A guide to morphosyntax-phonology interface theories: how extra-phonological information is treated in phonology since Trubetzkoy's Grenzsignale
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Berlin [u.a.]
De Gruyter Mouton
2011
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| Item Description: | Literaturverz. S. [717] - 783 |
| Physical Description: | LIII, 847 S. Ill., graph. Darst. 25 cm, 1623 g |
| ISBN: | 9783110238624 |
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| 100 | 1 | |a Scheer, Tobias |e Verfasser |4 aut | |
| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a A guide to morphosyntax-phonology interface theories |b how extra-phonological information is treated in phonology since Trubetzkoy's Grenzsignale |c by Tobias Scheer |
| 264 | 1 | |a Berlin [u.a.] |b De Gruyter Mouton |c 2011 | |
| 300 | |a LIII, 847 S. |b Ill., graph. Darst. |c 25 cm, 1623 g | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |b n |2 rdamedia | ||
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| 500 | |a Literaturverz. S. [717] - 783 | ||
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| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Morphosyntax |0 (DE-588)4114635-9 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
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IMAGE 1
TABLE OF CONTENTS - OVERVIEW
§ PAGE
TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL VII
TABLE OF GRAPHIE ILLUSTRATIONS XLV
1 EDITORIAL NOTE XLVII
2 FOREWORD THE PLOT, AND HOW TO USE THE BOOK IL
3 INTRODUCTION
4 1. PROCEDURAL AND REPRESENTATIONAL COMMUNICATION WITH PHONOLOGY 1
7 2. FUNCTIONAL HISTORIOGRAPHY 3
11 3. THE SYNTACTIC FRAME: MINIMALIST PHASE THEORY 7
24 4. DEFINITION OF THE OBJECT OF THE STUDY 16
34 5. TRYING TO GET AN INDEPENDENT HANDLE ON THE INTERFACE 22
42 6. DEFORESTATION 27
47 7. STRUCTURE OF THE BOOK AND OF VOL.2 31
PART ONE MORPHO-SYNTACTIC INFORMATION IN PHONOLOGY: A SURVEY SINCE
TRUBETZKOY'S GRENZSIGNALE 50 1. THE SPECTRUM: WHAT MORPHO-SYNTACTIC
INFORMATION CAN DO TO
PHONOLOGY 35
55 2. TRUBETZKOY'S GRENZSIGNALE 39
59 3. AMERICAN STRUCTURALISM: JUNCTURE PHONEMES 43
73 4. CHOMSKY, HALLE & LUKOFF (1956) 59
81 5. SPE SETS THE STANDARDS FOR 40 YEARS 67
109 6. THE LIFE OF BOUNDARIES IN POST-SPE TIMES 93
139 7. LEXICAL PHONOLOGY 123
215 8. HALLE & VERGNAUD (1987A): SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT AND SPE-RESTORATION
185
258 9. KAYE (1995): SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT AND MODIFICATION-INHIBITING NO
LOOK-BACK 219
360 10. PROSODIE PHONOLOGY: ON THE REPRESENTATIONAL SIDE 301 450 11.
OPTIMALITY THEORY 385
531 12. DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY 447
BIBLIOGRAFISCHE INFORMATIONEN HTTP://D-NB.INFO/1009312731
DIGITALISIERT DURCH
IMAGE 2
VI TABLE OF CONTENTS - OVERVIEW
§ PAGE
INTERLUDE MODULARITY 587 1. INTRODUCTION: THE RELATIVE ABSENCE OF
MODULARITY IN INTERFACE THINKING 497
588 2. MODULARITY AND CONNECTIONISM, MIND AND BRAIN 499
600 3. THE MODULAR ARCHITECTURE OF THE MIND: WHERE IT CORNES FROM 515
604 4. THE MODULAR ARCHITECTURE OF THE MIND: HOW IT WORKS 519
622 5. MODULARITY OF AND IN LANGUAGE, RELATED SYSTEMS 535
649 6. HOW MODULES COMMUNICATE 557
PART TWO LESSONS FROM INTERFACE THEORIES 656 1. A GUIDE TO THE INTERFACE
JUNGLE 563
657 2. EMPIRICAL GENERALISATIONS 565
666 3. ISSUES THAT ARE SETTLED 573
687 4. MODULARITY, TRANSLATION, THE DIACRITIC ISSUE AND LOCAL VS.
DOMAIN-BASED INTERVENTION: SETTLED IN VERB, BUT NOT IN FAET 589 719 5.
