Holdings: Vlastela grada Dubrovnika

Vlastela grada Dubrovnika: 1 Korijeni, struktura i razvoj dubrovačkog plemstva

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Bibliographic Details
Main Author:	Vekarić, Nenad 1955- (Author)
Format:	Book
Language:	Croatian
Published:	Zagreb [u.a.] Hrvatska Akad. Znanosti i Umjetnosti, Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti u Dubrovniku 2011
Series:	Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti, Dubrovnik: Posebna izdanja. Serija: Prilozi povijesti stanovništva Dubrovnika i okolice 17,1
Online Access:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Item Description:	Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Roots, structure and development of the Ragusan nobility
Physical Description:	352 S. graph. Darst.
ISBN:	9789531549387

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adam_text	SADRŽAJ Predgovor ............................................................................................................................. 11 UVOD ................................................................................................................................. 13 KORIJENI DUBROVAČKOG PLEMSTVA ................................................................... 15 RAZVOJNE FAZE DUBROVAČKOG NOBILITETA .................................................. 15 Korijeni dubrovačkog plemstva .................................................................................. 15 Transformacija cives u nobiles ............................................................................... 16 Zatvaranje vijeća: transformacija nobiles u nobiles .............................................. 21 TERITORIJALNO ŠIRENJE: IMPULS DUBROVAČKOM NOBILITETU ................ 24 Prvotni dubrovački teritorij ........................................................................................ 24 Astarea i Elafiti ........................................................................................................... 25 Lastovo i Mljet ............................................................................................................ 26 Stonski rat (Pelješac) .................................................................................................. 27 Stjecanje i podjela brdskih dijelova Astareje .............................................................. 29 Dubrovačko primorje (Terrae novae) ......................................................................... 33 Konavle ....................................................................................................................... 39 PODRIJETLO DUBROVAČKOG PLEMSTVA ............................................................ 52 Dubrovački kroničari - prenosioci usmene predaje о podrijetlu vlasteoskih rodova ................................................................................... 52 Kroničarske pogreške .................................................................................................. 71 Vjerodostojnost legendi о podrijetlu vlasteoskih rodova ............................................ 74 TRAGOVI ETNICITETA - VLASTEOSKA PREZIMENA .......................................... 80 Romanstvo starog Dubrovnika .................................................................................... 80 Slavizacija Dubrovnika ............................................................................................... 82 Romansko-slavenski paralelizam u vlasteoskim prezimenima .................................... 90 Hrvatsko-talijanski paralelizam ................................................................................. 92 STRUKTURA VLASTEOSKOG STALEŽA .................................................................. 99 OBITELJ ......................................................................................................................... 99 Struktura vlasteoske obitelji ...................................................................................... 100 Nupcijalitet ................................................................................................................ 101 Ženidbena dob ........................................................................................................... 101 Prirodno kretanje u vlasteoskom krugu .................................................................... 106 Broj poroda ............................................................................................................... 119 Ritmovi začeća, rođenja, ženidbe i umiranja ............................................................ 121 Izvanbračna vlasteoska djeca ................................................................................... 124 CASATA ......................................................................................................................... 129 Broj casata ................................................................................................................. 131 PROCJENA VELIČINE VLASTEOSKOG KRUGA ................................................... 138 Procjena veličine dobnih kontingenata vlastele ....................................................... 138 Procjena broja vlastele na temelju broja članova Velikog vijeća (1594; 1751-1807)...... 141 Procjena broja vlastele na temelju genealoške analize (1300-1800) ....................... 142 Prosječni broj članova po casati ............................................................................... 145 KUĆANSTVO .............................................................................................................. 147 ROD ............................................................................................................................... 148 Srodnički brakovi ...................................................................................................... 149 Mjerenje rodovske snage ........................................................................................... 151 KLAN ............................................................................................................................ 159 О imenima dubrovačkih klanová .............................................................................. 159 Judin (Gundulićev), Gučetićev i Bobaljevićev klan .................................................. 159 Klanovska prestrojavanja (konverzije) ..................................................................... 162 Ženidbe i klanovska pozicija ..................................................................................... 168 Sudjelovanje u vlasti i klanovska pozicija ................................................................ 194 DUBROVAČKA VLASTELA KROZ STOLJEĆA ...................................................... 205 DUBROVAČKA VLASTELA OD 7. DO 12. STOLJEĆA .......................................... 205 Epitaurum id est Ragusium: ustoličenje novog bizantskog provincijskog središta .. 205 Urbani prostor u vrijeme pada Epidaura ................................................................. 206 Veličina i stanovništvo Grada od 7. do 10. stoljeća .................................................. 207 11. і 12. stoljeće: gospodarski uspon i težnja za autonomijom ................................. 209 Demografski rast u 11. i 12. stoljeću ........................................................................ 211 Prve vijesti o vlasteoskim rodovima .......................................................................... 211 DUBROVAČKA VLASTELA U 13. STOLJEĆU ........................................................ 213 Puč: svrgavanje kneza Damjana Jude i priznanje mletačkog vrhovništva 1205. godine ...................................................... 213 Sirenje trgovačke mreže ............................................................................................ 213 Protočnost vlasteoskog kruga u prvoj polovici 13. stoljeća ..................................... 