Latin embedded clauses: the left periphery
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| Format: | Book |
| Language: | English |
| Published: |
Amsterdam [u.a.]
Benjamins
2012
|
| Series: | Linguistik aktuell
184 |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| Item Description: | Includes bibliographical references |
| Physical Description: | XVIII, 368 S. graph. Darst. |
| ISBN: | 9789027255679 9789027274885 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Latin embedded clauses |b the left periphery |c Lieven Danckaert |
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Record in the Search Index
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| adam_text | Table
of
contents
Preface xv
List of abbreviations XVII
CHAPTER
1
Introduction
!
1. The phenomenon of Left Edge Fronting
ι
ia
The core data
ι
1.1.1 Some first examples
ι
1.1.2
The notion of left periphery
3
1.2
Earlier accounts of Latin
LEF
3
1.2.1
Conjunctions as second position clitics
4
1.2.2
LEF
as emphatic fronting
4
1.2.3
Evaluation
5
1.3
Two types of
LEF
6
1.4
LEF
in Latin adverbial clauses: A corpus survey
6
1.4.1
Step
1 :
Corpus research
7
1.4.1.1
General remarks
7
1.4.1.2
Description of the corpus
7
1.4.1.3
Periodization
8
1.4.1.4
Why adverbial clauses?
9
1.4.2
Step
2:
Syntactic analysis
10
2.
Word order in Latin
10
2.1
Free but not arbitrary : On the flexibility of Latin word order
10
2.2
Restrictions on word order permutations
12
2.2.1
The position of sentential negation
12
2.2.2
Conclusion
14
3.
Linear order vs. hierarchical structure
14
3.1
A case study: Object positions in Latin
15
3.2
Linear order in syntax as a derived notion
16
3.3
Conclusion
18
4.
Latin as a discourse-configurational language
18
4.1
Word order and information structure
19
4.1.1
Discourse neutral word order
19
4.1.2
The free word order phenomenon
20
vi
Latin Embedded Clauses: The left periphery
4.1.2.1
Non-configurationality
20
4.1.2.2
Discourse configurationality
21
4.2
Latin as a discourse configurational language
22
4.2.1
Discourse neutral word order
22
4.2.2
Some marked word order patterns
23
4.2.2.1
Left peripheral constituents
23
4.2.2.2
Scrambling
27
4.3
Round-up
28
5,
Addendum: Studying word order variation: A crash course
in generative syntax
28
5.1
Some preliminaries
28
5.1.1
Phrase structure
29
5.1.2
Deriving linear order from hierarchical structure
30
5.1.2.1
C-command
30
5.1.2.2
The LCA and some of its consequences
31
5.1.3
The architecture of the grammar
32
5.2
Structure of the clause
33
5.2.1
The Universal Base and the cartographic project
33
5.2.2
Tripartition vs.
bipartition
34
5.2.3
The Verb Phrase
35
5.2.4
The Tense Phrase
35
5.2.5
The Complementizer Phrase
36
5.2.6
Summary
37
5.2.7
A note on DPs
38
5.3
Movement
38
5.3.1
The nature of syntactic derivations
38
5.3.2
Types of movement
39
5.3.2.1
Head movement
39
5.3.2.2
A-movement
40
5.3.2.3 Ä-movement 40
5.3.2.4
Scrambling
44
5.3.3
Relativized Minimality
45
5.3.3.1
The basic idea
45
5.3.3.2
Head movement,
А
-movement and
Ä-movement
and
RM
46
5.3.3.3
Splitting the A -paradigm
47
5.3.3.4
Feature based
RM
48
5.3.4
Syntactic islands
48
5.3.4.1
A small inventory of syntactic islands
48
5.3.4.2
Island effects as a diagnostic for movement
49
5.4
Conclusion
51
Table of
Contents
vu
CHAPTER
2
The internal syntax of Adverbial Clauses (ACs)
53
1.
Adverbial clauses: The landscape
53
1.1
Clausal adjuncts
53
1.2
External syntax of ACs
54
1.2.1
Functional projections
54
1.2.2
Clause-initial and clause-final position
55
1.3
Latin ACs: Some key properties
¡6
1.3.1
Latin ACs: Finite
adverbiais
56
1.3.2
Monosemous vs. polysemous conjunctions
57
1.3.3
Distinguishing different types of ACs introduced by
ut
58
1.3.4
More on verbal mood in embedded clauses
60
2.
