Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački odnosi: (1945 - 1955)
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| Format: | Book |
| Published: |
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2010
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| Series: | Biblioteka "Studije i monografije" / Institut za Noviju Istoriju Srbije
59,[a] |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Physical Description: | 715 S. Ill., graph. Darst. |
| ISBN: | 9788670050822 |
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| 490 | 1 | |a Biblioteka "Studije i monografije" / Institut za Noviju Istoriju Srbije |v 59,[a] | |
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Record in the Search Index
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SADRŽAJ
SKRAĆENICE
.7
PREDGOVOR
.9
UVOD
.25
I
DEO
-
PRIJATELJSTVO IZNAD NESPORAZUMA
1945-1948.
GODINE SARADNJE
1945-1948.41
Kraj rata i obnova odnosa
.41
Deo
istog političkog procesa
.74
Jugoslavija, Čehoslovačka i zemlje „narodne demokratije"
.74
Ugovor
о
prijateljstvu
.98
Ekonomski partneri
.119
Osobenost dveju ekonomija
.119
Redovna trgovinska razmena
.125
Specijalni sporazumi
.135
Značaj ekonomske saradnje
.143
Upoznavanje drugog
.148
Kultura, umetnost i nauka
.148
Borba za umetnike
.176
Fiskultura
.181
Proučavanje jugoslovenskog prostora
(Čehoslovački studenti, naučnici i turisti u Jugoslaviji)
.185
Stručnjaci iz Čehoslovačke u Jugoslaviji
.194
Praznici, rođendani i kult ličnosti
.202
Slika drugog
.209
Živeti u Cehoslovačkoj, učiti za Jugoslaviju
.220
Jugoslavenski učenici
ivaspitaă
u Cehoslovačkoj
.220
Jugoslavenski studenti u Cehoslovačkoj
.268
SUKOBI I NESPORAZUMI
.281
Čehoslovačka imovina u Jugoslaviji
.281
Restituera
jugoslovenske imovine iz Čehoslovačke
.316
Iseljavanje Čeha i Slovaka iz Jugoslavije
.325
Vekovno prisustvo
.325
Susret sa novim vlastima
.328
Iseljavanje („Reemigracija")
.333
II
DEO
-
U
SENCI
INFORMBIROA
1948/49-1953/55.
JUGOSLAVIJA ILI INFORMBIRO
1948/49.355
Sukob Jugoslavije i Informbiroa
.355
Februar
1948.361
Komunistička partija Čehoslovačke i Rezolucija Informbiroa
.377
Ekonomija između interesa za saradnjom i političkih direktiva
. 399
Kultura između politike i propagande
.413
Prevremen povratak kući
(Povratak učenika i studenata iz Čehoslovačke)
.429
Rezolucija Informbiroa i jugoslovenski učenici i studenti
.429
Među svojima
-
nova iskušenja
.435
Prekid saradnje
.439
VREME
NEPRIJATELJSTVA
1950-1953.445
Živeti u neprijateljskoj državi
.445
Diplomate na meti tajne policije
.449
Uhapšeni, osuđeni, umrli (ubijeni?)
.462
„Krajani"
i „Titovci"
(Češka i slovačka manjina i Jugoslavija
1948-1955).494
Politika
.494
Češka i slovačka manjinska udruženja u Jugoslaviji
.509
Rezolucija Informbiroa i proces iseljavanja
Čeha i Slovaka iz Jugoslavije
.514
Prosveta i kultura
.525
Emigracija
.547
Jugoslovenska informbiroovska emigracija u Čehoslovačkoj
. 548
Saradnja Jugoslavije i čehoslovačke emigracije
(„Laušmanova akcija")
.563
Proces Slanskom
.599
Propagandni rat (Iskrivljena slika drugog)
.613
NORMALIZACIJA ODNOSA
.633
ZAKLJUČAK
.663
SUMMARY
. 673
IZVORI I LITERATURA
.
l.ľ.!"".ľ
685
REGISTAR IMENA
. '.
