psychçlogy
of an average
Kosovo Albanian, which were shaping the democratic values, that have
249
Prof. dr.
Fadil
M
ALOKU
started to inflate among us, when it has been known that the identified
code of history of the innateness of Albanians, as an ethnic entity in area
of Western Balkan, was the code of rebellion, so the violence one?
This dilemma, that initially was a hesitation and a personal dilemma
even for the self figure or self demiurge, dr. Ibrahim
Rugova,
the whole
movement was identified for two decades through him, which was nomi¬
nated movement of nonviolence , later it will become a national plat¬
form, that was accepted with a massive application from all. The reader,
undoubtedly will also be faced with writings, analysis and meditation
that speak about as well as delirium of presence of this new philosophy
in the culture and the ethno-psychology of Kosovo Albanians, also for the
disappointment that was reflected best in the beginning of war in Kosovo,
in
1999,
where the defects and priorities of this two decades journey were
already noticed and scanned quite well.
It should also be mentioned that after the demonstration of
1981
(nota¬
bly those after
1989,
defacto
and
de
jure that little autonomy of Albanians
was suspended from Serbia, they had in setting of the former Yugoslav
federation), our non-prophetic notice, in a way contributed as an experience
of the author along the organized international conferences, where most
of political and military writings and analysis spoke for the possibility of
a new spark for a third World War, from the side of Kosovo Albanians.
Finally, it should be mentioned that all these analysis, writings and
perceptions were mostly based on sociological scalpel of the author, who
trying to register with his possibilities and earned scientific and experience
in Croatian university and notably in Westminster University, has tried to
convey with consecration in paper, occurrences and unique
sociologie
phe¬
nomena of deviant and pathologic behaviors, and high level of violence that
250
:refleksione sociologjike mbi
joviolencén
dh.e zgjedhjet]
have been practiced among ethnic Albanians of Kosovo during that time,
almost in all ranges of life: social (unforeseen segregation), political (they
havent
had any of legal or political protection as apart of this federation),
economic (e.g. Kosovo Albanians were for six times undeveloped comparing
to Croatia, five time less than Slovenia, four times less than Serbia) etc.
The second part of this book has to do with the process of the elections
nature, the system and election code and with other challenges that
Kosovar
society faced during the period of building of the capacities and elected
democratic institutions. The elections, either local or national ones, for a
normal democratic country introduce the almost most important challenge
of certification of a journey in the direction of a legitimacy and legality of
political garnitures and elites. Suchlike, those attract the attention of the
media and of the wide public opinion. Wishing to detect those challenges
and cases of certification for election processes, in fact we have empowered
the experiences of some pairs of elections that were organized in the after-
war Kosovo. So, trying to address to the election processes which sometimes
created bewilderment and dilemmas in Kosovo that was destroyed economi¬
cally and politically in the meaning of non-experience to get in institutional
mechanisms in building of democratic capacities and installation of the
elementary right of citizen to be the creative subject which will build its
own future with the power outcome by himself likewise all countries with
democratic tradition, in reality we tried to address the specifications of the
Kosovar
voting mentality and culture. So, the voting experience in condi¬
tions and circumstances of an ambient even if democratically fragile, in
my opinion there was a repercussion and conducted a required message of
the readiness of
Kosovar
society, as in the other post-communist states, that
even they can build a government get out by the power of vote and can
build valid institutions according to the standards that western world has
a longtime practicing in their countries. Writing into pieces, that in fact
Prof. dr.
F a d i I M A L
0
K U
had the intention to address the experience of elections in after-war Kosovo,
were understood by kosovar citizens as a good opportunity to testify their
determination pro western values and pro elections through a process and
standard that western democracy is practicing itself. Also, this corpus of
writings for the most important pillar of democracy, elections, for the time
they have been written, anyway they have had the intention to address
the election portrait of Albanian citizen of Kosovo too, then the election
system which must reemphasized that it wasn t their choice but, as it will
be noticed especially in local elections of
2009,
an imposition copy paste
and showed up by the former administration ofUNMIK.
So, a system not showed up by the culture of behavior of the voting po¬
tential, mentality and culture of the experience of voting that was in deficit
in Kosovo and generally in countries of region, but from the imagination
and often international experts experience who did not succeed for a
whole decade to
installa
coherent election system in time and progress that
expected Kosovo during the whole period ofafterwar. Which, in fact, would
avoid the defects of voting lists, manner of voting, party representation,
the verge and election code, then a series of defects which were manifested
especially in the last national elections, such as: the abuse of some local
commissioners with the citizen vote and massive abduction around some
Kosovar municipalities. We say so for the reason of many thoughts and
opinions about this subject from the side of local and international experts
and analysts, that existing Kosovar system in fact favored local leaders, gave
them very charismatic competences and wore them with the dress ofuncon-
tested leadership. Since the elections of
2009
and especially those national
and local ones in
2010
it was noticed that internal party democracy is
narrowing, so the internal democracy with this election system. However,
all of this remained just an oral saying. The discourse about the local and
national elections in the media wasn t so focused in this natural process
252
[REFLEKSiONE SOCIOLOGJIKE
M
Bl
JOVIOLENCËN DHE ZGJEDHJETj
of democratization and
démystification
of
leaders
of political
parties
who
they are still keeping, not only the political monopoly but what is worst
that they are keeping economical and social ones too, but it is a kind of
deficiency for a society in transition as the one in Kosovo,
We say so because there is a thought that the international factor wants
to keep under control the political elites through this election system easily,
and also to manage easier the whole election process from their comfort
offices during all of this process of the installation of democracy in Kosovo.