214 Rast Grada usprkos mletačkome utegu .................................................................... 215 Vlasteoski krug u drugoj polovici 13. stoljeća .......................................................... 217 DUBROVAČKA VLASTELA U 14. STOLJEĆU ........................................................ 224 Teritorijalna i gospodarska ekspanzija: prva polovica 14. stoljeća ......................... 224 Odluka о vlastitoj propasti : zatvaranje vijeća 1332. godine .................................... 225 Crna smrt 1348. godine ............................................................................................ 226 Zbacivanje mletačke vlasti: prijelomnica 1358. godine ........................................... 231 Druga polovica 14. stoljeća: razmirice sa zaleđem i borba za teritorij ................... 232 Selekcija vlasteoskog kruga: pola stoljeća kuge i straha ......................................... 234 DUBROVAČKA VLASTELA U 15. STOLJEĆU ........................................................ 239 Zaokruženje teritorija ............................................................................................... 239 Početak Zlatnog doba ........................................................................................... 239 Prva polovica 15. stoljeća: demografska ekspanzija ................................................ 240 Umijeće nemogućeg: Nevjerni su, ali nisu oni krivi nego geografija .................. 243 Razgranata mreža ..................................................................................................... 245 Borba s kugom .......................................................................................................... 246 Kraj 15. stoljeća: demografski vrhunac .................................................................... 248 DUBROVAČKA VLASTELA U 16. STOLJEĆU ........................................................ 251 Prva polovica 16. stoljeća: balansiranje između velikih sila ................................... 251 Odbacivanje krune Sv. Stjepana i unutar staleška borba .......................................... 251 Gospodarski rast - demografski pad ......................................................................... 252 Nagovještaj krize: druga polovica 16. stoljeća ........................................................ 257 Demografski trendovi u drugoj polovici 16. stoljeća ................................................ 258 Dekadencija vlasteoskog staleža .............................................................................. 259 DUBROVAČKA VLASTELA U 17. STOLJEĆU ........................................................ 263 Žrtva rekonkviste i mletačkih pritisaka: velika politička kriza prve polovice 17. stoljeća ....................................................... 263 Staleška kriza: Velika zavjera ................................................................................... 264 Recesija i demografski rasap .................................................................................... 265 Kontinuitet pada: druga polovica 17. stoljeća ......................................................... 268 Na koljenima: kataklizma 1667. godine ................................................................... 269 Procjena broja poginulih u potresu .......................................................................... 270 Feniks ........................................................................................................................ 273 Agregacija novog plemstva ....................................................................................... 274 Nastavak krize: kraj 17. stoljeća ............................................................................... 279 DUBROVAČKA VLASTELA U 18. STOLJEĆU ........................................................ 283 Prva polovica 18. stoljeća: novi oslonci ................................................................... 283 Pomorstvo - kompenzacija za propast kopnene trgovine .......................................... 283 Putevi se razilaze: rast broja stanovnika Republike - pad broja vlastele ................. 284 Druga polovica 18. stoljeća: borba za očuvanje neutralnosti .................................. 287 Novi gospodarski uspon ............................................................................................ 287 Demografski rast i urušavanje vlasteoskog staleža .................................................. 288 DUBROVAČKA VLASTELA U 19. STOLJEĆU ........................................................ 292 Kraj ........................................................................................................................... 292 Kraj nadanja ............................................................................................................. 292 Ratna šteta 1806. godine .......................................................................................... 295 Demografske posljedice rata 1806. godine .............................................................. 302 Petar- Vicko Sorgo - posljednji vlastelin koji je umro od kuge (1816) ...................... 312 Odlazak ..................................................................................................................... 313 Vlasteoski gradonačelnici Dubrovnika nakon pada Dubrovačke Republike ............ 317 Vlastela i Srbi katolici ............................................................................................... 317 Kraj dubrovačkog plemstva ...................................................................................... 318 ZAKLJUČAK .................................................................................................................. 321 THE NOBILITY OF DUBROVNIK. BOOK 1. ROOTS, STRUCTURT AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE RAGUSAN NOBILITY ................................................................................... 335 THE NOBILITY OF DUBROVNIK BOOK 1. ROOTS, STRUCTURE AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE RAGUSAN NOBILITY Summary Ragusan nobility is the fruit of a long proc- levels. The status of citizen may have been ess , consisting of a number of intertwined trans- gained in recognition of a particular action , і . formations in the social and political domain, e. contribution to the public good, property, The social stratification of the population or marriaee wi™ a woman from the citizen of Dubrovnik developed on two axes. One was circle The smaller the скУ the easier the Path the relationship between the wealthy and the frora foreigner to citizen. less wealthy (which gained its political artic- The city s development led towards more ulation in the relationship cives - populus), complex ways of governing. Decision-making and the other, the attitude towards newcomers on the citizens zbor (assembly) proved ineffi- as potential pretenders to property (populus and cient, resulting in yet another division among cives on one side, habitatores and forenses on the citizens (cives) — into those who were the other). The relationship cives - populus entrusted to rule on the basis of their ability, was to polarize with time. While the citizen reputation or wealth, and those who were left stratum (cives) was developing towards the on the fringe of power. This ruling citizen creation of nobility, the commoners (popu- rank gradually shaped into nobility (nobiles). lus) tended to drop to the rank of the city s Nobles (nobiles) are first mentioned in a doc- service or paupers. The attitude oí populus ument from 1023, but this class had probably and cives towards foreigners and later settlers entered the social scene much earlier than the (forenses and habitatores), however, was dealt first written evidence, since there existed all with through the drawing up of discriminatory the preconditions necessary for its creation, rules. The lowest level of differentiation was Expansion of Dubrovnik s territory to Astarea inevitably based on fear of newcomers