Verfügbarkeit: Shqipëria e Sipërme

Shqipëria e Sipërme: 1800 - 1913 ; në projektet dhe traktatet e Fuqive të Mëdha dhe shteteve ballkanike

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Bibliographische Detailangaben
1. Verfasser:	Rizaj, Gazmend S. 1958- (VerfasserIn)
Format:	Buch
Sprache:	Albanian
Veröffentlicht:	Prishtinë Inst. Albanologjik 2011
Schlagworte:	Londoner Botschafterkonferenz > 1912-1913 > London Geschichte Geschichte 1800-1913 Erster Balkankrieg Grenzkonflikt Albaner Politik Albanische Frage Großmacht Albanien > Nord Europa Nordmazedonien > West Balkanhalbinsel Kosovo Quelle
Online-Zugang:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Beschreibung:	PST: Upper Albania. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache
Beschreibung:	646 S. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt.
ISBN:	9789951596435

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Datensatz im Suchindex

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adam_text	Perm baj tja PASQYRË E ILUSTRIMEVE ................................................................13 PARATHËNIE ........................................................................................15 Κ Α Ρ ΤΙΝ Α 1 ......................................................................................27 POPULLSIA DHE NDARJA ADMINISTRATIVE E TURQISË EVROPIANE NË SHEKULLIN XIX DHE NË FILLIM ТЁ SHEKULLITXX ......................................................................................27 Pax Osmanica dhe demografia e Perandorisë Osmane ..................................27 Statistikat e hershme perëndimore për Perandorinë Osmane ...........................31 Disa shënime statistikore para Kongresit të Berlinit ..........................................33 Disa shënime statistikore pas Kongresit të Berlinit ............................................45 Reformat administrative në provinca ................................................................56 Burimet perëndimore për etnografinë e Vilajetit të Kosovës ............................62 Κ Α Ρ ΤΙΝ А И .....................................................................................83 PLANET SEKRETE TË FUQIVE TË MËDHA DHE TË PRINCIPATAVE-MONARKIVE BALLKANIKE NË VITET 1800- 1911.................................................................................................____83 Zgjimi kombëtar në Ballkan dhe Fuqitë e Mëdha ..............................................83 Programét dhe projektet e hershme sekrete mbi Ballkanin..............................96 Snerbimi informativ-propagandistik serb në trojet shqiptare ..........................102 Mendimi politik serb në vitet 60 të shekullit XIX............................................103 Traktati serbo-kroat i vitit 1860.......................................................................105 Aleanca e pare ballkanike 1866-68 dhe trojet shqiptare ..................................106 Propozimi austro-hungarez i vitit 1870 për aleancë me Serbine ......................109 Kriza e Madhe Lindore (1875-1879) dhe traktatet e reja mbi Ballkanin........113 Marrëveshja e Rajhshtadit ..............................................................................117 Konferenca e Stambollit 1876-1877.................................................................121 Lufta ruso-osmane 1877-1878.........................................................................124 Lidhja Shqiptare dhe Kongresi i Berlinit ...........................................................130 Marrëveshjet sekrete austro-serbe pas Kongresit të Berlinit ...........................147 Iniciativa malazeze e vitit 1896 për aleancë ballkanike ....................................152 Përpjekjet për aleancë të re ballkanike gjatë vitit 1897...................................156 Marrëveshja austro-ruse e vitit 1897 dhe çështja shqiptare ............................158 Dështimi і projektit serbo-malazez і vitit 1897................................................159 Traktativat sekrete serbo-greke të vitit 1899 për sfera interesi....................... 160 Qëndrimi і Fuqive të Mëdha dhe і Serbisë ndaj Lidhjes Shqiptare të Pejës ......161 Çështja Maqedone dhe Marrëveshja e Myrshtegut .........................................163 Aleanca serbo-bullgare 1904-1905..................................................................167 Projektet hekurudhore ballkanike 1906-1911.................................................169 Κ Α Ρ Τ I N A III ................................................................................187 LUFTA E PARE BALLKANIKE DHE KRIZA E ADRIATIKUT .. 187 Aleanca Trepalëshe dhe Antanta Trepalëshe.................................................. 