Bălgarija i nomadite do načaloto na XI vek:
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| Format: | Abschlussarbeit Buch |
| Sprache: | Bulgarian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Plovdiv
Fondacija Bălgarsko Istoričesko Nasledstvo
2011
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| Schriftenreihe: | Srednovekovna biblioteka
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| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Bulgaria and the Nomads up to the beginning of the eleventh century |
| Beschreibung: | 329 S. |
| ISBN: | 9789549198362 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text |
Bulgaria
and the Nomads up to the Beginning of the
Eleventh Century
The history of the relationship between Bulgaria and the nomads up to
the beginning of the eleventh century can be divided into four periods. Each
one of them is related to a separate nomad tribe-people, which inhabited
the outlying northeastern and northwestern border regions of Bulgaria. To¬
wards some of them the Bulgarians could never entirely overcome the hos¬
tility and mistrust, with others amicability quickly transformed into bitter
hatred, breeding conflicts, only to be replaced anew with times of peace and
common understanding. There was a third party of tribes, whom Bulgaria
allied and was in friendly terms with.
1.
The
Bulgars
originated as a separate Turkic ethnic group, somewhere
in the heart of Middle Asia. Gradually, they were pushed westwards, most
notably by the Huns, who were closely related to them, only to re-appear
in the areas north of Caucasus in the middle of fourth century. Further on,
in the course of a century, their fate intertwined with that of the Huns and
their invasion in Europe. Nonetheless, they managed to keep their ethnicity
intact, and, to some extent, maintained political autonomy. After Attila's de¬
mise in
453,
part of the
Bulgars
remained in
Pannonia
while others returned
to the grassland plains, north of the Black Sea, where they existed independ¬
ently during the first half of sixth century. Toward the half of that century,
mostly Turkic speaking Oghur tribes began to pervade among them, thus
integrating and assimilating themselves with the
Bulgars
lot in a way that
their names
-
Kutrigurs, Utigurs and Onogurs
-
held a significant place in
the chronicles, recording events from the middle and the second half of the
sixth century. Later, a discord over the political stance towards Byzantium
between the Kutrigurs and Utigurs, drove them into a lasting internecine
conflict, skillfully fueled by the imperial diplomacy, which quickly weak¬
ened them to fall easy prey to the Avars, invading from the East. The lat¬
ter, which actually were
a Ugor
nomad tribe with Hun and Turkic streaks,
seized control over the lands of the Onogurs and Utigurs, after
558,
having
formed an uneven alliance with the Kutrigurs, which itself was of anti-Byz¬
antine nature. The new centre of the Avar Khaganate in
Pannonia
seem-
322
BULGARIA AND THE NOMADS
ingly attracted a lesser fraction of the Kutrigurs, with most of them remain¬
ing in the steppes north of the Black Sea near the river Don, occupying the
eastern provinces of the Khaganate. That resulted in the growing influence
of the old
Pannonia Bulgars
in the west, as they had been participating sep¬
arately in the military initiatives of the Avar Khagan and easily assimilated
the recently arrived, yet underdeveloped kinsfolk of Kutrigurs. The attempt
to impose their candidate for the vacant Avar throne presented the climax
of their claims for dominance, which ultimately had tragic consequences
for the
Bulgars
in Central Europe. On die other hand, the struggle of the
Kutrigurs in the eastern outlying regions of the Khaganate showed more
success, as they allied with the
Bulgars
of
Kubrat
and by
635
had driven the
Avar garrisons away
-
with the area between the rivers Don and Dnepr for
a start. The Avar presence west of the
Dniepr
river was finally put to an end
with the migration of the
Bulgars
of Asparoukh towards the Onglos after
the break-up of Old Great Bulgaria about
670.
The period after
680
was hardly a time of war between Bulgaria and
the Avars. Against Byzantium, which die young Bulgarian state at the Low¬
er Danube was at least nominally at peace with, and against the Avars the
border protection was entrusted to the recently subjugated Slavs, not the
elite
Bulgar
forces. Khan Asparoukhs unwillingness to disrupt the "peace¬
ful" relations with the Avars and Byzantium was perhaps evident from his
attitude towards die migration of the "new mixed folk" led by his brother
Kuber
from
Pannonia
of the Avars to the plains of present-day Macedonia.