OPEN QUESTIONS (GENERAL) 609
762 6. OPEN QUESTIONS (PROCEDURAL) 647
841 CONCLUSION INTCRMODULAR ARGUMENTATION
842 1. TRYING TO GET A HANDLE ON THE INTERFACE 705
846 2. INTERMODULAR ARGUMENTATION 707
863 REFERENCES 717
864 SUBJECT INDEX 785
865 L A N G U A GE INDEX 838
866 INDEX OF P H E N O M E NA 843
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TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL
§ PAGE
TABLE OF GRAPHIE ILLUSTRATIONS XLV
1 EDITORIAL NOTE XLVII
2 FOREWORD THE PLOT, AND HOW TO USE THE BOOK IL
3 INTRODUCTION
4 1. PROCEDURAL AND REPRESENTATIONAL COMMUNICATION WITH PHONOLOGY. 1 5
1.1. CYCLIC DERIVATION AND HASHMARKS 1
6 1.2. INTERFACE DUALISM: BOTH MEANS OF TALKING TO THE PHONOLOGY ARE
NEEDED 2
7 2. FUNCTIONAL HISTORIOGRAPHY 3
8 2.1. ANDERSON'S DUALISTIC LEGACY: STRUCTURE AND PROCESS 3
9 2.2. HISTORIOGRAPHIE CHERRY-PICKING 5
10 2.3. NO "EXTERNAL" HISTORY: ONLY SCHOLARLY WORK IS USED 6
11 3. THE SYNTACTIC FRAME: MINIMALIST PHASE THEORY 7
12 3.1. THE INVERTED T DELINEATES THE SCOPE OF THE BOOK AND SERVES AS A
REFEREE 7
13 3.2. INTERACTIONISM, SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT AND NO LOOK-BACK DEVICES
(PIC) 8
14 3.2. L. WHEN THE GENERATIVE MAINSTREAM BECAME INTERACTIONIST 8
15 3.2.2. SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT 9
16 3.2.3. NO LOOK-BACK DEVICES (THE PIC) 9
17 3.3. INTERMODULAR ARGUMENTATION 10
18 3.3.1. THE INTERMODULAR POTENTIAL OF INTERACTIONIST PHASE THEORY 10
19 3.3.2. PHASE THEORY IS THE BRIDGE THAT FORCES SYNTAX AND PHONOLOGY TO
CONVERGE 11
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VIII TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL
PAGE
20 3.4. FOCUS ON THE SPELL-OUT MECHANISM(S?) 12
21 3.4.1. MINIMALIST INTERFACE ORIENTATION: SPELL-OUT MARSHALS BOTH
MORPHO-SYNTAX AND PHONOLOGY 12
22 3.4.2. THE WORD-SPELL-OUT MYSTERY 13
23 3.4.3. WE NEED TO KNOW MORE ABOUT THE SPELL-OUT
MECHANISM 14
24 4. DEFINITION OF THE OBJECT OF THE STUDY 16
25 4 . 1. THE BOOK IS ONLY ABOUT INTERFACE THEORIES THAT FOLLOW THE
INVERTEDT 16
26 4.2. INTERFACE THEORIES THAT LIE BEYOND THE INVERTED T MODEL 17
27 4.2.1. THEORIES WHERE EVERYTHING IS SCRAMBLED: HPSG 17
28 4.2.2. OT AND ITS CONNECTIONIST ENDOWMENT: A
PROGRAMMED TROPE FOR SCRAMBLING AIL INTO ONE 17
29 4.2.3. JACKENDOFF S PARALLEL MODEL: ALL MODULES ARE
STRUCTURE-BUILDING 19
30 4.3. PF, AN ANDROGENIC INTERMUNDIA 19
31 4.3.1. THE MINIMALIST DUSTBIN: CLEAN SYNTAX, DIRTY
PHONOLOGY 19
32 4.3.2. SYNTAX, MORPHOLOGY, PF 21
33 4.4. MODULARITY IS THE TOUCHSTONE 21
34 5. TRYING TO GET AN INDEPENDENT HANDLE ON THE INTERFACE 22
35 5.1. INTERMODULAR ARGUMENTATION, HISTORY 22
36 5.2. MODULARITY 23
37 5.2.1. GENERATIVE GRAMMAR DEEPLY ROOTS IN MODULARITY, BUT IS OFTEN
OFFENDED 23
38 5.2.2. MODULARITY IN THE HISTORY OF GENERATIVE GRAMMAR: THE
GB-INTERLUDE OF SYNTAX-INTERNAL (NESTED) MODULES 24 39 5.2.3. THE
REFEREEING POTENTIAL OF MODULARITY LIES WASTE 25
40 5.2.4. INTRODUCTION TO (FODORIAN) MODULARITY 26
41 5.2.5. STRUCTURALIST AND GENERATIVE MODULARITY 27
42 6. DEFORESTATION 27
43 6.1. THE CORE OF GOVERNMENT PHONOLOGY: LATERAL, RATHER THAN ARBOREAL
SYLLABLE STRUCTURE 27
44 6.2. THE LATERAL PROJECT LEAVES NO PLACE FOR ARBOREAL PROSODIE
CONSTITUENCY 28
45 6.3. RECURSION AND OTHER EXPECTED CONSEQUENCES OF TREES ARE ABSENT IN
PHONOLOGY 29
46 6.4. THE LATERAL PROJECT PREDICTS THAT PHONOLOGY IS NON-RECURSIVE.