187 Politikát ballkanike të Fuqive të Mëdha në fillim të shekullit XX .....................194 Autonomia e Shqipërisë në optiken e diplomacisë ..........................................197 Tentativat për lidhjen e aleancës ballkanike 1908-1910..................................233 Lufta italo-osmane 1911-1912.........................................................................236 Lidhja e Aleancës Ballkanike e vitit 1912.........................................................237 Lufta e Pare Ballkanike dhe diplomacia evropiane ..........................................254 Qëndrimi і shqiptarëve ndaj luftës ..................................................................270 Gjenoddi mbi shqiptarët .................................................................................281 Kriza e Adriatikut dhe qëndrimi fillestar і Fuqive të Mëdha .............................287 Propaganda serbe mbi portin e Adriatikut ......................................................296 Angazhimi austriak për riorientim të kërkesave serbe..................................... 299 Qëndrimi і Greqisë dhe і Bullgarisë në Krizën e Adriatikut.............................. 301 Diskutimi І Krizës së Adriatikut në Parlamentin austro-hungarez ....................304 Kërcënimi me luftë nga Austro-Hungaria .........................................................310 Qëndrimi і Britanisë dhe і Frances pas kërcënimit të luftës .............................313 Qëndrimi і Rusisë pas kërcënimit të luftës ......................................................315 Propozimi austriak drejtuar Cetlnës ................................................................316 Kuvendi І Vlorës - përgjigje në planet sekrete të Aleatëve ...............................317 Qëndrimi і Rumanisë në Krizën e Adriatikut ....................................................328 Kërcënimi austro-hungarez dhe tërheqja e Serbisë .........................................329 Κ Α Ρ Τ I N A IV ................................................................................335 KONFERENCA E AMBASADORËVE NË LONDËR DHE ÇËSHTJA E KUFIJVE TË SHQIPËRISË ............................................................335 Organizimi i Konferencës .................................................................................335 Fillimi і punimevetë Konferencës ...................................................................338 Propaganda serbe në fillim të Konferencës .....................................................342 Hapja e diskutimit për kufijtë e Shqipërisë ......................................................345 Çështja e viabilitetit të shtetit shqiptar ...........................................................348 Projekt-hartat fillestare të kufijve të Shqipërisë ..............................................350 Diskutimi fillestar për kufijtë veriorë dhe verilindorë ......................................358 Kufijtë e Shqipërisë në seancat dhe traktativat e janarit .................................364 Ndërprerja e armëpushimit .............................................................................371 Diskutimi і kufijve shqiptarë në takimet e shkurtit 1913.................................373 Kundërpropozimi rus i kufijve......................................................................... 376 Shtypi serb për kufijtë e Shqipërisë dhe pikëpamja italiane ............................379 Pikëpamjet e diplomatit Peckham mbi kufijtë e Shqipërisë............................ .380 Paralajmërimi austro-hungarez і lëshimit të Dibrës .........................................382 Gjakova si çështje përfundimtare ....................................................................385 Kriza e Shkodrës dhe përshpejtimi і lëshimit të Gjakovës ................................390 Lëshimi і Gjakovës - sakrificë për Shpëtim të Paqes .....................................392 Vendimet përfundimtare për kufijtë veriorë dhe verilindorë ..........................393 Udhëtimi і delegacionit shqiptar në Londër .....................................................396 Agjitacioni і Serbisë për Lumën .......................................................................401 Kriza e Shkodrës pas vendîmeve të »Conferences .............................................402 Têrheqja e ushtrisë serbe nga rrethimi і Shkodrës ...........................................408 Disponimi і luhatur rus ndaj mbretit malazez ..................................................409 Dorëzimi і papritur і Shkodrës .........................................................................410 Qëndrimi і Fuqive pas dorëzimit të Shkodrës ..................................................412 Oetyrimi і Malit të Zi për tërheqje nga Shkodra ..............................................414 Traktati і Paqes se Londres dhe Vendimi і 29 Korrikut .....................................416 Paqja e Bukureshtit dhe bilanci i luftës ...........................................................423 