During die subsequent events the newly founded Danube Bulgaria opted
for maintaining "armed neutrality", even when the Empire set the scene for
operations against the
Bulgars
of
Kuber.
During the succeeding period (eighth century), the Avar-Bulgarian bor¬
der to the nordiwest, initially set along die river of Timok and the south¬
western flanks of the Carpadiian Mountains, hardly faced any substantial
extension. This was done at the beginning of ninth century, following die
defeat that the Avars suffered at the hands of Khan Krum. Eventually, part
of die Khaganate territory was incorporated into die Bulgarian state and its
population
-
treated as subjects of die Bulgarian ruler.
2.
As a consequence of the Avar invasion in the middle of sixth century,
some of the
Bulgar
tribes, mainly Onogurs and Utigurs, came under the
sway of
Kök
Turks, who had been since then on die pursuit of die Avars.
This process took place in die period of
568-576.
It is likely that subse-
quendy some of die Oghurs and
Bulgars
had been trying to throw off the
dominion of the
Kök
Turks by using eidier the protection of Byzantium
or the Avar one. However, the rest, thought to have been situated in the
BULGARIA
AND THE NOMADS
323
grassland plains between the river of Don and the river of Kuban, gradually
gained some degree of political independence. Having made this step, its
representatives meant to establish close contacts with the court of Constan¬
tinople, doing so independently from the
Kök
Turkic state authority. These
tendencies made themselves clearly visible at the beginning of the seventh
century, when the names of Organas
=
Gostun
=
Mohodu-heu and his
nephew Kubrat came into prominence. It was about year
630,
when (Bat)
Organas headed the internecine war against the ruling
Kök
Turkic dynasty,
which led to the liberation of the
Bulgars
from the
Kök
Turkic supreme
authority and their following consolidation into one great military and po¬
litical union governed by Khan Kubrat. A particularly fascinating detail lies
in the fact that Khan Kubrat and his wars against the enemies in the no¬
mad circles were supported by Byzantium and by the Emperor Heraclius.
One of the most dangerous among these enemies were pointed to be the
Khazars, who, having put an emphasis on the bond between themselves and
the fallen dynasty of the
Kök
Turks, laid claim to inherit the ruined Khaga-
nate. This was the main reason for the Khazars to lay a savage attack on Old
Great Bulgaria first. There is all evidence that the war between the
Bulgars
and Khazars started at the time when Khan Kubrat was still alive, e.g. in the
period of
651, 663-668.
Initially, the armed conflicts between the
Bulgars
and Khazars were restricted to the banks of the river of Kuban and in the
north
-
between the rivers of Volga and Don. However, after the death of
Khan Kubrat the Khazars got die upper hand, which occurred as a result of
some tendencies for decentralization in the ranks of the first great
Bulgar
state. It was obvious that Kubrat's third son
-
Asparoukh, who at the time
governed the oudying regions in the far East, inhabited with
Bulgar Ono-
ghundurs (Utigurs+Onogurs), whom Khazars had inflicted upon with the
initial blows, was the most energetic one. It seemed they never got the cru¬
cial support on behalf of the great sovereign (Bat)Baian, who was keen on a
treaty with the Khazars. Thus, it came as no surprise that Khazars defeated
them, whereupon the
Bulgars
under the command of Asparoukh beat a re¬
treat westward. They managed to impede the invading Khazars no earlier
than had they crossed Dniester river.