703
SUMMARY
Ten years of Yugoslav-Czechoslovak relations
(1945-1955)
is
only a small part in the two hundred years of relations between the
Yugoslav and Czechoslovak states and their people. Living during
nearly the whole
XIX
century within foreign states, with the excep¬
tion of the Belgrade Pashaluk (Turkish province) that gradually and
step by step grew into an independent Serbian state, these people
were gaining independence and freedom by different means, th¬
rough time their elites got to know one another and to cooperate,
but that acquaintance did not reach deeper from the surface of the
intellectual circles. However, even such type of acquaintances were
sufficient so that we can come out with a number of examples of
mutual contacts, help and better understanding. It all started with
the mutual Slavists' acquaintance at the beginning of the
XIX
cen¬
tury, followed-up by cooperation having as its goal the fulfillment
of minority rights in Austro-Hungary and the Serbian effort in the
struggle to gain independence from Turkey. There was also a steady
and growing flow of Czechoslovak tourists visiting Yugoslav lands
and, then, a growing Czech economic penetration in Yugoslav space.
This was followed through cooperation of Czech
émigrés
with the
Yugoslav emigres and the Serbian Government during World War I.
All this manifold spectrum of contacts and cooperation was reached
by the time the new two countries became independent
-
Yugoslavia
(the Kingdom of SHS) and Czechoslovakia, in
1918.
The next two de¬
cades, up to the fascist conquest and break up of Czechoslovakia in
1938/39,
were marked by a versatile cooperation in all aspects of life
-
together with Romania the two states made the Little Entente, the
Yugoslav army was primarily buying equipment from the Czecho¬
slovak military industry, a good part of Yugoslav agricultural pro¬
ducts went to Czechoslovakia, while Yugoslav needs were widely
met by Czechoslovak industry. Czechoslovak capital figured among
the largest foreign investments in Yugoslav economy, and there was
hardly any branch of economy without the capital coming from Cze¬
choslovakia. At the same time hundreds of Yugoslavs were studying
in Czechoslovakia, while tens of thousands of Czechs and Slovaks
were vacationing in Yugoslavia, coming to tourist resorts and seeking
medical treatment in numerous spas. This manifold cooperation was
abruptly broken by the fascist aggression on Czechoslovakia, who
674
Dr Slobodan
Selinić
was abandoned by all her allies, including Yugoslavia, and handed
over to Nazi mercy. Years of the new World War saw both countries
on the anti-fascist side, but also brought occupation, dissolution of
the states, mass murders and deportations of civilian population to
concentration camps, emigration of governments, politicians and the
King, the forming of fascist puppet-states in both countries (Croatia
and Slovakia), but also brought resistance movements and uprisings
that had a larger scope and importance in Yugoslavia. The commu¬
nist movement in Yugoslavia succeeded in its revolutionary goal and
seized power in Yugoslavia, in contrast to Czechoslovakia where af¬
ter the war the norms and traditions of a civil state with its social
parliamentary system were resumed, including, however, a much
stronger role of the communists.
After World War II both Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia were
for several years part of the same political process in Europe of that
time, i.e. Europe becoming divided in two blocks. Actually, the So-
vietization of Eastern Europe was underway. However, this process
was not identical in both countries. Yugoslavia came out of the war
as a communist republic headed by the CPY (Communist Party of
Yugoslavia), leaning on the USSR in every respect, and considered
herself to be a loyal follower of the largest Slav land, maybe even
an equal partner. On the other hand, Czechoslovakia was much
more a country between East and West
-
a notion that historiograp¬
hy mostly applies to Yugoslavia. With her Western traditions and
foundations, civil forces and parliamentary Western-type democra¬
cy, Czechoslovakia, however, could not overlook the fact that she
was liberated by the USSR, that before the start of the war she had
been abandoned by her western allies and turned over to Hitler's
mercy, and that she was part of the European corridor for the Soviet
tanks, at the same time having the USSR trying hard to implemen
its influence and domination. Regardless of the differences, Yugo¬
slavia and Czechoslovakia were becoming more and more under
the Soviet political influence, retaining a high degree of political co¬
operation. The highest expression of that cooperation was the Tre¬
aty on friendship, cooperation and mutual help, signed in Belgrade
on the 9th of May,
1946,
when the Czechoslovak delegation, headed
by Prime Minister Firlinger, came to Yugoslavia in a return visit, af¬
ter Tito's visit to Prague in March of the same year. That treaty was
just a link in a chain of similar treaties that Yugoslavia was signing
Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački
odnosi
1945-1955. 675
with all countries that were to become part of the Soviet block, and
was an open political alignment with the USSR, also an expression
of Slav solidarity and a feeling of a needed cooperation among Slav
countries, especially after a monstrous war when the Slavs were
victims of the "Germanic" politics of conquest, so that war suffe¬
rings and the war itself can never be repeated.