Përfundimi i Konferencës së Ambasadorëve ...................................................430 Κ Α Ρ Τ І N A V ..................................................................................43 5 PASOJAT E PARA NGA VENDIMET E AMBASADORËVE NË LONDËR ...............................................................................................435 Kufìri Strategjik dhe Kryengritja Shqiptare e vitit 1913................................435 Ultimatumi austro-hungarez dhe têrheqja e ushtrisë serbe ............................446 Vazhdimi í punës së komisioneve të kufîjve ....................................................456 Pasojat afatgjata të ndarjes së dhunshme të shqiptareve ...............................460 PËRMBYLLJE ......................................................................................465 SUMMARY ...........................................................................................473 BASHKËNGJITJ E .....................................................................................483 ANE X ..........................................................................................................483 DOKUMENTE DIPLOMATIKE: ......................................................485 DIPLOMATIC DOCUMENTS: ..........................................................485 British Diplomatic Documen t s.................................................. 487 Dokumente diplomatike britanik e......................................... 515 Documenti Diplomatici Italiani ...............................................547 Dokumente diplomatike italiane........................................... 569 BURIMET DHE LITERATURA E KONSULTUAR .......................593 1. BURIMET E PAPUBLIKUARA ...................................................593 2. BURIMET E PUBLIKUARA .........................................................597 3. LITERATURA E KONSULTUAR .................................................601 4. BURIMET EILUSTRIMEVE ........................................................621 INDEKS SELEKTIV IEMRAVE TË PERSONALITETEVE .........627 INDEKS I EMRAVE GJEOGRAFIKË ...............................................633 Summary The second half of the 19th century marked the era when the Albanian territories were mainly administered by four vilayets or provinces i.e., the province of Kosova with the seat in Prishtina (1877-1888) and in Shkup (Skopje) (1888-1912); the province of Shkoder (Scutari) with the seat in Shkoder; the province of Yanina with the seat in Yanina; the province of Manastir with the seat in Manastir. The province of Kosova and that of Shkoder were widely referred as the Upper Albania or North Albania by the Western diplomats, geographers and travelers. As the Western sources document, in the European Turkey of the 19th century till the Berlin Congress, there were no nations in existence regardless of their size of population - be it big or small, with an exception of that of the Rumanian. This was due to the fact that at that time no population of any ethnic group was outnumbered by the others. However, in the European Turkey after the Berlin Congress, Albanians were indisputably recognized not only as the largest in number but also as the ones whose territories were of great significant geo-strategic value. National awakening in the Balkans during the 19th century, a period when the Ottoman Empire was experiencing an unusual sharp decline in power, brought along the rapid decentralization of Ottoman territories. During that period, the formation of the Balkan principalities-monarchies of Serbia, Greece, Rumania, Montenegro, and Bulgaria was successfully carried on due to the strong support given by Russia and other European powers. Albanians and Macedonians, however, enjoyed no such providence in having a strong and a serious ally to support their national state formation as their neighboring Balkan nations did. Shqipëria e Sipërme The Balkan principalities-monarchies, though small and powerless in all regard, soon assumed the attitude and manners of the Great Powers. Even though they were still unconsolidated state unities, they began devising and plotting their territorial expansion policies rather than seeking honest and fair inter-Balkan cooperation. The ratified projects and treaties among the Balkan principalities-monarchies in the 19th century- and in the first decade of the 20th century proved that they were only a means for realizing the national expansionist schemes at the expense of the Ottoman and Habsburg territories. In that attempt, most of Balkan principalities-monarchies happened to fail since each and every one of them claimed to acquire the biggest piece of the pie. From 1800-1912, the Great Powers and the Balkan principalities- monarchies devised dozens of projects and signed dozens of treaties, whereby