and and the Elaphite Islands by the early tenth their possible usurpation of the rights claimed century provided the basis for land ownership . by the native population. Those who were On the other hand, the city itself developed to born in the city and considered themselves such an extent that an efficient government the upholders of its tradition raised a barrier vested in the people as a whole was no longer against the newcomers who intended to settle possible. The original organisation, which may there. The path from foreigner to commoner have rested upon merely two institutional or citizen led through assimilatory mecha- levels —the city assembly (zbor) and the nisms, with the possibility of skipping certain head, must have, however, much earlier than 335 1023, had a body linking these two—an oper- the city s growing needs for efficient organi- ative council that would prepare and execute sation. The emergence ofthe nobility, however, the decisions of the city assembly. Further de- had to deal with a personal status conse- velopment probably took place step by step, quence, demarcation ofthe power territory , first by the shaping of a single body with po- and cementing of the acquired rights. The de- litical, administrative and judicial functions velopment of the nobility lagged behind the {cónsules), which, with the city s growth, consolidation of the administration by sanc- would lead in due course to the separation of tioning the past situation, while the govern - the three functions. Major political decisions ment organisation reflected the needs of the were passed on the body consisting of the present. That is why tradition played an im- noble wise men , {sapientes, later Consilium portant role in the nobility s development, Rogatorum or the Senate), while the Minor drawing on ancient rights that would overrule Council was concerned with daily adminis- the current ones. In this light one should also tration. Election of the judges was a logical interpret the tradition, which suggests that the measure in the shaping of a separate judicial core of the Ragusan nobility owes its origin domain. The final step was the shaping ofthe to the refugees from the ancient Epidaurum. Major Council. By reducing the city assem- Although in the very beginning the member- bly, once including the representatives of all ship of the council was also accessible to the the city households, the Major Council nar- families who arrived much after the disaster rowed down its membership to the elite only, of Epidaurum, the descendants of the Epida- However, Popular Assembly survived well urum refugees claimed higher status and great- into the fourteenth century (last mentioned in er privileges than the noble families who settled 1394) and participated in the referendums on later, the major issues. The power of the ejite increased over the One of the major administrative reforms centuries, yet before the closure ofthe council was undertaken after Venice had established in the fourteenth century the shift from cives rule over Dubrovnik in 1205. Rector himself to nobiles required no legal procedure. It is was a Venetian, and the Venetians had grad- noteworthy that in this period the noble status ually gained full control over the election of was not a prerequisite for the eligibility for the highest government bodies. As regulated by the council. Every citizen had a right to par- the 1272 Statute, from among the men born ticipate in the government, and the realisation and descended from the City of Dubrovnik , of this right distinguished him as nobleman, the Rector would appoint his deputy, five In other words: the citizen s non-noble status judges and six members of the Minor Coun- was of short term—it merely included the pe¬ ril for a term of one year. However, the Minor riod necessary for the son of an immigrant Council together with the Rector appointed {habitator) to become a house head of his ca- all other office-holders, including the mem- sata, and as such enter the council. There were bers of the Major Council . examples when a newcomer himself was grant- Although the city s government and its no- ed the status of a Ragusan citizen in recogni- bility developed side by side, their rationale tion of nis merits· did not coincide. Namely, the government de- It is evident that at the moment of the coun- veloped in concordance with real life, meeting ciľs closure in 1332, a significant portion of 336 Ragusan population was of noble origin: the so-called Antunini). All of the families of this noble circle probably numbered more than circle, except for those who belonged to the old 1,700 persons, while the city itself was ap- nobility and had later, for some reason, lost proaching or even reached the number of their noble status (e.g. Dersa,Maxio, Menze), 4,000 inhabitants. These figures show that at had settled in Dubrovnik after the closing of the point of the council s closing the noble the Council. Namely, the earlier settled fam- circle exceeded 40% of the whole population, ilies entered the noble circle through the mech- Should we add servants, it appears that two anism described above, but the ones who ar- thirds of the inhabitants (some 2,700 people) rived later, although the nobility s equals in lived in the noble households. The remaining wealth and reputation, could not filter into the one third of the population was composed of closed noble circle. The confraternity of St bakers, butchers, shoemakers, tailors and other Anthony was actually founded as a form of artisans, merchants, sailors, guards and sol- spare nobility in a new social reality. In other diers, physician or speziali, mainly the first words: if the council had not been closed, this generation of the new settlers (habitatores), confraternity would never have been founded, who had nor yet earned the status of citizen. and the families of the Antunini circle would The division of land on Stonski rat (Pelje- thus have been included in the patriciate, šac Peninsula) in 1336 testifies to the fact that Before the closing of the council, people of the council was not an exclusive club but Ragusa divided into citizenry (citizens with included the representatives of all the citizen political rights, who could participate in the households, thus not reflecting any legal dif- political power) andpopulus (inhabitants, main- ference between cives and nobiles. However, y newly settled, who constituted the service in the division of all the territories acquired of the city, and who had not gained their polit- several decades after the closure of the coun- jcai rights yet). The council s closure marked cil (higher parts of Astarea, Dubrovačko pri- the emergence of yet another rank: nobility, morje, Konavle), the citizens, too, took part, Or, respecting the terminology of the old Ra- along with the nobles. In the division of Ston- gUsans: Ragusan patriciate also existed before ski rat, which took place during the closing the closure of the council as an open rank of the council, participated only the nobility, which absorbed the bulk of the population. Why? The answer is simple: because in 1336, After the closing of the council, a once fluid when the land on Stonski rat was being divid- с[хс е becomes conserved, exclusive, loses the ed, the social groups of nobility and citizenry natural biological potential and thus, in the coincided. The only non-noble citizen to re- iong mn> creates a climate for its own decline, ceive land on Stonski rat was Vale de Abram from Bar (today s Montenegro). In 1320, prob- * * * ably in recognition of some service to the state, he was granted Ragusan citizenship, yet he Primary archival sources offer virtually no had no heirs in order to acquire the position evidence on the origin of the oldest noble of the head of casata, thus the noble status. families of Ragusa. However, we can trace In confirmation of this assumption is the the roots of the patrician families who en- analysis