30
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TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL IX
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47 7. STRUCTURE OF THE BOOK AND OFVOL.2 31
48 7.1. HOW TO ACCESS THE BOOK: THE STORY, ITS RELATION WITH CURRENT
SYNTACTIC THEORY AND ITS THEMATIC GUIDE 31
49 7.2. VOL.2: DIRECT INTERFACE, ONE-CHANNEL TRANSLATION AND THEIR
APPLICATION TO CVCV 32
PART ONE MORPHO-SYNTACTIC INFORMATION IN PHONOLOGY: A SURVEY SINCE
TRUBETZKOY'S GRENZSIGNALE
50 C H A P T E RL THE SPECTRUM: WHAT MORPHO-SYNTACTIC INFORMATION CAN DO
TO PHONOLOGY
51 1. BOUNDARIES HAVE A TRIGGERING, A BLOCKING OR NO EFFECT 35
52 2. BLOCKING AND TRIGGERING EFFECTS: ILLUSTRATION 36
53 2.1. PROCESS-BLOCKING BOUNDARIES: FRENCH GLIDING 36
54 2.2. PROCESS-TRIGGERING BOUNDARIES: OBSTRUENT VOICING IN PUYO PONGO
37
55 CHAPTER 2 TRUBETZKOY'S GRENZSIGNALE
56 1. THE ERADLE OF THE FUNCTIONAL PERSPECTIVE 39
57 2. GRENZSIGNALE DO NOT CONTRIBUTE ANYTHING TO THE MAPPING PUZZLE.
40 58 3. GRENZSIGNALE ARE IMMATERIAL AND UNDER MORPHO-SYNTACTIC CONTROL
40
59 CHAPTER 3 AMERICAN STRUCTURALISM: JUNCTURE PHONEMES
60 1. INTRODUCTION 43
61 2. LEVEL INDEPENDENCE: NO MORPHOLOGY IN PHONOLOGY 44
62 2.1. THE ORTHODOX POINT OF VIEW 44
63 2.2. JUNCTURAL MINIMAL PAIRS: NIGHT RATE VS. NITRATE 45
64 3. MORPHOLOGY IN A PHONOLOGICAL GUISE: MOULTON (1947) ON GERMAN 46
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X TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL
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65 4. "ACCIDENTAI" COINCIDENCE OF JUNCTURE AND MORPHO-SYNTACTIC
DIVISIONS 49
66 5. STRUCTURALIST VIEWS ON THE COINCIDENCE OF JUNCTURE AND MORPHO-
SYNTACTIC DIVISIONS 50
67 5.1. DEFENDERS OF ORTHODOXY (HOCKETT, JOOS, TRAGER) AND HARRIS'
AMBIGUOUS POSITION 50
68 5.2. OPPOSITE VIEW: PIKE'S GRAMMATICAL PREREQUISITES 52
69 6. WHATEVER SUITS THE ANALYST: JUNCTURE IN THE MIDDLE OF MORPHEMES 54
70 7. IS THERE A PHONETIC CORRELATE OF JUNCTURE? 55
71 8. STRUCTURALIST TERMINOLOGY 57
72 9. CONCLUSION: LEVEL INDEPENDENCE SEEDS MODULARITY AND ENFORCES
TRANSLATION 57
73 CHAPTER4 CHOMSKY, HALLE & LUKOFF (1956)
74 1. THE STRUCTURALIST COVER: ECONOMY 59
75 2. PHONOLOGICAL DOMAINS BUILT ON JUNCTURE DISTINCTIONS 60
76 3. LEVEL INDEPENDENCE ABOLISHED: PHONOLOGY DOES TAKE MORPHO-
SYNTACTIC INFORMATION INTO ACCOUNT 61
77 4. TWO FORTHEPRICE OF ONE: MULTIFUNCTIONAL JUNCTURE 62
78 5. MORPHO-SYNTACTIC CONTROL OVER JUNCTURE RESTORED, AND NO PHONETIC