In the hindsight of the Bulgar-Byzantine conflict during the years
680-681
which marked the birth of medieval Danube Bulgaria, the Em¬
pire seemed to have maintained neutrality of Asparoukh and his
Bulgars
who were waging a struggle to halt and weaken the Khazar invasion, which
had a powerful negative impact on its strategic interest in the North Black
Sea coast. As a result, Khan Asparoukh was able to concentrate his main
military forces and lead them against the Khazars, thus managing to with-
324
BULGARIA AND THE NOMADS
hold their surge in the northeast. The Bulgar-Khazar conflict lasted until
the very death of the founder of the Bulgarian state, who was in the van¬
guard of his armies in the battles, where he eventually met his death. These
circumstances to a great extent predestined the hostility which his son and
successor Khan
Tervei
nourished for the Khazar Khaganate. The Bulgar-
Khazar antagonism clearly made itself noticed in the events surrounding
the restoration and second deposition of the Byzantine Emperor Justinian
II
(705-711)
who pleaded the Bulgarian sovereign for help, thus assuming
anti-Khazar stance. Later on, he pursued, though at times inconsistently,
anti-Khazar policy until his very end. The subsequent reactions in Pliska in
the backdrop of an impending Byzantine-Khazar threat were indicative of
that. One could not ignore the fact that the most fierce Bulgarian-Byzan¬
tine conflicts in the second half of the eighth century almost entirely coin¬
cide with the instances when the Khazar Khaganate was in a desperate need
for a firm rear when driving back the advancing Arabs at Caucasus. In spite
of all, however, territories eastward, from Dniester to Dnepr, acquired un¬
der
Tervei
rule, had been preserved, and when, at the beginning of the next
century Krum ascended the throne, the east outlying regions experienced
a prolonged spells of relative quiet. The state of affairs took a sudden twist
in favor of Bulgaria under Khan Omurtag. During the civil war in Khaz-
aria Bulgarian troops crossed over Dnepr and crushed the Khazar rule and
drove it back to the east. This facilitated the subsequent salvation and settle¬
ment of the survivors from the Khazar internecine wars, who were mostly
descendente
of Bayan's "Black"
Bulgars,
as well as the advent of newcomers
-
Magyars, there. These events marked the end of the immediate interac¬
tion between the Bulgarians and Khazars.
3.
The first mention of contacts between Bulgaria and Magyars dates
back from
837.
Magyars, who by then had settled immediately next to Bul¬
garian borders in Lebedia region (in-between Don and Dnepr rivers), were
attempting to provide a helping hand with preventing the escape of Byzan¬
tine prisoners of war from its territories across the river Danube. Despite
being unsuccessful, the Magyar support contributed to both Bulgaria and
Magyars keeping on good terms, at least at the beginning. However, later
on, the Khazars, as well as Byzantium did their best to win the Magyars
over by a slow but gradual process of instilling hostility for the Bulgarians.
It has been determined that by
860
the Magyars and Khazars had teamed
up on the Crimean peninsula, yet one could hardly assume that in the
80-
ies of ninth century Magyar forces had succeeded in invading as far as the
lowlands of Central Europe. It was no earlier than
889
had Pecheneg squads
chased away the Magyars from the valley of the river Don. As an imme-
BULGARIA
AND THE NOMADS
325
diate
result from their dislodgement from Lebedia to
Etelköz
some of the
Bulgarian lands situated across the river Danube
-
in-between rivers Dnepr
and South Bug were lost. At the beginning of the year 90-ies of ninth cen¬
tury, Khazar Khaganate made an attempt at guarding its authority over the
Magyars through elaborating plans for combined operations against the
precariously lodged Pechenegs, as well as, in all probability, against the Rus¬
sians and Bulgarians. It was maybe in
891
when the Magyars marched forth
Kiev, wherefrom they decided on setting off to the Carpathian basin in or¬
der to receive intelligence, with no intention to instigate conflicts with the
local Bulgarian governing. Upon receiving notice of their movements in re¬
gions in close vicinity to his own domain, Bavarian King
Arnulf
summoned
forth their squads to assist him against the Moravian Prince
Svatopluk
in
892.
Two years later the Magyars struck again, this time on their own, on
Moravia and
Pannonia.
On their way they, intentionally or not, attacked
and plundered the Bulgarian territories situated across the river Danube.