of the circle of Ragusan citizens gath- tered this circle after the beginning of the thir- ered in the confraternity of St Anthony (the teenth century, their origin being accurately 337 documented. These are but a few: Basilio and that the five most frequent lands of origin Georgio arrived from Kotor in the early thir- mentioned in the family tradition coincide with teenth century, Bucchia of Kotor earned their the most popular migration routes which make noble status in 1336 in recognition of the mer- up around 90 per cent of the overall migrat- its regarding the acquisition of the Pelješac ions. Thus it seems that, on the whole, the Peninsula (1333). Several feudal families from legends of patrician origin may be considered the hinterland were granted nobility for their a useful historical source, which, of course, contribution in the acquisition of Konavle in does not imply that certain legends might still the fifteenth century, although they never ac- owe their construction to fiction. The need tually settled in Dubrovnik and had never be- for critical evaluation of the family legends is come patricians in the true sense of the word, urged by the examples of the families who Lastly, we can follow the emergence of the split with time or changed their surname, as youngest noble families, admitted into the pa- some of the new branches completely lost the trician circle in the latter half of the seven- awareness of common ancestry and construct- teenth century. ed completely new narratives on their origins. Following its own tradition but also the The population of the early settlement of trends prevailing in the other European towns, Ragusa was probably a conglomerate of the the nobility tended to seek its roots in the original (Roman ? Illyrian ?) population and antiquity. The Epidaurum tradition was most of the Romani who took refuge after the fall influential and was upheld by some twenty of the nearby city of Epidaurum. Yet in the noble families. The account of colonisation course of the next few centuries, Dubrovnik, from Rome headed by Pavlimir (Radoslav) surrounded by the Slavic hinterland, was con- Belo, first brought by the Chronicle of the stantly subject to quiet and spontaneous popu- Priest of Dioclea and after him by the Ra- lation inflows that tended to change the ethnic gusan chroniclers, unfolds the origin of seven picture of the city. The period between the noble families of Ragusa. The story of the ar- eleventh and the thirteenth century witnessed rival of the citizens of Salona (near today s a mix of the Roman and Slavic elements, giv- Split) to Epidaurum explained the origin of ing waYto a specific form of a Roman-Slavic only one noble family. The fact that quite a symbiosis. With time, the Roman element tend- number of families trace their roots to Du- ed to withdraw before the increasingly domi- brovnik s Slavic hinterland indicates that the nant Slavic ethnicity. In the second half of the leaning on Slavic tradition weighed as much thirteenth century the process of Slavicisation as that of Epidaurum, and was more often re- reached its peak, and was completed by the sorted to than the Roman tradition or that of fourteenth century. However, the changes Du- Salona. The similarity between the structure brovnik witnessed at the time did not only de- of the migration routes as recounted by the fam- veloP а1оп§ the Roman-Slavic relationship, ily legends with the structure of the migration The interplay of the Roman and Slavic, or routes from the later period as evidenced by rather, the withdrawal of the Roman and the the written sources, suggests that the legends affirmation of the Slavic element may be de- were not invented to serve a particular goal, tected in the Ragusan onomastic system from but dropped realistic hints on the family origin, the eleventh to the fourteenth century. This Despite a considerable time gap, it is striking period was marked by the stabilisation of the 338 patrician surnames, most of which being of pat- two linguistic realities. A Slavic ear can hardly ronymic origin. Patronymic (and less common be attuned to the form Piçinego, or a Roman metronymic) surnames, derived from a com- ear to Crne or Držimir. Each system tried to mon ancestor, through different variations adapt the alien form to its own rules. Yet apart reveal a complex and long-drawn-out process from everyday communication which was the of Dubrovnik s shaping from a Roman into a scene of this spontaneous adaptation , ad- Slavic city. Into the name pool of the Roman ministration made a decisive step in their ar- Dubrovnik, constituted of specific names of ticulation: for reason of accurate identity, final diverse provenance (Binçola, Crosio, Mañana, versions of the surnames were established. Ra- Mençe, Piçinego etc.), and the already infil- gusan administration was and over the later trated names of the Apostles (Juda, Lukar, Ma- centuries remained Roman, and officially even tesa, Petranja), there emerged Slavic names the Slavic/Croatian surnames were given Ro- borne by the newly arrived settlers from the manised/Italianised forms. Slavic forms were hinterland (Bočin, Boljeslav, Crne, Držimir, used in the documents of the Slavic chan- Kranko). Non-Slavic names were given Slavic cellery, but later, when the chancellery lost in suffixes (Matesa, Mavreša, Martinus), Slavic significance, these forms survived merely in names received non-Slavic suffixes, forms the oral everyday communication. (Dersimiras, Volcasso) and equivalents (Krvaš Although challenged by the increasing mi- -» Gervasius). The wealth of diversity be- grations from the Slavic inland, the Roman comes a commonwealth —the Roman and element managed to survive in Dubrovnik over Slavic Dubrovnik do not exist side by side the centuries. The city witnessed continuous but form a unique Dubrovnik, in which the in-migrations of Italian population from the Roman and the Slavic elements interweave. A other side of the Adriatic. Viewed genetic- member of a family of, no doubt, Slavic prov- ally , these migrations had no impact on the enance— Negomirić— is given a Roman name, noble circle, as it was closed and outsiders Proculo, and thus an originally Slavic clan, could not be admitted, yet the recruitment of centuries later, bears a Roman surname de- the Italian professionals (physicians, notaries), rived from this particular ancestor, and vice the study of the Ragusan patricians in Italy and versa, a member of a Roman family— Mañana their interest in literature, opened the door to — receives a Slavic name, Crne, from which the influence of the Italian culture, the surname Črnešić was later derived. This The Roman elementSţ which> from the four_ unique Roman-Slavic Dubrovnik developed teenth сепШгу onwaidSj would affect all com. slowly and spontaneously. Frequent migrat- ponents of Ragusan life> from economy to ions from the inland had, as result, greater cuhure and language5 apparently do not have import of the Slavic influence, which, in the roots in me autochthonous Roman element of long run, tended to dominate over the Roman the andent о^о^к. Rather, they seem to element although never in pure form, but in a arrWe from the Venetian Republic, most devel- new, specific Dubrovnik-based Slavism, char- oped Western state in the fourteenth and fif- acterised by many Roman remnants. teenth century which ruled over Dubrovnik The Roman-Slavic symbiosis led to the de- until 1358, from a cultural center such as Flor- velopment of parallel surname forms. Under- enee, or church capital Rome, but also from lying this parallelism is the conflict between Marche, Apulia and Sicily with which the 339 Ragusans traded intensively. The practically * * * extinct old Ragusean idiom and the predomi- ,„ . ,.