The operator derivation of ACs
64
2.1
Temporal ACs as free relatives
64
2.1.1
Adverbial subordinators with wh-morphology
64
2.1.1.1
when as a wh-item
64
2.1.1.2
cum as a wh-item
65
2.1.2
Long distance readings
67
2.1.2.1
English
67
2.1.3
Analysis
68
2.2
Conditionals
69
2.3
Possible extensions
70
3.
Main Clause Phenomena
73
3.1
What are Main Clause Phenomena?
73
3.2
Explaining the ban on embedded MCP
75
3.2.1
The role of assertion
75
3.2.2
Truncation account (Haegeman 2003a,b;
2006) 76
3.2.3
Intervention account (Haegeman
2009, 201
0a,b)
77
4.
Two types of ACs
79
4.1
Central vs. peripheral ACs
79
4.2
External syntax
80
4.3
MCP in peripheral ACs
81
4.4
Peripheral ACs in Latin
81
5.
The distribution of the particle quidem in ACs
83
5.1
Syntactic distribution of quidem
83
5.1.1
ACs introduced by monosemous conjunctions
83
5.1.2
ACs introduced by polysemous conjunctions
84
5.2
On the interpretation of quidem
85
5.3
quidem as a polarity marker
87
5.3.1
Stripping or Bare Argument Ellipsis
88
5.3.2
quidem in stripping contexts
88
5.3.3
The syntax of polarity focus go
viii Latin
Embedded Clauses: The left periphery
5.3.4
Stripping as TP-ellipsis
90
5.3.5
Stripping in Latin
92
5.4
Accounting for the MCP-like distribution of quidem
92
6.
Conclusion
93
CHAPTER
3
The left periphery of embedded clauses
95
1.
The position of subordinating conjunctions with respect to topics and foci
95
1.1
Subordinators in ForceP
95
1.2
Subordinators lower than ForceP
97
1.2.1
Introduction
97
1.2.2
Modern Greek
99
1.2.3
Some additional cross-linguistic data
102
1.2.3.1
Bulgarian
102
1.2.3.2
Russian
103
1.2.3.3
English
103
1.2.4
Intermediate conclusion
104
2.
Clause typing and the role of ForceP
104
2.1
On the position of subordinating conjunctions in the C-system
104
2.1.1
Clause type and illocutionary force
104
2.1.2
Disjoining subordinators from clause-typers
105
2.2
The left periphery of Latin ACs
107
2.3
LEF
in Latin: A closer look at the data
108
3.
Corpus study of
LEF
in Latin ACs
111
3.1
Facts and figures
112
3.1.1
The basic data set
112
3.1.2
Position of the AC in the superordinate clause
114
3.2
A first discussion of the figures
118
3.2.1
A quantitative left-right assymmetry
118
3.2.2
Diachrony
120
4.
A preview of the upcoming analyses
122
chapter
4
The syntax of island pied-piping: Evidence from Latin relative clauses
123
1.
Introduction
123
1.1
Presentation of the data
124
1.1.1
Relative
Verschränkung 124
1.1.2
Clausal pied-piping
126
1.1.3
Four important features of relative
Verschränkung 127
1.1.3.1
A left-right asymmetry
127
1.1.3.2
Case morphology
127
labie ol
contents
їх
1.1.3.3
No parasitic gaps
128
1.1.3.4
Linear position of the relative pronoun
128
1.1.4
Nature of the relative clause CP2
129
1.2
Cross-linguistic parallels
131
1.2.1
Ancient Greek
132
1.2.2
Early Modern English
132
1.2.3
Bavarian
133
1.2.4
OW
Portuguese
135
1.3
Islands vs. non-islands
136
1.3.1
Complement clauses
136
1.3.1.1
Long extraction out of complement clauses
136
1.3.1.2
Pied-piped complement clauses
138
1.3.2
Strong islands in Latin, and some exotic extractions
140
1.3.2.1
Adverbial clauses
140
1.3.2.2
Clausal subjects
142
1.3.3
Summary
142
2.