partial or complete partition of the ethnic Albanian territories was to be carried on. Apart of their numerous uprisings of 1909-1912, Albanians still remained the first among the Balkan nations to instigate the open front war against the Ottomans. Even though the Albanian call tojóin in the fighting of the common enemy was loud and clear, yet it fell on their neighbors dead ears, for they were preoccupied with their coveted national territorial expansionist schemes - ongoing for over a century. Nonetheless, it was the Albanian courageous spirit spilled over in the 1909-1912 uprisings that served as a potion in inducing courage among the Balkan monarchies to proclaim their own war against the Ottoman Empire. Had that not happened, the course of history in this part of the Balkans would have had an entirely different outcome. The uprisings, especially those general ones of 1912, enabled Albanians to secure a fictive autonomy in Albania - in four Albanian provinces, thus posing challenge not only to their Balkan neighbors but also to the Great Powers. Furthermore, had it not been for the danger of the expansionist intentions of the Balkan monarchies, Albanians, regardless of divergences, would have still carried on the war till the granting of their autonomy and independence. The Albanian uprisings of 1909-1912 made it evident that Albanians had sufficient abilities to ensure their independence on their own, thus making it further evident that Albanians needed neither Serbia, nor Montenegro, nor Greece, or Bulgaria to bring them their long- sought freedom. Rather Albanians were in need for international support - found among no other but Austro-Hungarians, Italians, and the British. Without their support and succor, the Albanian future would have been far bleaker. Hence, the uprisings of 1909-1912 were the ones that helped prepare the grounds for the proclamation of the Independence of Albania proving that the creation of Albanian State was no free gift given by anyone but rather an 474 Summary epilogue of the sublime sacrifices of many generations of Albanian people. In the spring of 1912. under the patronage of Russia, the Balkan monarchies of Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece, and Montenegro signed the alliance against the Ottoman Empire to divide its European territories. As it happened, despite their willingness to cooperate with the neighboring peoples, Albanians were again excluded from the alliance, for they, understandably so, were to be used as a ploy thereto in dividing the territories of the Ottoman Empire. First Balkan War (1912-1913) occurred due to the claims over the Albanian and Macedonian territories. After the Balkan War, three underlining crises attest to the Belgrade and Cetinje hegemonic claims over the Albanian territories: The question of Serbian aims in November- December 1912 to obtain access to the Adriatic Sea through the Albanian shores; the question of the demarcated boundaries of the Upper Albania (known also as the demarcation of the Northern and Northeastern Albania) at the Conference of Ambassadors in London; and finally the question of the refusal of Serbian troops to evacuate Albania in September-October 1913 and the Serbian demands to reexamine the demarcated boundaries set by the Conference of Ambassadors in London. As seen, the Serbian aims to gain access to the Adriatic Sea through Albania are old. In fact, the actual exit of the Serbian troops into the Adriatic in November 1912 created an illusion among the Serbian dominant circles as well as among its manipulated media that Serbia was granted once for ever the exit into the Adriatic. This could have been so had the Great Powers indeed caved in to the incessant Serbian claims. However, no Great Power was ready, save Russia, to cater to the Serbian appetite in question, for all of them had their own reasons and selfish interests to protect. The relevant sources of the Western provenience, widely used in this study, made it possible to draw scientific conclusions about individual stands taken by each Power in regard to the above question, which are: The Austro-Hungarian stand was bluntly decisive i.e., Serbia in no way was to be granted access to the Adriatic through Albania. This decision was mainly based on the vital interests that Austro-Hungary had in Albania under the aegis of its Balkan policy. Nonetheless, such a stand was crucial for Albanians whose future was still uncertain, but it also marked the beginning of a new-forged amicable Austro-Albanian rapport, which was honored by Albanians in many public occasions; The Italian stand was also adamant in preventing the Serbian presence on the Albanian shores. Though some occasional sources erroneously claim that Rome upheld a reserved or rather a calculative stand, the diplomatic 475 