„„ nating Croatian language were surmounted The поЪШУ expressed itself in different by the influence of the superior Italian cul- organisational forms, on the basis of kinship ture, which became widely fashionable in Du- ^аті1У casata lineaSe) shared residence brovnik. Italian language replaced Latin not (household) and political factions. Customs only in administrative use, but soon became a and moral norms provided the frame for the successful elitist medium which found expres- stablllty of these organisational forms, while sion in the Italianisation of the Roman surnames, demographic, economic and political move- The central wave of Italianisation hit Du- ments dictated their transformations, brovnik in the second half of the sixteenth With respect to form, noble family was sub- century: Babalio-^Bobali, Basilio -^Bassegli, ject to various transformations over the cen- Crieva (phon. Crijeva) -» Cerva (phon. Cerva), turies. In the earlier period, it tended towards Georgio -> Giorgi, Goçe (phon. Goče) -» extended family, and with the growth of the Gozze (phon. Goce), Gundula -» Gondula -> city, it leaned towards simpler family forms. Gondola, Mençe (phon. Menee) -> Menze By the turn of the fourteenth century, atypical (phon. Menee), Poça (phon. Poca) -» Pozza patrician family operated as an extended nu- (phon.Poca),Tudisio -^ Tudisi, Zamagno -> clear family consisting of parents, children Zamagna. and grandchildren (e.g. children of one child). Slavic surname forms were subject to far less Yet in reality, particularly in the time of crisis modification than their Roman counterparts, (when the elder generation lived shorter), it These colloquial, vernacular, unofficial vari- operated as a nuclear family (parents and chil- ants proved just as conservative and inerţial, dren). This, however, was not a desirable form. In addition, the development of the Ragusan Besides the natural instinct for survival (inher- Slavic/Croatian dialect has continuity (unlike ent in every family), with the patriciate the apparent discontinuity between the old Ragu- tendency to maintain the casata and to trans- san Roman and Italian influences). But a few fer the family name played an important role, spontaneous modifications may be noted as, Thus, frequent appearance of nuclear family for example, Getodović instead of Getaldić, in real life should be accounted by demo- Đurđević instead ofŽurgović, that might some- graphic determinants and not by deliberate times be the result of the adaptation of new choice. Italian forms to the Croatian language (e.g . Pucić Reproductive strategy of a noble family was from Pozza, wherein Počić was the Slavic var- based on the rational use of the woman s fer- iant of Poça). t¡je period Unlike a commoner, a noblewom- The major and often unjustified interven- an had no duties apart from childbearing. For tions in the Slavic/Croatian forms were done this reason she married at a fairly early age, by the writers and scholars of the nineteenth so as not to waste the valuable years of her and twentieth centuries. Driven mainly by the potential motherhood. Noblemen, however, ideas of the national revival, they accepted the married at a later age than their brides (12-13 Slavic versions, and then, for lack of knowl- years at an average), using this period either edge, either Croatised or Serbianised some of for career building (education, merchant ven- the surnames contrary to any known practice turing on land and sea, junior government (e.g. Crijević.Đorđić and others). offices, diplomacy) or wild life. It was not 340 uncommon for the Ragusan patricians during group being the first to experience the process, the fourteenth, fifteenth and sixteenth centu- Final transition, the natality transition, the ries to have illegitimate children before they nobility would experience as early as the third finally married their equals in their late thirties decade of the eighteenth century, a century and forties. Such behaviour was neither ap- earlier than the process reached other Ragusan proved nor stigmatised (but the illegitimate groups and developed on the European level (!), child had no access to the noble status, and and two centuries before the process had taken his heirs often tried to conceal the stigma of place elsewhere in Croatia, their illegitimate origin). The patricians rec- Early spring (April)> high summer (August) ognised their illegitimate children conceived and the heart of winter (December-February) either in Dubrovnik, hinterland or across the were the months of increased sexual activity Adriatic, provided for them, supported their in the noble circle> while early sumrner (June- education, bequeathed them, and these chil- July) and early autumn (September-October) dren were not doomed to poverty. Many of were periods of abstinence. This conception them climbed up the social ladder and occu- rhythm is evident throughout the seventeenth pied distinguished positions in the trade or an¿ eighteenth century, which indicates that it the church ranks. Thus, for example, some of was not random but correlated with the way the distinguished Antunini lineages were of of nfe and work of a patrician family. The bulk such descent (Dersa, Menze), whereas during of the nobility was born in May (the summer population crisis, certain illegitimate branches holiday children) , August-October (children even managed to acquire noble status (Sorgo- conceived in winter) and in January (children Bobali, Giorgi-Bernardo). Marked by chaos of spring love ). Conception pattern departs and indulgence, the long demographic crisis little from that of the rural areas, with the only from the close of the sixteenth to the end the marked difference in the summer maximum, first quarter of the eighteenth century was August as a month of abstinence has been de- followed by the onset of positive trends and tected in all the examined areas of Dubrovnik, a period of purity . Cases of scandalous be- from Konavle to the Dubrovnik islands. Yet haviour were frequently brought to trial, ex- for the nobility this was a month of rest, when tramaritai practice was proscribed to such an male patricians, busy with their political or extent that, either because of the strict adher- diplomatic careers throughout the year, would enee to the prohibition or good ways of con- join their families on their country estates in cealment, there is no mention or trace of ille- Gruž, Rijeka dubrovačka and in other parts of gitimate children among the nobles. It is not the Republic. until the second half of the nineteenth century, Apparently, the nobility was not much con- the patrician rank being a thing of the past, cemed as t0 what time of the year they would that we learn of the illegitimate heirs of some marry Monthiy distribution of marriages was of the Ragusan noblemen. fairly even (from 5 to 14%), without specif- The outcome of the patrician reproductive ically crystallised marriage peaks, in contrast strategy was a narrow birth interval, resulting with the widespread European and Croatian in marriages with many children. High fertility patterns, but also to those of all other Ragu- rate of the patrician rank persisted until the first san population contingents. The nobility was signs of demographic transition, this urban not particularly strict in the observance of the 341 church prohibition of the sacrament of mar- then on, they were permitted to marry women riage in the period of Advent, and during Lent, from the distinguished citizen families. Despite from Ash Wednesday to Easter Sunday. all the measures, by the end of the eighteenth Prohibition concerning consanguineous mar- сепШгУ the Patrician circle was at the verSe riages was also frequently violated. Ragu- of biological existence. The decay was further san patrician circle closed in 1332. At that worsened by frequent clan struggles between point it was fairly impressive in size and in- two strictly endogamous patrician groups (Sa- cluded a significant portion of the Ragusan lamankezi and Sorbonezi). The rift between population. Thus, in the beginning at least, these ™hÌQ §rouPs seriously narrowed the size the element of status did not really restrict the of the patrician marriage pool . This resulted marriage strategies. Yet with time, endogamy in a sudden nse of consanguineous marriages, tended to become a limiting factor, as the pa- and in tne latter half of the eighteenth century trician circle was increasingly oriented to- three garters of patrician marriages included wards in-marriage. As result, the number or sPouses within four deSrees of consanguinity, brides and grooms in the marriage pool who Mortality peaks have been noted in 1348, were not blood related seriously declined. 