On the next year
- 895,
the Magyars, contracted as Byzantium allies, re¬
sulting from the mission of Nicetas Skleros, stormed central Bulgarian ter¬
ritories, employing the ships provided by Constantinople. Despite their
initial successes, however, subsequently they had to beat a retreat. It was no
later than in the spring of
896
when Symeon devised shock tactics on their
settlements in
Etelköz
from both sides by means of employing Pecheneg
armies, which forced the Magyars to pull back to the northern regions of
the Carpathian basin this very year. After settling down firmly there, they
once again caught the eye of the western chroniclers by carrying out ruin¬
ous campaigns in Carinthia, Lower
Pannonia
and Northern Italia. Before¬
hand, however, they occupied territories neighboring their route
-
the val¬
leys
ofrivers
Tisza, Körös,
Maros and Temes
in the northwestern Bulgarian
regions across the river Danube. Therefore, not only had Bulgarian-Magyar
conflicts been finished, yet on the contrary they entered a new stage in the
northwestern outlying regions of the Bulgarian state at the very beginning
of the next century.
This viewpoint has its grounds on data provided by the so-called Hun¬
garian Anonym, which sheds a broad light on the aforementioned events.
The details it is comprised of are being confirmed by other Hungarian and
western Latin written sources, as well as through certain indirect references
to be found in contemporary or subsequent Greek sources. This is way we
are led to believe that at the very beginning of tenth century the Magyars
managed to subdue three Bulgarian governors
-
Salan, Menumorout
and
Glad by taking over some of the Bulgarian lands across the river Danube in-
between Danube and
Tisza,
as well as the western mountainside of the Car-
326
BULGARIA AND THE
NOMADS
pathian mountain range. The Bulgarian sovereign Symeon, possibly aided
by the inhabitants of the Dalmatian Byzantine towns, sanctioned by Em¬
peror Leo VI
-
which had probably cost him the fortifications in the region
of Dyrrachion
(Durasi),
made an attempt at assisting his kinsman
Salan,
yet
suffered defeat in the batde at Belgrade. In spite of that, Bulgaria and the
Magyars signed a peace treaty and the latter aimed their attacks at Serbia,
Croatia and the Dalmatian coasdine. It was until the end of Symeon's rule
that peace was safeguarded, be it at the price of considerable territorial con¬
cessions on behalf of the Bulgarian state. What is more, we could hardly
doubt die fact that Magyars joined forces with Bulgarians in the famous
battle at Achelous River and the subsequent advance to Constantinople in
917.
4.
Probably the first east European state to establish relations with the
Pechenegs was Bulgaria of Symeon. Entering into military alliance against
the Magyars in
896,
which was later affirmed, had been their first instance.
Despite the twists and turns in the course of history, it laid a basis for good¬
will between both Bulgarians and Pechenegs which lasted until the end of
the First Bulgarian Kingdom. The Pechenegs, alike the Magyars, definitely
has their share in the defeat of Byzantine armies in the battle at Achelous
River
(20
August
917).
Arab geographer
al-Masudï
provides further infor¬
mation in his selected works on instances when the Pechenegs took part in
other clashes between Bulgaria and Byzantium. The account of the battle at
the town of Valandar, which could clearly be identified with the stronghold
of Debeltos, is particularly fascinating. As a matter of fact, this place obvi¬
ously functioned as an important frontier post, as well as a centre of com¬
munication and trade between Bulgaria and the Empire, as written sources,
sphragistic records and archeological findings would presume.
In all probability, during the reign of Symeon, Bulgaria and the
Pechenegs lived in times of peace, with hardly any disturbances accounted
for, when his successor
-
Tsar Peter, ascended the throne. He, as his father
once did, strived after standing well with the Pechenegs, treating them as an
ally and maintaining peace with them, which comprised a broad and quite
interesting spectrum of strategic moves in that aspect
-
from the voluntary
displacement of the Bulgarian governing body in the territories across the
river Danube (boundary having been determined along the stretch of Dni¬
ester river during the reign of Symeon) to granting pastures for the Pecheneg
livestock in the Bulgarian lands, as well as firmly maintaining the policy of
allying by marriage, which was to a great extent facilitated by the existing
linguistic similarities. The importance of the Bulgarian-Pecheneg relations
was further emphasized in die light of the events surrounding the second
BULGARIA
AND THE NOMADS
327
war march of the Russian prince Igor to Constantinople in
943.