Shqipëria e Sipërme documents of the Italian, British, etc. provenience claim just the opposite i.e., the Italian government had undertaken the utmost measures to prevent the stationing of a new rival in the Adriatic - being aware of the fact that behind Serbia stood the powerful Russia who harbored long cherished interests for a permanent exit unto the Mediterranean Sea; The German stand was in total agreement with the Austro-Italian policies in the Adriatic; hence, the German government focused all its diplomatic activities in maintaining a harmonious stand with the Triple Alliance thereby fully concurring with the Austrian consistent policy in preserving the integrity of the Albanian lands especially those of geostrategic importance; The Great Britain stand, which, too, denied the Serbian territorial exit into the Adriatic, was based on the following reasons: a) The silent agreement of the occidental powers to prevent and disallow the Russian exit into the Warm Seas was still in power . The British diplomacy firmly believed that a Serbian port in the Adriatic in no time could be turned into a Russian military marine base. Hence, even if there were no decisive Austrian opposition, the British opposition would have sufficed in itself. b) The British government never lost sight of its Muslim subjects in India - counting about 75 million, who as loyal subjects under the British rule, were a sort of guarantee against the Hindu nationalism. Therefore, it would have gone against the grain of the Foreign Office eastern policies to support the aims of the Balkan allies who were in war with the Muslim Turkey. c) Lastly, it would have been unwise for the Great Britain to get into any confrontation with Austro-Hungary - the Triple Alliance, for the sake of a mere Serbian port in the Adriatic, let alone jeopardize its economic advantages since it is known that till World War I, it was Britain who had the strongest economic positions in the Ottoman Empire - even stronger than those of the competitive and powerful Germany and France; Whereas France, despite its keen emotional bond with certain Balkan Christian monarchies, was not ready either to jeopardize its own political and economic interests in the Ottoman Empire for the sake of a Serbian port in the Adriatic. As a result, since the beginning of this question, neither the French government nor the French public opinion supported the Serbian territorial claims. Moreover, Paris in concert with London exercised a significant 476 Summary pressure on Belgrade to withdraw its provoking aims that could destabilize the abiding peace in Europe; Russia, thus, was the sole Power, even at the very onset of crisis, ready to support and justify Serbian claims for an Adriatic exit through the Albanian territories. However, Russia could not find support among its allies such as Britain and France who kept instead exercising continues pressure on Petersburg to relinquish its support regarding Serbian claims. Since the crisis reached a potential dangerous outcome, Russia was finally forced to withdraw. Thus, Serbia, left with no support from Russia and even from the Balkan allies, was forced to withdraw its Adriatic policies, too. Nonetheless, thanks to the Russian involvement, Serbia was promised territorial compensation at the expense of Albanian territories. Hence, this very relinquishment over the Adriatic question thereby was to be used by Russia and Serbia as a trump card to expand their territorial claims in the Northern and Northeastern Albania. At last, the Conference of Ambassadors in London (December 1912 - July 1913) succeeded in putting an end to the Serbian question of the Adriatic access and, at the same time, recognized the formation of the Albanian autonomous principality. At the closing of the Conference, the Albanian State Independence was also recognized. The Conference of Ambassadors, however, reopened the wounds of the Berlin Congress since the decision made at the meeting of March 22, 1913 brought along a new victimization of Albanians whose lands once more were to be carved up to pacify the rapacious appetites of their neighbors. Instead of condemning the Serbs and the Montenegrins and holding them accountable for their shameful genocide committed upon Albanians during the First Balkan War I, the Congress went ahead and handsomely awarded them with the largest portion of the Upper Albanian ethnic lands, including therein Kosova and the Western Macedonia. The same happened with the southern boundaries of Albania whereby Greece got Yanina in addition to Chameria. In this respect, the main criteria of the Conference was evidently the right of the winner of war backed up especially by Russia and France. The published and unpublished sources, both of the Western and the Balkan provenience used in this