Clausal pied-piping
143
2.1
Introduction: On the phenomenon of pied-piping
143
2.1.1
Pied-piping of a DP
144
2.1.2
(Left Branch) Extraction
145
2.1.3
Frequency of pied-piping
146
2.2
Clausal/island pied-piping cross-linguistically
147
2.2.1
Imbabura
Quechua
147
2.2.2
Basque
148
2.2.3
Malayalam
149
2.3
The syntax of clausal pied-piping
150
2.3.1
Step
1:
Internal wh-movement
151
2.3.1.1
Tzotzil genitive possessors
151
2.3.1.2
Latin
genitival wh-modifiers
152
2.3.1.3
German pied-piped infinitives
154
2.3.1.4
The Edge Generalization
156
2.3.1.5
Partial movement
156
2.3.2
Step
2:
Feature percolation
158
2.3.2.1
Feature movement via left branches
158
2.3.2.2
Eliminating feature percolation?
160
2.3.3
Step
3:
Movement of the derived operator
161
2.4
Island pied-piping in a wh-in-situ language
162
2.5
Two alternative analyses and their problems
166
2.5.1
Alternative I: CP-scrambling followed by
subextraction
166
2.5.2
Alternative II: CP3 base generated in a leftward position
167
χ
Latin Embedded Clauses: The left periphery
2.6
Discussion: Internal wh-movement and successive cyclicity
168
2.6.1
Recursive internal wh-movement
168
2.6.1.1
Finnish
168
2.6.1.2
Latin
169
2.6.2
Concluding remarks
171
3.
A relative/interrogative asymmetry
172
3.1
The behaviour of Latin interrogative wh-
172
3.1.1
Recap: Pied-piping by relative wh-
172
3.1.2
Pied-piping by interrogative wh-
173
3.1.3
Summary
174
3.2
Asymmetries between relative and interrogative wh-
174
3.2.1
Extraction asymmetries
175
3.2.1.1
English
175
3.2.1.2
Bulgarian
175
3.2.1.3
German
176
3.2.2
Wh-in-situ
177
3.2.3
Crossover asymmetries
178
3.2.4
Conclusion
179
3.3
The feature make-up of wh-phrases
179
3.4
The derivation of Latin relative
Verschränkung 180
3.5
Conclusion
181
4.
Extending the pied-piping analysis to cases with
2
CPs
181
4.1
More on the nature of the relative clause in
LEF
1 181
4.1.1
Introducing the
relatif de
liaison
181
4.1.2
Relatif de
liaison and
LEF
183
4.1.3
Bare vs. attributive wh-pronouns
184
4.2
Two types of
non-
restrictive relative clauses
185
4.2.1
Independent illocutionary force
186
4.2.2
Category of the antecedent
188
4.2.3
Preposability : wh-words in parentheticals
188
4.2.4
Non-identity of external and internal head
189
4.2.5
Binding into relative clauses
191
4.2.6
Pied-piping
192
4.3
Two patterns in clausal pied-piping
194
4.3.1
Early Modern Dutch
194
4.3.2
Latin
195
4.3.3
Structure and derivation
197
4.4
On the pronoun introducing non-restrictive RCs
199
4.4.1
Referential dependency and
Е
-type
pronouns
200
4.4.2
Interpretive similarity with coordinating
conjunction
+
pronoun
204
5.
Summary
205
Table
I contents
χι
CHAPTER
5
Clausal pied-piping by topics
207
1.
Non
wh-words undergoing
LEF:
The data
207
1.1
Type A: Single
LEF
209
1.1.1
Patterns attested
209
1.1.2
Table and figures
210
1.2
Type B: Multiple
LEF
211
1.2.1
Patterns attested
211
1.2.2
Table and figures
212
1.3
A note on ILLE
212
2.
Excursus: Latin pronouns
214
2.1
The system of Latin personal pronouns
214
2.1.1
pro drop
214
2.1.2
Overt pronouns: Paradigms
215
2.1.3
Third person pronouns
215
2.2
On the nature and usage of third person pronouns
217
2.2.1
Demonstratives, or persona] pronouns after all?
217
2.2.1.1
Spatial deixis
218
2.2.1.2
Principle
В
or principle C?
218
2.2.1.3
Reference to non-humans
219
2.2.2
Deixis vs. anaphora
220
2.2.2.1
Deictic and other non-anaphoric uses
220
2.2.2.2
Anaphoric use
221
2.2.3
Pragmatic differences between third person pronouns
222
2.3
± Attributive
223
3.
Type A: LEF1 with
1
pronoun
224
3.1
Clause-internal occurrences of IS
224
3.2
Fronted pronouns
228
3.3
Topicalization asymmetries in modern languages
231
3.1.1
Standard German
231
3.3.2
Bavarian Emphatic Topicalization
232
3.3.2.1
The basic data
232
3.3.2.2
Pragmatic value of
ET
234
4.