Russian
chronicles bear evidence that apart from Varangians-Normans and Slavs,
the tribe of Tivertsi had been also recruited. Alike the
Ulici,
they were of
Bulgaro
-Turkic descent and inhabited the lands locked between Prut and
Dniester rivers. There is also a mention of the Pechenegs having taken part
in the campaign. However, at the very beginning of the march, the Bulgari¬
ans informed Constantinople of the advancing Russian troops, pointing out
that the Pechenegs were recruited as allies. Upon their arrival at Danube, in
the aftermath of the Bulgarian envoy (it is possible that Dobrudja inscrip¬
tion provides evidence on the participation of
Župan
Dimităr
in the march,
rather than a certain Pecheneg onslaught), the Russians became aware of
the fact they would not be granted a free pass of their land forces through
the territory of Bulgaria. And since the prospects of a marine assault did
not seem to be an eligible alternative, Prince Igor relinquished his campaign
and consequently urged the Pechenegs to wage a war in (or against) "the
land of Bulgaria". Judging from the course of the events, we tend to think
the Russian chronicler did not refer to lands in Volga Bulgaria, the lands
across or on the near side of the river Danube. It is probable that this in¬
formation considered instruction on possible military operations on behalf
of the Pechenegs against the Black
Bulgars
who inhabited the grasslands
locked between rivers Dnepr and Kuban, Sea of Azov region and Crimean
peninsula. In the long run, what concerns us the most, though being sub¬
ject of working hypothesis, is the fact that the alliance of Bulgaria and the
Pechenegs existed throughout the second half of tenth century.
Of no lesser importance is the role the Pechenegs played in the events
which occurred in Bulgaria in a period of time between
968
and
1018.
Already at the time of the first war march of Prince Sviatoslav in
968,
the
Pechenegs, possibly under Bulgarian suggestion, attacked his capital
-
Kiev,
thus providing valuable support to their Bulgarian ally, who at the time
had been in dire straits. Next year,
966,
witnessed the Pechenegs joining
forces with Bulgarians,
Rus'
and Magyars in the unsuccessful battle against
the Byzantine Empire at Arcadiopolis. We tend to think the Pechenegs (as
well as the Magyars) taking the field was due to their alliance with the Bul¬
garians, who under the given circumstances had admitted to the supreme
military leadership of the Kiev prince. And vice versa, with the very end of
the Russian-Bulgarian alliance, the
Rus'
have been forced to retreat to their
homeland, the Pechenegs at the request of the Bulgarians, laid an ambush
on Sviatoslav, where the latter met his death.
The Bulgarian-Pecheneg alliance lasted way after
971
with evidence in
Hase s
Anonym leading us to think that the Pechenegs manifested hostile
328
BULGARIA AND THE NOMADS
attitude for the conquering Byzantines, and through their operations they
lent a helping hand to the Bulgarians in the liberation of the lands across
the river Danube in the northeast during tsar Samuels reign in
990-991.
The fact that the Pechenegs intensified their hostilities at Kiev Russia at the
end of tenth and the beginning of eleventh century in response to the im¬
proving Russian-Byzantine relations, which had an obvious anti-Bulgarian
streak, bears an immediate significance. In this aspect the ultimate attempts
of Bulgarians to guard their independence at the joined military opera¬
tions of Byzantines, Russians and Magyars, by setting up their own coali¬
tion, which comprised of the Pechenegs, as well as the Black
Bulgars
from
Crimean peninsula, were clearly notable. Unfortunately, this final flash of
brilliance of the Bulgarian-Pecheneg alliance did not succeed in serving its
purpose on behalf of medieval Bulgaria.