study, shed important light upon the true stand of the Great Powers taken at the preliminary discussions and at the time of demarcation of the Upper Albanian boundaries during the Conference of Ambassadors in London. The findings are as follow: The Austro-Hungarian government, since the beginning of the workings of the Conference, made it clear that would ensure Albania gets the 477 Shqipëria e Sipërme widest territorial boundaries so as to be viable for existence. Right at the start of the Conference, Vienna produced the project-map of the Albanian bounds, which Berhtold called it the maximum give away even though the borderlines, in fact, had been drastically reduced. Based on the available documents, unfortunately it was not easy to get any clear cut answer as to why the Vienna acted the way it did. How did it happen that the disputed borderlines between the enlarged state of Serbia and the new state of Albania got so shrunken along the line of the cities of Peja-Gjakova-Prizren-Dibra when it was already known that the ethnic lands of the Upper Albania, after the Congress of Berlin, stretched approximately along the line of the cities and homonymous districts of Jeni Pazar, Mitrovica, Vuchiterna, Prishtina, Gjilan, Presheva, Shkup, Tetova - all the way to Dibra. Since the Conference of Ambassadors chose not to take into consideration the realistic and rightful claims of the Albanian people communicated through many memorandums of the Provisional Government of Vlora, Austro-Hungary could, actually, do nothing in preserving even those pithily claimed shrunken boundaries for the state of Albania. The Austro-Hungarian persistent claim that Shkoder should remain within Albania was backed up to a high extend by the heroic war of the Albanian and Ottoman troops and that of the citizens of Shkoder and Malesia who stalwartly resisted the joint Montenegrin-Serbian forces and their merciless siege as well as the bombing of their civilian areas. However, apart from Shkoder, within a relatively short period of time, Vienna and Rome gave up on the cities and provinces of Peja, Prizren, Dibra and in the end of Gjakova as well - all of them having vital importance for the future of Albania. Thus, this Austro-Italian ceded policy represents a dark diplomatic side of the Triple Alliance. However, it would be amiss not to mention the very positive role Austro-Hungary, Italy, and Germany played in the international engagement to recognize the Albanian State; in preventing the Serbian territorial exit into the Adriatic through Albania; in withdrawing the Montenegrin troops from the occupied Shkoder; and in evacuating the Serbian troops from Albania; At the Conference of Ambassadors in London, the German government and the Italian government were not always consistent in their debates over the boundaries of the Northern and Northeastern Albania, ш this respect, Berlin often played a double role: an uncompromising and unreserved supporter of the Austro-Hungarian policy; on one hand, and a mediator during Austrian and Russian confrontations; on the other hand. This German volunteer double-sided attitude influenced to a considerable degree the Italian already flimsy stance but, above all, it also made an impact on the Austro- Hungarian initial intransigence; 478 Summary The Russian government as well as the French government came forward as the strongest supporters of the Serbo-Montenegrin hegemonic policies. The stance of these two Powers determined to a considerable degree the fate of the boundaries of the Upper Albania. France did mainly support the propositions stated by Petersburg. The French stance cannot be explained otherwise but through the fact that France feared the spread of the PanGerman influence in the Balkans as well as in the East wherein the French political and economic interests were paramount; The British government had played a much greater role at the Conference of Ambassadors in London than it was assumed thus far. Based on historiography, there is a prevailing opinion that the British stance at the Conference was neutral — and had to be so since the Conference was taking place in own their territory - in London. However, diplomatic documents of the British provenience lead to the conclusion that the British stance - to be more accurate, the stance of the British foreign secretary Sir Edward Grey was not at all neutral as expected, for at times he knew how to be plainly bias. At one moment, he would emphasis his neutral mode, yet at the other, especially at critical moments, he would rub shoulders with Russian proposals and interests. Grey s role in letting Peja, Prizren, Dibra, and Gjakova to be ceded so fast cannot be overlooked. However, this does not mean that the stance of the Foreign Office and that of Grey were antiAlbanian. In fact, Great