Excellent political relations went hand in hand with coopera¬
tion in different fields of culture, as well in economic ventures. At a
scale not known earlier in history the Yugoslavs on one side and the
Czechs and Slovaks on the other were able to learn more about one
another. Cultural cooperation was mainly based on the Convention
that on April 27th, in Belgrade, signed Klementis, Czechoslovak State
Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and FNRJ's President of
the Committee of Education and Science Boris Ziherl. This Conven¬
tion promoted cooperation in the fields of science, arts, literature,
film, scholarships etc. This cooperation mostly took place through
Societies for Cooperation, formed in Yugoslavia and Czechoslova¬
kia, the difference being that in Yugoslavia this Cultural Associati¬
on was the only one devoted to cooperation with Czechoslovakia
and was firmly following the politics of the ruling Communist par¬
ty and its government, covering all aspect of life, from culture to
foreign policy, thus representing an extended hand of the state ins¬
titutions; while in Czechoslovakia several organization devoted to
cooperation with Yugoslavia existed, one of them being the succes¬
sor of the pre-war traditions and as such quite unwelcomed to the
new Yugoslav rulers (Czechoslovak-Yugoslav Society for cultural
and economic relations
-
the pre-war Alliance). Official Yugoslavia
considered that the Alliance was a bourgeois type circle and, accor¬
dingly, Yugoslavia inclined much more towards a new associati¬
on formed in July
1945,
in the CKD factory, in the outskirts of Pra¬
gue; the aim being to have the working class as the nucleus around
which all segments of Czech and Slovak society would gather in the
field of cooperation with the "new" Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia-Cze¬
choslovakia Cultural Society was founded in Belgrade, in March
1946,
at the inaugural Assembly at Kolarac Building, with about
300
guests present.
Josip Rus,
vice-president of the Presidium of the Na¬
tional Assembly, was elected as president. Good political relations
brought the desire to bring these relations to the fields of culture as
well, this resulting in setting up two bookstores
-
"Yugoslav book"
676
Dr Slobodan
Selinić
in the very centre of Prague, and
"Orbis"
in the centre of Belgrade.
Any inexperienced foreigner visiting Belgrade or Prague would qu¬
ickly notice and conclude that the very seats of the two embassies
and the two bookstores suggest that the relations of the two coun¬
tries must be very cordial. Thanks to works and activities of these
cultural associations and bookstores, both Yugoslav and Czechoslo¬
vak societies were learning about one another through exhibitions,
concerts, films, folk concerts, translations of best literary works etc.
Yugoslavia was represented by musicians such as Janigro,
Macek,
Danon, Baranovic; through the exhibition
"XIX
and XX century art
of the people of Yugoslavia"; folk groups like "Joze Vlahovic",
"Ivo
Lola
Ribar";
Belgrade Radio Choir; post-war Yugoslav films having
as their themes the anti-fascist resistance and the reconstruction of
the country; participation of gymnasts at the XI
Sokol
Rally etc. Yu¬
goslav authorities were aware that Czechoslovakia was a country
with a long and distinguished tradition in culture, science and arts,
so Yugoslavia was sending to Czechoslovakia the very best. The
Czechoslovak public particularly praised performances by Janigro,
Macek,
Horvat
and Saks at the Prague Spring Festival in
1948,
as
witnessed by the Yugoslav correspondents. Excellent attention was
given to
"Ivo Lola Ribar"
Choir that was the winner of the trophy
at the International Youth Festival in Prague, in August
1947.