Accounting for the left-right asymmetry
234
4.1
Clausal pied-piping by topics: Bayer
2001 235
4.2
Latin pronominal
LEF
238
4.2.1
No topics inside (central) ACs
238
4.2.2
AC-external Topic probe
240
5.
Type B: Multiple
LEF,
and what it can teach us
241
5.1
Multiple
LEF:
The data
241
5.1.1
Attested patterns
241
хп
Latin
Embedded Clauses:
lhe
left periphery
5.1.2
Unattested patterns
242
5.1.3
Question: Multiple fronting or two different phenomena?
243
5.2
Sources of multiple
Ä-movement 243
5.2.1
Recursion: Multiple topics
243
5.2.2
Multiple wh-movement and clustering
244
5.2.2.1
The phenomenon
244
5.2.2.2
Two types of multiple wh-languages
246
5.2.2.3
Multiple wh- in Latin
249
5.2.2.4
A note on phrasal clusters
250
5.3
Latin: Only one pied-piper
251
5.3.1
No multiple topics
252
5.3.2
Multiple
Ä-movement 252
5.3.2.1
Superiority effects in multiple wh
252
5.3.2.2
No superiority effects in multiple
LEF
253
5.3.3
Interim conclusion
254
5.4
Non-pronominal DP pied-pipers revisited
254
6.
A possible alternative
255
6.1
Romance
(esp.
Italian) Clitic Left Dislocation
255
6.1.1
The left-right asymmetry
255
6.1.2
Position of CILD-constituents
256
6.2
No pied-piping, is and hie in TopP
257
7.
Conclusion
257
CHAPTER
6
LEF2: Presentational foci in CP
259
1.
A third kind of fronting in embedded clauses
260
1.1
Fronting in rightward clauses
260
1.1.1
Some quantitative data
260
1.1.2
LEF2 in initial clauses
262
1.1.3
Multiple LEF2?
263
1.2
Some interpretive characteristics of LEF2
265
1.2.1
Discourse status of the fronted phrase
266
1.2.2
Fronting of non-referential elements
267
1.2.3
Fronting of non-specific elements: Indefinites
and bare quantifiers
270
1.3
What LEF2 is not, and why
272
1.3.1
Against a scrambling analysis of LEF2
273
1.3.2
Against a C1LD analysis
273
1.4
A note on word order in poetry
275
2.
Presentational foci in CP
275
2.1
Different types of constituent focus: The classical picture
276
2.1.1
Two types of constituent focus
276
labie ol
contents
xiii
2.1.1.1
Identificational
foci
276
2.1.1.2
Presentational
foci
277
2.1.2
Presentational
foci in FocvP
278
2.1.3
The locus of
focus: Focus
projections in the clausal
spine
280
2.2
Some
refinements
280
2.2.1
Modern Greek
281
2.2.2
Sicilian
282
2.2.3
Subpart
of Focus Fronting
283
2.3
Characterization of Latin LEF2
284
3.
Summary
286
4.
Interlude: The special behaviour of
LEF
under coordination
287
4.1
The data that initially made me think that
LEF
is postsyntactic
PF-movement...
287
4.2 ...
and the ones that subsequently made me abandon this idea
289
chapter
7
The syntax of LEF2:
A synchronie
and diachronic perspective
291
1.
Diachronic evolution: Decline of LEF2
291
1.1
Results of the corpus study
292
1.1.1
The figures
292
1.1.2
Statistics
294
1.2
Two hypotheses
296
1.2.1
How
ЕЕРг-сопѕШиеШѕ
end up in CP
296
1.2.2
Syntactic change in Latin: The loss of LEF2 and the shift
from OV to VO
297
2.
The derivation of Latin
SOV
300
2.1
Theoretical premises
300
2.1.1
Universal base and language specific neutral word orders
300
2.1.2
Mixed word order languages
301
2.1.3
Verbal inflection and head movement
301
2.1.4
The EPP-requirement
302
2.2
Deriving the order verb-inflection through vP movement:
Some case studies
304
2.2.1
West Flemish
305
2.2.2
Finnish
307
2.2.3
Hindi
309
2.3
vP movement in Latin
310
2.3.1
OV word order in Latin: The basic idea
311
2.3.1.1
Synthetic vs. analytic verbs
3«
2.3.1.2
Deriving the order OV: Short object movement
312
2.3.1.3
Deriving the order V-INFL: (remnant) vP movement
312
xiv
Latin Embedded Clauses: The left periphery
2.3.2
Two illustrations
314
2.3.2.1
Analytic transitive verbs
314
2.3.2.2
Auxiliaries and transitive infinitives
317
2.3.3
Round-up
319
3.