Britain had never opposed the creation of the Albanian state; on the contrary, its full support had been more than evident in a number of situations such as: the British government had taken a right stand when it came to the Adriatic crises, then Shkoder crises, and even later during the crises of September 1913 uprisings, as well as at the delimitation work of the commissions. The specific official stand of London taken during the disputes and the work over the demarcation of the Northern and Northeastern boundaries of Albania at the Conference of Ambassadors in London can be mainly interpreted in the light of these moments: a) The general interest of the British government and that of the foreign secretary Edward Grey was the successful flow of the Conference and quick resolutions of the disputed issues since the reputation of both the British state and that of the Grey himself had to be kept intact. b) Secretary Grey, right at the start of the Conference, created an impression that the Austro-Hungarian intransigence was feebler than that of Russia. Added to it was also the wavering role and attitude of 479 Shqipëria e Sipërme Germany and Italy, thus Grey, being a diplomat and a pragmatic politician, played exactly on the same tactics. c) The inconsistent policy of Vienna in the easy ceding of Peja and Prizren created in Grey a further impression that with a firmer diplomatic pressure, Vienna would cede even Dibra and Gjakova - as it indeed came to pass. d) Being in the same political alliance with France and Russia, the declared neutrality of the Great Britain regarding the Balkan question could not be expected to have been that consistent since the fear of German influence in the East and the danger of the spread of Pan-Germanism had been already engrained. In this regard, as a result of the Russian persistent involvement in upholding the Balkan allies claims coupled with the French open support, and the British latent support, and the Austro-Hungarian lenient policy, and the German and Italian dubious and wavering stand, and finally, the incoherent contents within the Albanian reports, at the Conference of Ambassadors in London, Albania was severed of its most valuable vital ethnic territories of the aforetime vilayets of Shkoder, Kosova, Manastir, and Yanina. From the ethnic Albania, a country of only 28,000 km2 was created i.e., of about 40% of its total ethnic territory. The Triple Alliance policy to have a viable Albania so as to see to its existence turned bitterly into a political antipode. Consequently, Albania, as a new country, was made to fight for its survival throughout its history. What s more, Albanians, as ancient native people of Europe, became a unique case in that - on top of many suffered genocidal acts committed by their neighbors, but conveniently overlooked by the Great Powers - they were also severely punished by the international community. If the political map of Europe were to be unrolled and particular attention to the borders of the countries of this continent were to be paid and by stepping back for a brief moment to the times from the 15th century to the beginning of the 20th century when these national states were created, clearly could be seen that all these countries contained within their borders no less than 70% of their ethnic territories. However, such was not the case with the Albanian state since after the Conference of Ambassadors in London hardly 40% of its ethnic territories remained. This historical unjust act left deep scars on Albanian people and the consequences that proceeded were evidently dire and beyond reparation. The Great Powers, no later than the year 1913, became witnesses themselves of the ill effects of their unjust decisions when the enslaved Albanians subjected to the ruthless Serbian state regime were forced into desperate uprisings against the imposed annexation 480 Summary starting from the Rugova Mountains all the way to the Lake of Ohrid i.e., along the entire artificially created borderline. The consequences of the Ambassadors decisions were made manifest again and again throughout the ensuing Albanian history. In fact, those decisions inflicted a deep wound into the very roots of the Albanian ethnic tree trunk, which remained unhealed till the turn of the third millennium. The Independence of Kosova, though at the first sight may seem for the Albanians of the Upper Albania as a reward for their century-long enduring sufferings, it is in fact just a partial debt paid back by the international community to this ancient European people. Nonetheless, the highest debt to be paid back still rests upon their Balkan neighbors as well as Russia who were the main and direct instruments in causing the Albanian tragedy. Thus, the conclusion of this historic chapter would attain a humane meaning only when the latter above mentioned countries would apologize to and seek forgiveness from Albanians for all the injustices and genocide they committed upon them throughout the historic periods from 1877 to 1999 so that a new chapter of honest and enduring cooperation would commence, and the Balkans, historically troubled lands, would once for ever enjoy the abiding peace within the bosom of the contemporary European community. 481