The
same can be said for the exhibition
"XIX
and XX century art of the
people of Yugoslavia", when
343
works were presented
-
paintings,
graphic works, sculptures
-
representing Yugoslav art from roman¬
ticism and realism up to the early post-war period.
Besides being first-rate in the artistic sense, Yugoslav cultural
presentations in Czechoslovakia had to fit within the Yugoslav su¬
itable ideological and political program. For that reason paintings,
films, even gymnasts coming to Rallies, had to manifest the wor¬
kers' movement, communist and party ideology, the unity of the
many people of Yugoslavia, their fight against fascism, liberation
and resistance movement, and to praise the shock-workers in their
efforts to reconstruct the country and build socialism and, of course,
to support the rising cult of Tito.
Czechoslovakia responded by sending famous musical virtu¬
osos like
Jozef
Palenicek, Alexander Plocek, Alfred
Holeček,
Milos
Sadi,
František
Rauh;
Moravska
Teachers
Choir; photo-exhibition
of Czech and Slovak sculptures; visits of well-known writers etc.
Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački
odnosi
1945-1955. 677
Teams of scientists and sportsmen were also par of those visits and
communications.
Aleksandar
Belie was solemnly promotes to the
post of honorary doctor of Karl's University, on October 26th,
1946.
Czechoslovakia and her scientific elite hosted
dr Milko
Kos,
profes¬
sor of Slovenian history at Ljubljana University, and
Antun Barac
from the University of Zagreb. Mutual visits of state delegations
and signing of treaties among the two countries was usually accom¬
panied by visits of sport teams. At the same time Czechoslovakia
played host to many hundreds of Yugoslav students and appren¬
tices learning different crafts. Even though their schooling was in¬
terrupted in most cases, following the IB Resolution, one should
not underestimate the knowledge gained during the two years they
spent in Czechoslovakia. Students were enrolled at one of the oldest
universities in Europe, while apprentices worked in factories with
modern machines and technology, learning to become highly quali¬
fied and skilled workers. Possibly an even bigger influence was the
influence of the Czechoslovak tradition and everyday culture and
habits, the mingling with their local age mates, the whole social cli¬
mate of pro-Western pluralism and democratic institutions.
On the other hand, Czechoslovakia was thoroughly exploring
the Yugoslav lands. Tens of thousands of tourists from Czecho¬
slovakia were visiting Yugoslavia and hundreds of Czechoslovak
students and professors were coming on reciprocal scholarships
to engage in practical work, also to spend their holidays, and to
know better Yugoslavia, her people, history, culture etc. Czechs and
Slovaks were the most numerous tourists visiting Yugoslavia, and
the Yugoslav Adriatic coast was a must destination offering leisure,
rest, healing and recovery.
In short, Yugoslavia, through cultural interchange and lear¬
ning about the Czechoslovak society, was gaining knowledge for
her students and craftsmen, a chance to host the best artists of the
time and to be acquainted with both culture and economy of one of
the most developed middle-European countries; while Czechoslo¬
vakia had the possibility to perceive Yugoslav history, culture and
folklore, though filtered through the Yugoslav political apparatus
of agitation and propaganda.
Economic cooperation was extraordinarily important to both
countries. Yugoslav economy planners considered that Czechoslo¬
vak economy was unavoidable in the attempt to reach post-war
eco-
678
Dr Slobodan
Selinić
nomic
goals
-
reconstruction
and industrialization of Yugoslavia.
Prague, on the other hand, counted on raw materials from Yugo¬
slavia, and on the Yugoslav market for Czechoslovakia's industry
products. When after the war cooperation resumed, Czechoslova¬
kia imported from Yugoslavia raw materials and food, while Yu¬
goslavia imported machines, factory installations and, in general,
goods needed to rebuild the country and fulfill the Five-years state
plan. According to certain data, Yugoslav export to Czechoslova¬
kia was as follows: raw materials
31%,
food articles
23%,
tobacco
and cigarettes
25%,
fruits and vegetables
10%,
vine and alcohol
7%
etc. Exports from Czechoslovakia to Yugoslavia had the following
structure: cars, motorcycles, spare parts
22,2%;
machines, tools, mo¬
tors etc.