1363,1482 and in 1527 (plague), and in 1667 Moreover, according to the law passed in (earthquake). Annual mortality pattern peaked 1462, the patrician man who married a non- in February and in July (seventeenth century), noble woman could not retain his noble stat- The highest mortality rates in the winter of us, which made such a marriage extremely the eighteenth century can be explained by unpopular. The effects of endogamy and dem- the closing phase of the demographic transi- ographic shrinkage of the patrician circle in tion: thanks to the prevention of the dysenteric the sixteenth century necessitated liberális- epidemics, death mortality of children during ation of consanguineous marriages. Papal Curia the summer dropped, while winter months thus permitted individual requests for mar- carried the greatest risk for the elderly people, riage involving spouses who were at least four whose contingent in the population already degrees away from one another. increased. Despite tolerance of consanguineous rela- Patrician life expectancy varied with regard tionships, the seventeenth century, however, to the economic and the pertaining demograph- witnessed a more rapid biological depletion of ic trends. Expectation of life in the first half the patrician rank In addition to the decisions of the sixteenth century was by more than related to the admittance of new nobility, on 5 eight years longer as compared to the second November 1666, the Major Council brought half of the seventeenth century. In the course three new decisions concerning the liberal- of the sixteenth and seventeenth century life isation of patrician marriage that were to expectancy tended to decline, following the lessen the effects of the formerly established demographic crisis that had started with the strict endogamous rules. Patricians were thus Ottoman expansion and the fall of Bosnia and allowed to marry their blood relatives in the Herzegovina, and lasted until the end of the third degree, noblemen were permitted to mar- first quarter of the eighteenth century. The two ry noble women from any town (until then centuries of demographic crisis were not mark- they were allowed to marry only the noble ed by the demographic disasters (epidem- vvomen from the Dalmatian towns), and from ics). The drop in population and average life 342 expectancy were the results of the continuous, while a new casata may be founded only when quiet yet deep crisis of the overall political one of the several newly established nuclei and social movements, crisis that manifested loses the feeling of the common identity with in the fall of the welfare, increasing in various the same casata. As to when exactly this ways the risks of dying and producing far great- should take place varies from case to case, er effects than the short-lived demographic An average membership of a casata, esti- disaster. mated on the basis of genealogical analysis, Life expectancy experienced a rapid rise in varied in the period 1300-1800 between 5 and the eighteenth century, so that in the latter 6.5, having dropped below 5 only immediately half of the century 15% of the patricians (who after the outbreak of plague in 1348 and shortly survived the age of four) died at the age of 80 before the fall of the Republic when the pa- or even more. Child mortality also witnessed trician circle had approached its biological a drastic decline: the portion of infant deaths minimum. The number of casate oscillated in dropped below 10%, while that of infants and correlation with demographic trends. The sec- small children (up to the age of four) dropped ond half of the fourteenth century proved most below 20%. Such an early start and end of the critical due to the catastrophic consequences process of demographic transition in the Ra- of the Black Death in 1348· In this Period gusan patrician circle, which here occurred almost three quarters of the noble casate died earlier than on the overall level of the most ouL The number of newlY founded casate cov- developed European states, testifies to the ered ѕИЅпиУ more than one third of the loss· high standard of the patrician circle which, However, the population recovered and a much earlier than other social groups, ab- Period of prosperity broke out: the Ragusan sorbed the effects of medical insights and Golden A§e- The first half of the fifteenth developments century marked the greatest rise of the patri¬ cian casate. Between 1400 and 1450 the number of the casate almost doubled. The maximum rf; rfc :k was reached in 1500 (331 casate with 1,963 Casata is a patrician group characterised noble members). If we add the servants, more by a feeling of common descent and time than 3 300 PeoPle lived within the Patrician continuity. Several families, although each of households. From the sixteenth century on, them lives separately, may belong to the same the number of the casate contl™ed to dechne· casata if they still share a strong feeling of Lineage {sciata) includes descendants of a common descent. Therefore, it is a specific single couple, derived only through the male type of a complex urban family, but very line, and who share the same surname. Blood different from rural undivided family in a relation being conditio sine qua non of the line- joint household {zadruga). Casata follows the age, surname was an equally important element, type of an extended nuclear family which, As the old Ragusans understood it, change of due to the strong feeling of common descent, surname meant an end to the agnatic ties, may actually embrace several nuclei of the The lineage ties played an important role kind. Further, it is the continuity, length of in everyday life, particularly in the early time that distinguishes casata from family. A period when there were many smaller line- child continues the casata from his parents, ages, i.e. when lineage often overlapped with 343 casata. With time, when the concentration of have been detected during the Republic period: the agnatic groups led to the disappearance of Juda s or Gundulić clan (thus called after the many lineages and the growth of the remain- extinction of the Juda lineage) and Bobalje- ing few, distancing between the lineage mem- vie clan. The third, Gučetić clan, developed bers of the same surname resulted in the weaker in the mid-fourteenth century as a faction of lineage cohesion, in due course replaced by the Gundulić clan, and later, probably in the casata as a basic functional unit of the line- COUrse of the fifteenth century, distanced from age. Thanks to the surname, however, the mem- it only t0 side and finally merge with the Bo- ory remained, and with it a certain sense of baljević clan. At certain points the number of identity. Lineage identity also contributed to dans and ±еіг factions may have been even the institution of some rules, as, for example, greater After the Great Co^^y in 1610. the principle of representation of the lineages m2 Ше rift seriously deepened and shifted in the election of the members of the Minor ^ fte biological (kinship) level> giving way Council or judges. These customs had their tQ twQ endo us Salamankezi as roots in the earlier period when the members - n c. „ , ,. .. , , „ , ť , , ,. followers of the Bobanevic clan and Sorbonezi of the same surname (lineage) had actually . , , , ,.