This comprehensive overview on relations between Bulgaria and the
nomads up to the beginning of eleventh century enables us to draw some
interesting conclusions as to what the nature, methods and means of Bul¬
garian diplomacy at the time were, when compared to Byzantine diploma¬
cy. In a similar way, the main purpose of Bulgarian foreign policy was to get
nomads to serve the Bulgarian cause instead of posing threat to its safety. A
common method was to recruit them as military allies. This was achieved
through dispensation of massive money gifts, as well as payments in kind,
and occasionally through territorial or economic concessions, or through
mixed marriages of noble representatives on both sides, whose offspring had
to serve as a token of goodwill. Thus, die Bulgarian state utilized some no¬
mad tribes as support and allies in its struggle versus Byzantium, Kiev Rus¬
sia and/or various other nomad tribes. This was the case with the Magyars,
when opposing Byzantium (twice assisting Bulgaria, once
-
the other way
round), Pechenegs versus Magyars, Byzantines and Russians. When oppor¬
tunity occurred, the Bulgarian state never hesitated to entirely eradicate its
nomad adversary, which, for example, was the case with the Avars and Khan
Krum. Clearly indicative of this aspect is the case when Bulgarians openly
meddled in the internal affairs of their bitterest opponent
-
Khazars
-
tac¬
tics, often employed by the Byzantine diplomacy.
There are, certainly, some obvious differences when Byzantium and its
co-existence with the nomad tribes is concerned. Hardly did the Bulgarians
have to pay heavy duties to their menacing neighbors on a yearly basis. It
was highly uncommon for the Bulgarian state to federate neighboring bar¬
barian folk. It was not typical for our diplomacy to pry into the internal af¬
fairs of its nomad neighbors. Neither did it favor any pretenders or rivals for
legitimate authority with nomads, even when the latter assumed a hostile
BULGARIA
AND THE NOMADS
329
stance. Confrontation was hardly ever carried into practice. All in all, Bul¬
garian medieval diplomacy worked according to its own quite unusual, yet
original modus
operandi,
rather than be influenced by Byzantine methods.
Comprehensive clarification of the relations between Bulgarians and
nomad tribes in the Middle Ages can be achieved only when they undergo
examination at the time of Byzantine rule and the subsequent restoration
of the Bulgarian state in
1186.
What has been done in that instance as far
as the succeeding Nomad migration waves of Pechenegs, Ouzes, Cumans,
Tatars, and even Ottoman Turks, is concerned, takes up a considerable bulk,
yet is still insufficient. Since, however, the study of the aforementioned goes
way beyond the framework of this research, we could do nothing but ex¬
press wishes for its further successful, as well as complete, fulfillment.
Bayerische
J
Staatsbibliothek
I
München )
Съдържание
Предговор
vii
Увод
1
I.
България и аварите (до началото на
IX
в.)
15
1.
Прабългари и хуни. Кутригури, утигури, оногури
16
2.
Прабългари и авари
35
3.
България и аварите (края на
VII
-
началото на
IX
в.)
53
II.
България и хазарите (до началото на
IX
в.)
75
1.
Прабългарите в Тюркютския
каганат
76
2.
Прабългари и
хазари
89
3.
България и хазарите
(VIII -
началото на
IX
в.)
112
III.
България и маджарите (от началото на
IX
до началото
наХв.)
135
1.
България и маджарите през
IX
в.
140
2.
България и маджарите в началото на
X
в.
164
IV.
България и печенезите (от края на
IX
до началото
на
XI
в.)
195
1.
Българо-печенежкият съюз при цар Симеон
(896-927) 197
2.
България и печенезите през втората четвърт на
X
в.
206
3.
Събитията в България и ролята на печенезите през
периода
968-1018
г.