21,8%;
textile
11%;
chemical products
8,2%;
coke
6,1%;
fi¬
reproof material (tracks, pipes)
5,6%;
baked clay and porcelain
5%;
shoes
4,5%
etc. In general,
80%
of Czechoslovak exports to Yugo¬
slavia were final products, and only
20%
raw materials and semi
products. Economic cooperation was based on regular yearly trade
treaties that were becoming more extensive each year. The first such
treaty was signed on November 28th,
1945,
and envisaged a trade
exchange valued at
500
millions, while the last treaty, just before
the clash between Yugoslavia and IB, was signed on the 24th of May,
1948,
and valued at
2,75
billions. An Investment contract conclu¬
ded in
1947
was of special importance: Yugoslavia was to receive
machines indispensable in industrialization of Yugoslav economy,
but due to the Yugoslavia-IB clash this was carried out on a mini¬
mal scale. The importance of cooperation between Yugoslavia and
Czechoslovakia can also be seen in the wider context of cooperation
of Yugoslavia with all the other Eastern-block states. Based on tra¬
de and investment treaties, Czechoslovakia was the most important
Yugoslav partner among IB countries. The investment treaty with
Czechoslovakia was valued on
150,
with the USSR on
135,
and with
Hungary on
90
million dollars. Even the regular commercial coope¬
ration between Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia was on a high le¬
vel. The expected barter trade value with Czechoslovakia, based on
contracts for
1948,
was
110,
with the USSR
104,
Poland
46,
Hungary
11,5,
Bulgaria
6,7
and Romania
6
million dollars.
Data on export-import exchange between Czechoslovakia and
Yugoslavia clearly show that for the
1945-1948
period Czechoslo¬
vakia was the most important Yugoslav economic partner. In
1945
Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački
odnosi
1945-1955. 679
Czechoslovakia ranked third on the list of Yugoslav exports, raised
to second place in
1946
(behind the USSR), and in
1947
and
1948
took the first place. In terms of Yugoslav import Czechoslovakia
ranked ninth in
1945,
in
1946
and
1947
came to second place (behind
the USSR), and in
1948
came to first place.
The
1945-1948
period was the time of intensive cooperation
between Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. However, the two coun¬
tries came out of the war with different systems and power structu¬
re, so that the mutual cooperation was in a way shaded by disputab¬
le questions
-
that did not jeopardize the general line of cooperation
-
but represented an obstacle to an even better understanding. This
primarily had to do with Czechoslovakia's state and private proper¬
ty in Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav restitution demands addressed to
Czechoslovakia, and the process of emigration of Czechs and Slo¬
vaks from Yugoslavia. As a state with substantial capital invested
in Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia was affected by the new Yugoslav
authority's measures that were breaking with the old politic order
and installing a new social and economic system: nationalization,
confiscation, sequester, agrarian land reform etc. Persistent Cze¬
choslovaks' protests, negotiations within a mixed commission that
lasted for years, occasional Yugoslav concessions and compromi¬
ses
-
rather tactical than basic, a secret agreement of September 4th,
1947,
that mentioned the payment of indemnity for the confiscated
property. all that combined could not change the firm Yugoslav
stand that in the new state of Yugoslavia there is no place for any
foreign capital; so that the nationalization of
1948
finally put an end
to the question of the Czechoslovak capital in Yugoslavia.