CORRELATE 62
79 6. PRIVATIVITY, AN ACCIDENTAI CONSEQUENCE OF ECONOMY 64
80 7. CYCLIC DERIVATION (INSIDE-OUT INTERPRETATION) 64
81 C H A P T E R5 SPE SETS THE STANDARDS FOR 40 YEARS
82 1. INTRODUCTION 67
83 1.1. INTERFACE DUALISM 67
84 1.2. MODULAR SEEDS IN SPE: THE INVERTED T AND TRANSLATION 68
85 2. TRANSLATION IN SPE (OUTPUT: BOUNDARIES) 70
86 2.1. THE INVERTED T MODEL 70
87 2.2. BOUNDARIES 71
88 2.2.1. BOUNDARIES ARE [-SEGMENT] SEGMENTS WITHOUT
PHONETIC CORRELATE 71
89 2.2.2. DIFFERENT TYPES OF BOUNDARIES: +, =, # 72
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TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL XI
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90 2.3. THE GENERAL MAPPING ALGORITHM: BOUNDARIES RESTORE (ALMOST) FUELL
MORPHO-SYNTACTIC INFORMATION 73
91 2.4. READJUSTMENT 75
92 2.5. AFFIX CLASSES AND THEIR REPRESENTATIONAL MANAGEMENT 77 93 2.5.1.
RULE-BLOCKING BOUNDARIES (STRESS-SHIFTING AFFIXES) 77 94 2.5.2.
RULE-TRIGGERING BOUNDARIES (STRESS-NEUTRAL AFFIXES) 78 95 2.6. LABELLED
BRACKETS 79
96 2.6.1. HOW BRACKETS AND LABELS ARE USED IN THE PHONOLOGY: BLACKBOARD
VS. BLACK BOARD 79
97 2.6.2. BRACKETS AND BOUNDARIES ARE (NOT) REDUNDANT: COMPENSATION VS.
CONDENSATION 80
98 2.6.3. BRACKETS AND INTERACTIONISM 83
99 2.6.4. MODULARITY AND MODULARITY OFFENDERS IN SPE 84
100 3. THE PHONOLOGICAL CYCLE AND ONE SINGLE PHONOLOGY 85
101 3.1. THE PHONOLOGICAL CYCLE 85
102 3.1.1. CYCLIC DERIVATION: HOW IT IS MOTIVATED AND HOW IT WORKS 85
103 3.1.2. CYCLES ARE DEFINED LIKE BOUNDARIES: BY MAJOR CATEGORIES
(N,V,A) 86
104 3.2. WORD-LEVEL RULES AND THE UNITY OF PHONOLOGICAL COMPUTATION 87
105 3.2.1. CYCLIC VS. WORD LEVEL RULES 87
106 3.2.2. SPE IS REPRESENTATIONAL: CLASS 1 VS. CLASS 2, CYCLIC VS.
WORD-LEVEL RULES 89
107 3.2.3. SPE'S REPRESENTATIONALISM MAINTAINS THE UNITY OF ONE SINGLE
COMPUTATIONAL SYSTEM 90
108 4. CONCLUSION 90
109 CHAPTERO THE LIFE OF BOUNDARIES IN POST-SPE TIMES
110 1. INTRODUCTION: OVERVIEW UNTIL THE 80S 93
M 2. THE MAPPING PUZZLE: ALAS, THERE ARE NO NATURAL CLASSES OF
BOUNDARIES 94
112 3. BOUNDARY MUTATION RULES 95
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XII TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL
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113 4. MCCAWLEY (1968): BOUNDARIES DEFINE DOMAINS OF RULE APPLICATION 96
114 4.1. CYCLIC DERIVATION ON THE GROUNDS OF PHONOLOGICAL DOMAINS . 96
115 4.2. LOCAL VS. DOMAIN-BASED INTERVENTION - NOTATIONAL VARIANTS?.