„ , ... , . τ ι j who supported the clan of Gunduhc. constituted the same casata. Later they served rr no purpose, yet remained in effect by the force Clan structure of the Ragusan nobility is of institutional inertia. probably as old as the patriciate itself. The Historiography has sought various criteria уегУ le§end of the count DamJan Juda as the for assessing patrician power (office-holding, * Irst traumatic event described by the Ragusan participation in trade, seafaring etc.) but these chroniclers, implicitly reveals that the con- results, based on lineage (identified with sur- ѕР1гасУ P10 ^ ЬУ some patricians (clan mem- name) as standard unit have actually pro- bers) failed wel1 before he was overthrown, duced a distorted picture: lineages that were after which count Juda banished the conspira- largest in size were always the most powerful, tors of the Bobaljević clan to Bosnia. The However, over the centuries, differences in continuity of clan struggle may be traced power between certain casate of the same line- through all neuralgic points of Dubrovnik s age tended to increase. Within the same surname history. From 1205 to the fall of the Dubrov- there were both weak and strong casate. Thus nik Republic the ruling clans interchanged for the later period (from the Black Death three times: Juda s clan ruled until 1205, when, in 1348 onwards) more reliable results would in a Venice-supported coup, the Bobaljević be attained if dealing with casate instead of clan seized power; in 1358 the Gundulić (ex- lineages. Juda) clan, joined by the Gučetić clan, through Clan is a group of mutually associated ca- institutional means (with the aid of the Hun- sate with articulate political agenda, ¡bunded garian kings) dethroned the Bobaljević clan; and maintained on the principles of strong and lastly, after the Great Conspiracy in the family tradition. This kind of group rested on second decade of the seventeenth century, the an informal basts, which accounts for the ab- Bobaljević clan, again through institutional senceof written evidence on clans, and makes means (with Spanish support) removed the clear why it is possible to trace them only on Gundulić clan and under an informal name of the basis of indirect indicators. Two main clans Salamankezi ruled the Republic until its fall. 344 The power ratio between the clans was sub- managed to maintain their stable clan posi- ject to change due to clan regrouping and dem- tions. Changes of position were not frequent ographic fluctuations. Before Damjan Juda was and were known to take place only as result overthrown, Juda s clan apparently dominated of serious collision between the clan and in- by more than 70%, which shows that his re- dividual interests. The conversions occurred moval was not a rebellion against his tyranny, either in groups (by forming factions) or in- but a classical coup d état. In 1300 the per- dividually. In the course of 600 years, from sonai ratio between the casate of Juda s and 1205 to the end of the Republic, only four Bobaljević clan was close to 3 : 1 in favour of group conversions have been detected (aver- the former. Further, within Juda s clan the agely, one conversion every 150 years) and ratio between the casate of Juda s (Gundulić) somewhat less than thirty individual clan re- and Gučetić factions was 2 : 1 in favour of the groupings (averagely, one every 20 years) . original, Juda s faction. The fourteenth and Group aversions were politically based the first half of the fifteenth century witnessed and occurred at critical moments. The first a shift in the powerratioof these two factions, group shift in clan positions may have taken the roots of which partly reside in the siding place after the downfall of count Damjan Juda of some casate of the original Juda s clan with in λ 205 ^ but beCause of scanty evidence our the Gučetić clan, but most of all in demo- knowiedge of the situation surrounding the graphic fortune. Thus, for example, the num- поЫе Ипеа§еѕ before the coup d état remains ber of the Menčetić casate between 1350 and obscure. After 1205, up to the fall of the Du- 1500 dropped from 28 to 17, while in the brovnik Republic four group shifts have been same period the number of the Gučetić casate noted> two тфг shifts and two ѕтацег ones: increased from 7 to as many as 44. 1} formation of the Gučetić faction within By the forming of the third clan, Juda s or Gundulić clan at the time of the recognition the Gundulić clan lost its leading position, of the Hungarian Crown in 1358, which would From 1350 to 1450 none of the clans had result in the forming of a new, Gučetić clan, absolute majority. Gučetić s siding with the 2) merging of the Gučetić clan with Boba- Bobaljević clan at the end of the fifteenth cen- ljević clan, most probably in the course of the tury contributed to the convincing numerical fifteenth century, 3) casata conversions at the predominance of the Bobaljević clan over the time of the Great Conspiracy, and 4) siding of politically dominant Gundulić clan (4 : 1). Fol- several Salamankezi casate with the opposing lowing the political victory in the Great Con- Sorbonezi after the 1667 earthquake, under spiracy, and especially with the acceptance of the political leadership of Marojica Caboga. the pure blood principle and the aggregation individual conversions took place as result of the new nobility after the earthquake of of family rift (family s decay, that is, division) 1667, the portion of the Bobaljević clan or mariage arrangements between families. (Salamankezi) continued to decline, reaching They are not easily detected, because under- the ratio 1 : 1 at the time of the Republic fall. lying each conversion of this kind is a specific Clan affiliation of the patrician casate was family story which remains beyond archival very strong. Each Ragusan patrician derived sources. On the whole, twenty-nine individu- his clan distinction by birth and it followed al conversions have been discerned. In nine- him until death. Over the centuries the casate teen cases conversion occurred as result of 345 marrying a bride from the rival clan. How¬ ever, with marriage conversions no clan group¬ ings actually take place. These conversions, apparently, had always taken place when a casata ran out of the male heirs and a son- in-law would come to live on his wife s estate. The offspring of such a couple adopted the clan orientation of the mother s casata, yet bore the surname of the father s casata. In the eighteenth century, when the patri¬ cian rift had deeply affected the biological level and when the nobles of the Salamankezi circle promoted the idea of pure blood , mar¬ riage was not merely a pretext but the only reason for conversion which operated in only one direction: a Salamankez may have become a Sorbone:. (5 cases in the eighteenth century), but a Sorbone: could by no means become a Salamankę:. In the earlier centuries, however, conversions occurred in all directions. The bulk of the noble lineages never changed their clan position. Among them there are many families which died out at an early date. The most stable among the long-descended line¬ ages were Săraca and Proculo within the Gun- dulić clan, and Babalio, Bonda and Georgio within the Bobaljević clan. The principle of affinity played an impor¬ tant role in the choice of bride and groom, the likelihood being that a noble father would rather give his daughter to a patrician from a friendly clan than that of the rivals. Before 1350 two thirds of marriages were arranged within the same clan, and merely one third between different clans. After 1500 the por¬ tion of marriages within the same clan neared 70%. In the period 1351-1500, marked by the existence of three clans, the moderate Gu- četić clan tended to reconcile the two more radical clans, so that marriages were made in all directions with a slight domination of in-clan marriage. After the earthquake, when Sorbone:.! (e.g. Gundulić clan) increased their number by incorporating several casate of Sa- lamankezi (Bobaljević clan), headed by