In a no smaller degree was Yugoslavia's discontent with
Czechoslovakia's standpoint with regard to Yugoslav property in
Czechoslovakia. Namely, the Yugoslav side maintained that du¬
ring the war the occupying forces took away valuable Yugoslav
property that ended in Czechoslovakia. Czechoslovak authorities
were particularly deaf to those Yugoslav demands concerning the
return of such property. The last strong source of misunderstanding
sprung from Czechoslovakia's wish to resettle in Czechoslovakia
her compatriots living in Yugoslavia; this being part of Czechoslo¬
vak state policy of evicting the Germans and the Hungarians, at the
same time bringing in Czechs and Slovaks from abroad, with the
idea being that Czechoslovakia should become, to a highest possib-
680
Cr
Slobodan Selinić
le
degree, a national state of the Czechs and the Slovaks. After years
of negotiations an agreement was reached on November 13th,
1948;
and the resettlement, often unlawful, brought from Yugoslavia to
Czechoslovakia only several thousand people.
A great turning point in Yugoslav-Czechoslovak relations
came with the open clash between Yugoslavia and IB, in
1948.
It
was an expression of months long and complex misunderstandings
between Yugoslavia and the USSR, and this happened at the very
moment, shortly after February
1948,
when the Czechoslovak com¬
munists gained power, and when it seemed that Yugoslav-Cze¬
choslovak relations were to become even better as both countries
were now headed by communist parties. The leadership of CPC
(Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) sided with IB, obedient to
directives coming from Moscow. This led to a fast deterioration of
Yugoslav-Czechoslovak relations. These relations paralleled now
the Yugoslav-Soviet relations, up to October
1949,
when Czechoslo¬
vakia, together with the other IB countries, called off all the alrea¬
dy signed contracts with Yugoslavia; years of cooperation came to
an end and were replaces by years of enmity. Both countries were
expelling representatives of the other state. This was happening
in regular hostile waves, with an interchange of accusations, pro¬
test diplomatic notes, mutual relations were lowered to the level
of charge d'affaires. From culture to economy to politics, the new
conditions had a negative effect on all segments of cooperation.
Already in July
1948.
Yugoslav gymnasts, participating in the XI
Sokols' Rally, found themselves in the midst of a confused political
situation provoked by political clashes after the communist victory
in Czechoslovakia and the IB Resolution.
The representation and presence of one state within the borders
of the other one was becoming, from the second part of
1948,
weaker
and weaker and even undesirable. The visits of artists, film exchange
and other cultural contents were receding under the pressures of the
directives, thus leading to a total break up of cooperation. Unwel-
comed became the bulletins of both embassies, bookstores like "Yu¬
goslav book" in Prague and
"Orbis"
in Belgrade, performances of
musicians and sport teams visits. In Yugoslavia Czech and Slovak
minority associations had to comply with the Yugoslav political sys¬
tem in spheres of both culture and ideology, thus losing independen¬
ce and autonomy; while in Czechoslovakia such associations had to
Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački
odnosi
1945-1955. 681
submit themselves to Czechoslovak politics and the firm IB line. Even
Yugoslav students and apprentices became unwelcomed, unless they
embraced IB accusations of Yugoslavia. Thus, nearly all those Yugo¬
slav students and apprentices were sent back home by the end of the
year. At a boarding school for the apprentices, in Cakovice, a split
up between the Yugoslav students occurred, i.e. a number of them
embraced the IB Resolution, this leading to a serious clash. Czecho¬
slovak police intervened, tens of students and their instructors were
arrested to be soon expelled from the country, including all those
with pro-Yugoslav positions. This unhappy event, in the summer of
1948,
threw an even gloomier shadow on the up to then traditionally
friendly relation between the two countries.
Even in economy, where mutual interest was the greatest,
cooperation had to step back confronted with political directives,
so that by the middle of
1949.
the last attempts to place economic
interests above rigid politics collapsed
-
Czechoslovakia was for¬
ced to remain loyal with the Soviet political excommunication of
Yugoslavia. Even though Czechoslovakia had a genuine interest to
exchange goods with Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia had to yield un¬
der pressure and stay in line with the Eastern block of "the people's
democracies"
.