97 116 5. TYPOLOGY AND STRENGTH OF BOUNDARIES 98
117 5.1. BOUNDARY ZOO 98
118 5.2. BOUNDARY CONTRAST: MINIMAL PAIRS AND PHONOLOGICAL PERMEABILITY
99
119 6. ATTEMPTS TO RESTRICT BOUNDARY ABUSE AND THE BOUNDARY ZOO 100 120
6.1. BOUNDARIES IN AN ARBITRARY REWRITE-MACHINERY 100
121 6.2. BOUNDARY STRENGTH AS A DIAGNOSTIC FOR BOUNDARY ABUSE 101
122 6.3. BOUNDARY ECONOMY I: BASBOELL'S GENERAL AND GROUNDED ADVICE 102
123 6.4. BOUNDARY ECONOMY II: THE + BOUNDARY CAN BE DISPENSED WITH 103
124 7. INTERNAI AND EXTERNAL SPE-REVISION: KIPARSKY (1968-73) AND
NATURAL GENERATIVE PHONOLOGY 104
125 7.1. INTRODUCTION 104
126 7.2. MORPHO-PHONOLOGY IN SPE AND THE 70S 104
127 7.3. NATURAL REVIVAL OF STRUCTURALIST JUNCTURE (ABUSE) 106
128 7.4. THE ELIMINATION OF (WORD) BOUNDARIES FROM P-RULES - A CASE OF
WISHFUL THINKING 108
129 7.5. THE RETRENCHMENT OF MORPHO-PHONOLOGY MECHANICALLY REDUCES THE
NUMBER OF BOUNDARIES 109
130 7.6. AUTOSEGMENTAL STRUCTURE: FROM REPRESENTATIONAL TO PROCEDURAL
MANAGEMENT OF THE WORD BOUNDARY 111
131 8. WHAT EXACTLY IS THE OUTPUT OF TRANSLATION, IF ANY? 112
132 8.1. GROWING UNCERTAINTY: WHAT KIND OF INTERMUNDIA ANIMAIS ARE
BOUNDARIES? 112
133 8.2. BOUNDARIES CANNOT BE SEGMENTS 114
134 8.2.1. IF NOT SEGMENTS, WHAT THEN? 114
135 8.2.2. LASS (1971): # IS [-VOICE] 115
136 8.2.3. BANKRUPTCY OF BOUNDARIES AND ABANDON OF
TRANSLATION: PYLE (1972) 116
137 8.2.4. WHEN BOUNDARIES ARE BANKRUPT, THE ALTERNATIVE IS
DIRECT SYNTAX: PYLE, ROTENBERG, HYMAN, KENSTOWICZ & KISSEBERTH 118
138 9. CONCLUSION 119
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TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL XIII
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139 C H A P T ER 7 LEXICAL PHONOLOGY
140 1. INTRODUCTION 123
141 2. EMPIRICAL FOUNDATIONS 124
142 2.1. AFFIX CLASSES AND AFFIX ORDERING 124
143 2.2. CROSS-LINGUISTIC REALITYOF AFFIX CLASSES 125
144 3. LEXICAL PHONOLOGY AND THE ABSTRACTNESS DEBATE 126
145 4. THE GENERAL ARCHITECTURE OF LEXICAL PHONOLOGY 127
146 4.1. INTERACTIONISM - A NEW IDEA IN THE INTERFACE LANDSCAPE 127 147
4.2. STRATA AND THEIR PROCEDURAL ORDER: HOW TO KILL TWO BIRDS WITH ONE
STONE 128
148 4.3. MORPHEME-SPECIFIC MINI-GRAMMARS 129
149 4.3.1. THE STRATAL PERSPECTIVE SUPPOSES SELECTIVE RULE APPLICATION
129
150 4.3.2. UNDERAPPLICATION IS ACHIEVED BY DISTINCT MINI- GRAMMARS AND
LEVEL ORDERING 130
151 4.3.3. HOW TO MAKE MINI-GRAMMARS DIFFERENT BUT NOT WATERPROOF:
DOMAIN ASSIGNMENT 131
152 4.4. THE GENERAL PICTURE: INTERACTIONIST LEXICON - SYNTAX -*
POSTLEXICAL PHONOLOGY 132
153 4.5. PRAGUIAN SEGREGATION: LEXICAL VS. POSTLEXICAL PHONOLOGY 133 154
4.5.1. THE BIRTH OF POSTLEXICAL PHONOLOGY: RUBACH (1981). 133 155
4.5.2. PRAGUIAN SEGREGATION: SYNTAX AND MORPHOLOGY ARE DIFFERENT 135
156 4.5.3. MORPHOLOGICALLY CONDITIONED VS. EXCEPTIONLESS RULES 135