In my opinion, it would be a mistake to continue to remain the same
monopoly only to these leaders. There are many reasons that it shouldn t
remain the same situation in this field of society, where economical and
political directions of a country are determined. Ultimately, the time we
are living in and the need together with our requests as a new democratic
society are increasingly tending toward the three essential parameters for
a democratic society, such as: the one of transparency, responsibility, and
account-giving. In my opinion, the effects of narrowing or detention of
democracy in Kosovo, should be addressed to the existing election system,
which finally has entered in changing procedures in Kosovo Assembly.
August
19, 2011
Author
Mi
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Maloku, Fadil 1958- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1274944228 |
| author_facet | Maloku, Fadil 1958- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Maloku, Fadil 1958- |
| author_variant | f m fm |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV040308113 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)802636608 (DE-599)BVBBV040308113 |
| era | Geschichte 1990-2010 gnd Geschichte 2000-2010 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1990-2010 Geschichte 2000-2010 |
| format | Book |
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| genre | (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content |
| genre_facet | Aufsatzsammlung |
| geographic | Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Kosovo |
| id | DE-604.BV040308113 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:21:17Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789951433211 |
| language | Albanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-025162978 |
| oclc_num | 802636608 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 253 S. |
| publishDate | 2011 |
| publishDateSearch | 2011 |
| publishDateSort | 2011 |
| publisher | Shoqata Kulturore Zëri Ynë |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Maloku, Fadil 1958- Verfasser (DE-588)1274944228 aut Refleksione sociologjike mbi joviolencën dhe zgjedhjet Fadil Maloku Sociological reflections on nonviolence and elections Prishtinë Shoqata Kulturore Zëri Ynë 2011 253 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Sociological reflections on nonviolence and elections Geschichte 1990-2010 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 2000-2010 gnd rswk-swf Wahlverhalten (DE-588)4079009-5 gnd rswk-swf Wahl (DE-588)4064286-0 gnd rswk-swf Bewaffneter Konflikt (DE-588)4137568-3 gnd rswk-swf Nationalbewusstsein (DE-588)4041282-9 gnd rswk-swf Gewaltloser Widerstand (DE-588)4071818-9 gnd rswk-swf Unabhängigkeitsbewegung (DE-588)4121814-0 gnd rswk-swf Nationenbildung (DE-588)4075230-6 gnd rswk-swf Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 g Unabhängigkeitsbewegung (DE-588)4121814-0 s Gewaltloser Widerstand (DE-588)4071818-9 s Bewaffneter Konflikt (DE-588)4137568-3 s Geschichte 1990-2010 z DE-604 Nationenbildung (DE-588)4075230-6 s Nationalbewusstsein (DE-588)4041282-9 s Wahl (DE-588)4064286-0 s Wahlverhalten (DE-588)4079009-5 s Geschichte 2000-2010 z Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025162978&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025162978&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Illustration |
| spellingShingle | Maloku, Fadil 1958- Refleksione sociologjike mbi joviolencën dhe zgjedhjet Wahlverhalten (DE-588)4079009-5 gnd Wahl (DE-588)4064286-0 gnd Bewaffneter Konflikt (DE-588)4137568-3 gnd Nationalbewusstsein (DE-588)4041282-9 gnd Gewaltloser Widerstand (DE-588)4071818-9 gnd Unabhängigkeitsbewegung (DE-588)4121814-0 gnd Nationenbildung (DE-588)4075230-6 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4079009-5 (DE-588)4064286-0 (DE-588)4137568-3 (DE-588)4041282-9 (DE-588)4071818-9 (DE-588)4121814-0 (DE-588)4075230-6 (DE-588)4032571-4 (DE-588)4143413-4 |
| title | Refleksione sociologjike mbi joviolencën dhe zgjedhjet |
| title_alt | Sociological reflections on nonviolence and elections |
| title_auth | Refleksione sociologjike mbi joviolencën dhe zgjedhjet |
| title_exact_search | Refleksione sociologjike mbi joviolencën dhe zgjedhjet |
| title_full | Refleksione sociologjike mbi joviolencën dhe zgjedhjet Fadil Maloku |
| title_fullStr | Refleksione sociologjike mbi joviolencën dhe zgjedhjet Fadil Maloku |
| title_full_unstemmed | Refleksione sociologjike mbi joviolencën dhe zgjedhjet Fadil Maloku |
| title_short | Refleksione sociologjike mbi joviolencën dhe zgjedhjet |
| title_sort | refleksione sociologjike mbi joviolencen dhe zgjedhjet |
| topic | Wahlverhalten (DE-588)4079009-5 gnd Wahl (DE-588)4064286-0 gnd Bewaffneter Konflikt (DE-588)4137568-3 gnd Nationalbewusstsein (DE-588)4041282-9 gnd Gewaltloser Widerstand (DE-588)4071818-9 gnd Unabhängigkeitsbewegung (DE-588)4121814-0 gnd Nationenbildung (DE-588)4075230-6 gnd |
| topic_facet | Wahlverhalten Wahl Bewaffneter Konflikt Nationalbewusstsein Gewaltloser Widerstand Unabhängigkeitsbewegung Nationenbildung Kosovo Aufsatzsammlung |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025162978&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025162978&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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