The break of economic cooperation hit Yugoslav eco¬
nomy harshly, because Yugoslavia's Five-years Plan leaned heavi¬
ly on import of goods and investment from Czechoslovakia. The
break of cooperation effected Czechoslovak economy as well being
that in her Five-years Economic Plan Czechoslovakia counted on
non-ferrous metals, meat, wheat and other Yugoslav products, and
now ended without them. Besides, quite a large amount of goods
already made, and waiting to be shipped to Yugoslavia, could not
be exported due to the economic rupture.
During the years of enmity each side opened its door only to
emigres and opponents of the other side regime. In this manner Cze¬
choslovakia hosted around
160
Yugoslav emigres that sided with IB
and against the Yugoslav leadership; while Yugoslavia, up to the
second part of
1953,
collaborated with Western Czechoslovak emig¬
rants, primarily with
Bohumil Lausman,
former State Secretary of
Industry and high official, later vice-president of the Social-democ¬
ratic party. The group of Yugoslav emigres in Czechoslovakia
-
na¬
med as "traitors" by the Yugoslav authorities
-
enjoyed hospitality
of the Czechoslovak government and party, published a newspaper
682
Dr Slobodan
Selinić
called
Nova
borba
that distinguished itself by its attacks on Yugoslav
leadership, took part in First of May Rallies, "represented" Yugosla¬
via at international congresses held in Prague, spread
anti-
Yugoslav
propaganda. In spite of this those Yugoslav
émigrés
were under
strict surveillance of the State security services. The most prominent
member of this group was Slobodan
Lale
Ivanovic
who served as
a Yugoslav diplomat in Washington, but refused obedience to the
Yugoslav leadership and emigrated to Prague.
Lasting and strong propaganda machinery in both countries
changed from the very roots the image of the opposite side, attac¬
king even things that used to be praised prior to the Yugoslavia-IB
conflict. The Yugoslav point of view presented Czechoslovakia as a
violent state that terrorizes her own citizens, in a slave manner sub¬
dued by the USSR, serving the USSR's economic and imperialistic
goals and needs, terrorizing also Yugoslav citizens and diplomats;
while Czechoslovak propaganda, on the other hand, insisted that
Yugoslavia betrayed the camp of the world's peace loving forces
-
the countries of "the people's democracies", treasonably chan¬
ged sides and threw herself into the hands of the Anglo-American
capitalists and monopolists. Accusations against Yugoslavia and a
hostile stand toward Yugoslav citizens reached their peak during
the Slanski process and in several other processes that as a result
brought imprisonment and court processes to tens of Yugoslav ci¬
tizens. Slanski and the other accused were charged, among other
things, for working for the Yugoslav secret service, thus against the
state of Czechoslovakia. Besides, tens of Yugoslavs were impriso¬
ned and brought to secret trials, with or without real charges, and
all this as part of Stalinist-type rigged trials, characteristic of Czecho¬
slovakia in the early fifties. Torture and heavy sentences were the
rule. A standing out example of this type of accusations and trials
is the process against Sefik Kevic, vice-consul in Bratislava, accused
with fifteen other persons. Ten out of that number, including Kevic,
were Yugoslav citizens. Kevic was arrested on the 24th of March,
1950;
and he and the other "accomplices" were judged from August
30.
to September 2nd,
1950,
by the State Court in Prague. They were
sentenced to long prison terms. Many ordinary Yugoslav citizens
underwent other forms of discrimination and mistreatment, requ¬
isition, loss of job, deportation to Yugoslavia, while some renoun¬
ced their Yugoslav citizenship etc.
Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački odnosi
1945-1955. 683
On the other hand, both minorities in Yugoslavia
-
Czechs
and Slovaks
-
after settling in these regions many generations ago,
for the first time found themselves living within an unfriendly, even
enemy state. Yugoslavia was giving a suspicious eye at the national
minorities and was trying to include them in the politics of dismis¬
sal of the IB Resolution's charges, at the same time trying to include
them to be part of the Yugoslav model of socialism and its develop¬
ment. For such reasons associations of minority groups became part
of the official cultural and educational policy, losing their autono¬
my and traditional national ceremonies; and as a result minorities
were losing their specific colors, becoming more and more shaded
by Yugoslav official propaganda. Efforts were made to repress all
contacts between the Yugoslav Czechs and Slovaks with their mot¬
her country. Newspapers and periodicals published in languages of
the minorities had to be in line with the official standpoints, prima¬
rily in regards to the IB. A number of Yugoslav Czechs and Slovaks,
including some prominent ones
(Vrbovski,
Kardelis
etc), emigrated
to their mother country some time before or after the IB Resolution,
and immediately became engaged in Czechoslovakia's strong anti-
Yugoslav campaign and propaganda with the accent on promoting
the emigration of Czech and Slovak minorities from Yugoslavia to
Czechoslovakia. Nearly overnight the position of diplomats in both
countries has been changed. From representatives of a friendly and
allied nation they became persons under surveillance of the secret
police, followed and spied on by agents, threatened and harassed.
Enmities calmed down with the death of the Soviet leader
Stalin. However, this did not come immediately. Normalization
of Yugoslav-Czechoslovak relationship was part of the process of
normalization of relationship between Yugoslavia and the Soviet
block. For the start mutual negative propaganda decreased, diplo¬
matic contacts tended to be polite again, and the renewal of broken
economic ties started gradually. During
1954
it was agreed to bring
back diplomatic relations to ambassadorial level. A new trade tre¬
aty was signed and it resembled the ones made prior to the clash
with the IB, i.e. it was on a larger-scale than those negotiated with
other Eastern-block countries. Finally, in
1955,
came the exchange of
imprisoned citizens, and new cooperation contracts covering many
aspects of life were signed. The two countries found themselves on
a fresh new start. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Selinić, Slobodan 1975- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1044765879 |
| author_facet | Selinić, Slobodan 1975- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Selinić, Slobodan 1975- |
| author_variant | s s ss |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV039159040 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)745526417 (DE-599)GBV661040763 |
| era | Geschichte 1945-1955 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1945-1955 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd Tschechoslowakei (DE-588)4078435-6 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Jugoslawien Tschechoslowakei |
| id | DE-604.BV039159040 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-08-14T00:46:23Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788670050822 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-024176597 |
| oclc_num | 745526417 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-M457 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-M457 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 715 S. Ill., graph. Darst. |
| publishDate | 2010 |
| publishDateSearch | 2010 |
| publishDateSort | 2010 |
| publisher | INS |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Biblioteka "Studije i monografije" / Institut za Noviju Istoriju Srbije |
| spelling | Selinić, Slobodan 1975- Verfasser (DE-588)1044765879 aut Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački odnosi (1945 - 1955) Slobodan Selinić Beograd INS 2010 715 S. Ill., graph. Darst. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteka "Studije i monografije" / Institut za Noviju Istoriju Srbije 59,[a] Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1945-1955 gnd rswk-swf Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd rswk-swf Tschechoslowakei (DE-588)4078435-6 gnd rswk-swf Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 g Tschechoslowakei (DE-588)4078435-6 g Geschichte 1945-1955 z DE-604 Institut za Noviju Istoriju Srbije Biblioteka "Studije i monografije" 59,[a] (DE-604)BV011095323 59,a Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024176597&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024176597&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Selinić, Slobodan 1975- Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački odnosi (1945 - 1955) |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4028966-7 (DE-588)4078435-6 |
| title | Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački odnosi (1945 - 1955) |
| title_auth | Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački odnosi (1945 - 1955) |
| title_exact_search | Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački odnosi (1945 - 1955) |
| title_full | Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački odnosi (1945 - 1955) Slobodan Selinić |
| title_fullStr | Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački odnosi (1945 - 1955) Slobodan Selinić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački odnosi (1945 - 1955) Slobodan Selinić |
| title_short | Jugoslovensko-čehoslovački odnosi |
| title_sort | jugoslovensko cehoslovacki odnosi 1945 1955 |
| title_sub | (1945 - 1955) |
| topic_facet | Jugoslawien Tschechoslowakei |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024176597&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024176597&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV011095323 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT selinicslobodan jugoslovenskocehoslovackiodnosi19451955 |