A smuggling derivation
319
3.1
Smuggling and locality
319
3.1.1
English passives
320
3.1.2
Italian
VOS
321
3.1.3
Clause-final functional adverbs
321
3.2
Details of the Latin derivation
323
3.2.1
Some notes on locality
323
3.2.2
An example: LEF2 of a direct object
323
4.
Decline and loss of LEF2
324
4.1
Not so strictly INFL-final: V-XP order in Latin
325
4.1.1
Previous accounts
325
4.1.2
VO-syntax: Not a unitary phenomenon
327
4.1.2.1
Postverbal
I: Destressed tails
328
4.1.2.2
Postverbal
II: Presentational foci
330
4.2
Loss of vP movement and its consequences
333
5.
Conclusion
335
References
337
Language index
361
Person index
363
Subject index
367
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Danckaert, Lieven |
| author_facet | Danckaert, Lieven |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Danckaert, Lieven |
| author_variant | l d ld |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV040131484 |
| classification_rvk | FN 4495 |
| ctrlnum | (gbd)0995601 (OCoLC)796221683 (DE-599)GBV680254838 |
| discipline | Philologie / Byzantinistik / Neulatein |
| format | Book |
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| id | DE-604.BV040131484 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:17:36Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789027255679 9789027274885 |
| language | English |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-024988635 |
| oclc_num | 796221683 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-19 DE-BY-UBM DE-824 DE-12 DE-188 DE-11 DE-M100 DE-20 |
| owner_facet | DE-19 DE-BY-UBM DE-824 DE-12 DE-188 DE-11 DE-M100 DE-20 |
| physical | XVIII, 368 S. graph. Darst. |
| psigel | gbd_4_1209 |
| publishDate | 2012 |
| publishDateSearch | 2012 |
| publishDateSort | 2012 |
| publisher | Benjamins |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Linguistik aktuell |
| series2 | Linguistik aktuell |
| spelling | Danckaert, Lieven Verfasser aut Latin embedded clauses the left periphery Lieven Danckaert Amsterdam [u.a.] Benjamins 2012 XVIII, 368 S. graph. Darst. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Linguistik aktuell 184 Includes bibliographical references Latein (DE-588)4114364-4 gnd rswk-swf Wortstellung (DE-588)4135250-6 gnd rswk-swf Hypotaxe (DE-588)4161142-1 gnd rswk-swf Lateinische Syntax (DE-2581)TH000005750 gbd Lateinische Wortstellung (DE-2581)TH000005751 gbd Sprachwissenschaft (DE-2581)TH000005612 gbd Latein (DE-588)4114364-4 s Wortstellung (DE-588)4135250-6 s Hypotaxe (DE-588)4161142-1 s DE-604 Linguistik aktuell 184 (DE-604)BV000003638 184 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024988635&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Danckaert, Lieven Latin embedded clauses the left periphery Linguistik aktuell Latein (DE-588)4114364-4 gnd Wortstellung (DE-588)4135250-6 gnd Hypotaxe (DE-588)4161142-1 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4114364-4 (DE-588)4135250-6 (DE-588)4161142-1 |
| title | Latin embedded clauses the left periphery |
| title_auth | Latin embedded clauses the left periphery |
| title_exact_search | Latin embedded clauses the left periphery |
| title_full | Latin embedded clauses the left periphery Lieven Danckaert |
| title_fullStr | Latin embedded clauses the left periphery Lieven Danckaert |
| title_full_unstemmed | Latin embedded clauses the left periphery Lieven Danckaert |
| title_short | Latin embedded clauses |
| title_sort | latin embedded clauses the left periphery |
| title_sub | the left periphery |
| topic | Latein (DE-588)4114364-4 gnd Wortstellung (DE-588)4135250-6 gnd Hypotaxe (DE-588)4161142-1 gnd |
| topic_facet | Latein Wortstellung Hypotaxe |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024988635&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV000003638 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT danckaertlieven latinembeddedclausestheleftperiphery |