232
Заключение
249
Съкращения
259
Добавки
281
Показалец
309
Bulgaria and the Nomads up to the Beginning of the Eleventh
Century
321 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Dimitrov, Christo Dimitrov 1958- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1022901559 |
| author_facet | Dimitrov, Christo Dimitrov 1958- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Dimitrov, Christo Dimitrov 1958- |
| author_variant | c d d cd cdd |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV040123683 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)796217560 (DE-599)BVBBV040123683 |
| era | Geschichte 450-1050 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 450-1050 |
| format | Thesis Book |
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| genre | (DE-588)4113937-9 Hochschulschrift gnd-content |
| genre_facet | Hochschulschrift |
| geographic | Bulgarien (DE-588)4008866-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Bulgarien |
| id | DE-604.BV040123683 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-08-10T01:09:06Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789549198362 |
| language | Bulgarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-024979710 |
| oclc_num | 796217560 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 329 S. |
| publishDate | 2011 |
| publishDateSearch | 2011 |
| publishDateSort | 2011 |
| publisher | Fondacija Bălgarsko Istoričesko Nasledstvo |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Srednovekovna biblioteka |
| series2 | Srednovekovna biblioteka |
| spelling | Dimitrov, Christo Dimitrov 1958- Verfasser (DE-588)1022901559 aut Bălgarija i nomadite do načaloto na XI vek Christo Dimitrov Plovdiv Fondacija Bălgarsko Istoričesko Nasledstvo 2011 329 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Srednovekovna biblioteka 7 In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Bulgaria and the Nomads up to the beginning of the eleventh century Zugl.: Diss., 1986 Geschichte 450-1050 gnd rswk-swf Chasaren (DE-588)4009796-1 gnd rswk-swf Nomade (DE-588)4042452-2 gnd rswk-swf Petschenegen (DE-588)4115926-3 gnd rswk-swf Awaren (DE-588)4004021-5 gnd rswk-swf Magyaren (DE-588)4100008-0 gnd rswk-swf Bulgarien (DE-588)4008866-2 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4113937-9 Hochschulschrift gnd-content Bulgarien (DE-588)4008866-2 g Nomade (DE-588)4042452-2 s Geschichte 450-1050 z DE-604 Awaren (DE-588)4004021-5 s Chasaren (DE-588)4009796-1 s Magyaren (DE-588)4100008-0 s Petschenegen (DE-588)4115926-3 s Srednovekovna biblioteka 7 (DE-604)BV023398162 7 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024979710&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024979710&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Dimitrov, Christo Dimitrov 1958- Bălgarija i nomadite do načaloto na XI vek Srednovekovna biblioteka Chasaren (DE-588)4009796-1 gnd Nomade (DE-588)4042452-2 gnd Petschenegen (DE-588)4115926-3 gnd Awaren (DE-588)4004021-5 gnd Magyaren (DE-588)4100008-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4009796-1 (DE-588)4042452-2 (DE-588)4115926-3 (DE-588)4004021-5 (DE-588)4100008-0 (DE-588)4008866-2 (DE-588)4113937-9 |
| title | Bălgarija i nomadite do načaloto na XI vek |
| title_auth | Bălgarija i nomadite do načaloto na XI vek |
| title_exact_search | Bălgarija i nomadite do načaloto na XI vek |
| title_full | Bălgarija i nomadite do načaloto na XI vek Christo Dimitrov |
| title_fullStr | Bălgarija i nomadite do načaloto na XI vek Christo Dimitrov |
| title_full_unstemmed | Bălgarija i nomadite do načaloto na XI vek Christo Dimitrov |
| title_short | Bălgarija i nomadite do načaloto na XI vek |
| title_sort | balgarija i nomadite do nacaloto na xi vek |
| topic | Chasaren (DE-588)4009796-1 gnd Nomade (DE-588)4042452-2 gnd Petschenegen (DE-588)4115926-3 gnd Awaren (DE-588)4004021-5 gnd Magyaren (DE-588)4100008-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Chasaren Nomade Petschenegen Awaren Magyaren Bulgarien Hochschulschrift |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024979710&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024979710&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV023398162 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT dimitrovchristodimitrov balgarijainomaditedonacalotonaxivek |