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spelling	Rizaj, Gazmend S. 1958- Verfasser (DE-588)1022747363 aut Shqipëria e Sipërme 1800 - 1913 ; në projektet dhe traktatet e Fuqive të Mëdha dhe shteteve ballkanike Gazmend S. Rizaj Upper Albania Prishtinë Inst. Albanologjik 2011 646 S. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier PST: Upper Albania. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Londoner Botschafterkonferenz 1912-1913 London (DE-588)1277934169 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1800-1913 gnd rswk-swf Erster Balkankrieg (DE-588)4143943-0 gnd rswk-swf Grenzkonflikt (DE-588)4158142-8 gnd rswk-swf Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 gnd rswk-swf Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd rswk-swf Albanische Frage (DE-588)7748428-9 gnd rswk-swf Großmacht (DE-588)4125218-4 gnd rswk-swf Albanien Nord (DE-588)4407133-4 gnd rswk-swf Europa (DE-588)4015701-5 gnd rswk-swf Nordmazedonien West (DE-588)4114938-5 gnd rswk-swf Balkanhalbinsel (DE-588)4004334-4 gnd rswk-swf Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4135952-5 Quelle gnd-content Albanien Nord (DE-588)4407133-4 g Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 g Nordmazedonien West (DE-588)4114938-5 g Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 s Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 s Geschichte 1800-1913 z DE-604 Europa (DE-588)4015701-5 g Großmacht (DE-588)4125218-4 s Balkanhalbinsel (DE-588)4004334-4 g Albanische Frage (DE-588)7748428-9 s Erster Balkankrieg (DE-588)4143943-0 s Londoner Botschafterkonferenz 1912-1913 London (DE-588)1277934169 f Grenzkonflikt (DE-588)4158142-8 s Geschichte z Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025009992&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025009992&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Rizaj, Gazmend S. 1958- Shqipëria e Sipërme 1800 - 1913 ; në projektet dhe traktatet e Fuqive të Mëdha dhe shteteve ballkanike Londoner Botschafterkonferenz 1912-1913 London (DE-588)1277934169 gnd Erster Balkankrieg (DE-588)4143943-0 gnd Grenzkonflikt (DE-588)4158142-8 gnd Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd Albanische Frage (DE-588)7748428-9 gnd Großmacht (DE-588)4125218-4 gnd
subject_GND	(DE-588)1277934169 (DE-588)4143943-0 (DE-588)4158142-8 (DE-588)4068517-2 (DE-588)4046514-7 (DE-588)7748428-9 (DE-588)4125218-4 (DE-588)4407133-4 (DE-588)4015701-5 (DE-588)4114938-5 (DE-588)4004334-4 (DE-588)4032571-4 (DE-588)4135952-5
title	Shqipëria e Sipërme 1800 - 1913 ; në projektet dhe traktatet e Fuqive të Mëdha dhe shteteve ballkanike
title_alt	Upper Albania
title_auth	Shqipëria e Sipërme 1800 - 1913 ; në projektet dhe traktatet e Fuqive të Mëdha dhe shteteve ballkanike
title_exact_search	Shqipëria e Sipërme 1800 - 1913 ; në projektet dhe traktatet e Fuqive të Mëdha dhe shteteve ballkanike
title_full	Shqipëria e Sipërme 1800 - 1913 ; në projektet dhe traktatet e Fuqive të Mëdha dhe shteteve ballkanike Gazmend S. Rizaj
title_fullStr	Shqipëria e Sipërme 1800 - 1913 ; në projektet dhe traktatet e Fuqive të Mëdha dhe shteteve ballkanike Gazmend S. Rizaj
title_full_unstemmed	Shqipëria e Sipërme 1800 - 1913 ; në projektet dhe traktatet e Fuqive të Mëdha dhe shteteve ballkanike Gazmend S. Rizaj
title_short	Shqipëria e Sipërme
title_sort	shqiperia e siperme 1800 1913 ne projektet dhe traktatet e fuqive te medha dhe shteteve ballkanike
title_sub	1800 - 1913 ; në projektet dhe traktatet e Fuqive të Mëdha dhe shteteve ballkanike
topic	Londoner Botschafterkonferenz 1912-1913 London (DE-588)1277934169 gnd Erster Balkankrieg (DE-588)4143943-0 gnd Grenzkonflikt (DE-588)4158142-8 gnd Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd Albanische Frage (DE-588)7748428-9 gnd Großmacht (DE-588)4125218-4 gnd
topic_facet	Londoner Botschafterkonferenz 1912-1913 London Erster Balkankrieg Grenzkonflikt Albaner Politik Albanische Frage Großmacht Albanien Nord Europa Nordmazedonien West Balkanhalbinsel Kosovo Quelle
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025009992&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025009992&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
work_keys_str_mv	AT rizajgazmends shqiperiaesiperme18001913neprojektetdhetraktatetefuqivetemedhadheshteteveballkanike AT rizajgazmends upperalbania

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