Ma- rojica Caboga (1630-1692), and attracted the new nobility, the dominating Salamankezi group, having realised that the aggregation of new patricians changed the power balance against them, reacted by promoting the thesis of pure blood , that is, by introducing the cri¬ teria of the noble and less noble patricians. This gave way to the forming of two clearly distinguished endogamous clan groups. Mar¬ riage with a member of the rival clan was pro¬ scribed as offence and was sanctioned by expulsion from the clan. A Salamankezi groom who married a Sorbonezi bride was no longer a Salamankez because he contaminated his blood. In the period between 1667 and the Republic s fall as many as 94% of marriages involved spouses of the same clan, the remain¬ ing few per cent of inter-marriages having taken place immediately after the earthquake yet before the aggregation of the new nobility, when the question of marriage had not yet been treated as a norm. Clan divisions no longer existed after the fall of the Dubrovnik Republic. The patricians married outside their noble circle (in two thirds of the cases), but when marrying their equals, they still tended to follow the old clan rules (in three quarters of the cases). Ragusan noble clans resembled present- day political parties, though lacking formal structure. With some reserve, we might say that they were custom-based political parties characterised by a strong kinship component, the inertia of which contributed to their con¬ tinuity over the centuries. However, without formal structure their activity may be describ¬ ed as fluid. Clan grouping was accentuated in the times of crisis and extreme situations, when political life was marked by strong homogenisation and clan position became essential in the election for office. The end of 346 Venetian rule and recognition of the Hungar- * * * ian Crown in 1358 was marked by the over- representation of the members of the Gun- Ra§usan patriciate circle proves to have dulie clan in the main government offices. A been an articulate social group with the long- similar thing took place after the murder of est ШогУ on the Croatian soiL Wlthm the Pe Frano Gondula in 1589, when the Gundulić riod of ten centuries, from its obscure origins clan instituted oligarchy and despite numer- fallmê either before or after the destruction of ical inferiority, on the eve of the Great Con- Epidaurum, the first written monuments in spiracy managed to win the majority on the the eleventh century, to the loss of power in Senate. Yet even during the most extreme the еаг1У nineteenth century and the remains tensions provoked by conspiracies, harsh and extant the achievements of this social group unscrupulous sanction confined to the con- are paramount. It produced a succession of spirators themselves and their casata, with- most distinguished figures, statesmen and dip- out involving the whole clan. Throughout the lomats, artists and scientists, established and peaceful spans the clans lived in mutual maintained an independent state, the conti- tolerance. The established rules of the lineage пиіїУ of which remained unrivalled by any quotas in the filling of the most important other state formation on the territory of today s functions facilitated participation in power Croatia. This group took the opportunity his- even to the numerically smaller clans. For tory had to offer , accumulated wealth, con- example, up until the Great Conspiracy in solidated administration, achieved internal co- the seventeenth century the rector s function hesion, won freedom and on the international was occupied by the members of all clans, scene played a role which had considerably and only from then on a slight dominance of outgrown the tiny city-state. The patricians the Bobaljević clan (Salamankezi) on this developed a state economically and socially position is evident. It was in the eighteenth unsurpassed on the Balkan Peninsula. This century that this clan practically gained clear social group left behind valuable works of predominance over this function, as an average art, important legal monuments and today Salamankezi casata held the Rector s office still standing, a unique town embraced by its twice as often as an average Sorbonezi casata. white stone walls—the city of Dubrovnik. 347
any_adam_object	1
author	Vekarić, Nenad 1955-
author_GND	(DE-588)1042697647
author_facet	Vekarić, Nenad 1955-
author_role	aut
author_sort	Vekarić, Nenad 1955-
author_variant	n v nv
building	Verbundindex
bvnumber	BV039900341
ctrlnum	(OCoLC)785830398 (DE-599)BVBBV039900341
format	Book
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id	DE-604.BV039900341
illustrated	Illustrated
indexdate	2024-07-10T00:13:43Z
institution	BVB
isbn	9789531549387
language	Croatian
oai_aleph_id	oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-024759217
oclc_num	785830398
open_access_boolean
owner	DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR DE-12
owner_facet	DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR DE-12
physical	352 S. graph. Darst.
publishDate	2011
publishDateSearch	2011
publishDateSort	2011
publisher	Hrvatska Akad. Znanosti i Umjetnosti, Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti u Dubrovniku
record_format	marc
series	Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti, Dubrovnik: Posebna izdanja. Serija: Prilozi povijesti stanovništva Dubrovnika i okolice
series2	Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti, Dubrovnik: Posebna izdanja. Serija: Prilozi povijesti stanovništva Dubrovnika i okolice Posebna izdanja / Hrvatska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti, Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti : Serija: Prilozi povijesti stanovništva Dubrovnika i okolice
spelling	Vekarić, Nenad 1955- Verfasser (DE-588)1042697647 aut Vlastela grada Dubrovnika 1 Korijeni, struktura i razvoj dubrovačkog plemstva Nenad Vekarić Zagreb [u.a.] Hrvatska Akad. Znanosti i Umjetnosti, Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti u Dubrovniku 2011 352 S. graph. Darst. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti, Dubrovnik: Posebna izdanja. Serija: Prilozi povijesti stanovništva Dubrovnika i okolice 17,1 Posebna izdanja / Hrvatska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti, Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti : Serija: Prilozi povijesti stanovništva Dubrovnika i okolice ... Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Roots, structure and development of the Ragusan nobility (DE-604)BV039900310 1 Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti, Dubrovnik: Posebna izdanja. Serija: Prilozi povijesti stanovništva Dubrovnika i okolice 17,1 (DE-604)BV005436459 17,1 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024759217&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024759217&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Vekarić, Nenad 1955- Vlastela grada Dubrovnika Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti, Dubrovnik: Posebna izdanja. Serija: Prilozi povijesti stanovništva Dubrovnika i okolice
title	Vlastela grada Dubrovnika
title_auth	Vlastela grada Dubrovnika
title_exact_search	Vlastela grada Dubrovnika
title_full	Vlastela grada Dubrovnika 1 Korijeni, struktura i razvoj dubrovačkog plemstva Nenad Vekarić
title_fullStr	Vlastela grada Dubrovnika 1 Korijeni, struktura i razvoj dubrovačkog plemstva Nenad Vekarić
title_full_unstemmed	Vlastela grada Dubrovnika 1 Korijeni, struktura i razvoj dubrovačkog plemstva Nenad Vekarić
title_short	Vlastela grada Dubrovnika
title_sort	vlastela grada dubrovnika korijeni struktura i razvoj dubrovackog plemstva
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024759217&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024759217&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
volume_link	(DE-604)BV039900310 (DE-604)BV005436459
work_keys_str_mv	AT vekaricnenad vlastelagradadubrovnika1

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