157 4.5.4. LEXICAL VS. POSTLEXICAL PHONOLOGY: RESPECTIVE CONDITIONING
FACTORS 136
158 4.5.5. CYCLIC VS. POSTLEXICAL PHONOLOGY: NO CYCLIC INTERPRETATION OF
WORDS 137
159 4.6. DEFINITION OF INTERPRETATIONAL UNITS 138
160 4.6.1. FROM BRACKETS TO STRATA 138
161 4.6.2. INTERACTIONISM RECONCILES CYCLIC DERIVATION WITH MODULARITY
138
162 5. THE ANALYSIS OF AFFIX CLASSES AND ITS PROCEDURALISATION 140
163 6. RULE-BLOCKING BOUNDARIES ARE ELIMINATED ALTOGETHER 141
164 6.1. RULE-BLOCKING BOUNDARIES TRANSLATE AS LEVEL 1 RULES 141
165 6.2. COMPLETE AND UNINTENDED ELIMINATION OF BOUNDARIES 143
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XIV TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL
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166 7. RULE-TRIGGERING BOUNDARIES: BRACKETS AND BRACKET ERASURE 144 167
7.1. ENGLISH NASAL CLUSTER SIMPLIFICATION 144
168 7.2. BRACKETS AND BRACKET ERASURE ARE NEEDED FOR A STRATAL ACCOUNT
147
169 7.3. A HYBRID REPRESENTATIONAL-PROCEDURAL THEORY BECAUSE OF THE
RULE-TRIGGERING PARTERN 149
170 7.3.1. LP-STYLE BRACKETS UNDO WHAT WAS GAINED BY
INTERACTIONISM 149
171 7.3.2. LP-STYLE BRACKETS AND BRACKETS IN SPE HAVE GOT
NOTHING IN COMMON 150
172 7.3.3. BRACKETS ARE BOUNDARIES THAT ARE INTRODUCED
THROUGH THE BACK DOOR 151
173 7.3.4. A HYBRID REPRESENTATIONAL-PROCEDURAL THEORY 151
174 7.4. BRACKET ERASURE 152
175 7.4.1. NO LOOK-BACK DEVICES IN LEXICAL PHONOLOGY AND
ELSEWHERE 152
176 7.4.2. SPE HAS BRACKET ERASURE, BUT NO NO LOOK-BACK
EFFECT 153
177 8. DERIVED ENVIRONMENT EFFECTS 154
178 8.1. PROPERTIES AND ILLUSTRATION OF THE PHENOMENON 154
179 8.1.1. PHONOLOGICALLY AND MORPHOLOGICALLY DERIVED ENVIRONMENTS 154
180 8.1.2. THE FOUNDATIONAL FINNISH CASE 154
181 8.1.3. NON-APPLICATION OF RULES TO MONO-MORPHEMIC STRINGS 155
182 8.1.4. SENSITIVITY TO DERIVED ENVIRONMENTS AND TO AFFIX CLASSES IS
ORTHOGONAL 157
183 8.2. DERIVED ENVIRONMENTS ARE AN OFFSPRING OF THE ABSTRACTNESS
DEBATE 157
184 8.2.1. ABSOLUTE NEUTRALISATION AND FREE RIDES 157
185 8.2.2. THE ALTERNATION CONDITION 158
186 8.2.3. "LOW-LEVEL", "AUTOMATIC" OR "PHONETIC" RULES MAY APPLY
MORPHEME-INTERNALLY 159
187 8.2.4. THE REVISED ALTERNATION CONDITION: DERIVED ENVIRONMENTS ENTER
THE SCENE 160
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TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL XV
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188 8.3. SOLUTION 1: THE STRICT CYCLE CONDITION (SCC) 161
189 8.3.1. MASCARO'S SCC HAS GOT NOTHING TO DO WITH DERIVED
ENVIRONMENTS 161
190 8.3.2. KIPARSKY (IN FACT HALLE) ADDS DERIVED ENVIRONMENTS TO
MASCARO'S SCC 162
191 8.3.3. DERIVING THE SCC FROM THE ELSEWHERE CONDITION 164
192 8.3.4. THERE ARE RULES THAT APPLY IN THE LEXICON BUT AFFECT
UNDERIVED ITEMS 165
193 8.3.5. STRUCTURE-BUILDING VS. STRUCTURE-CHANGING RULES 165
194 8.3.6. CYCLICITY AS A PROPERTY OF STRATA VS. POST-CYCLIC
LEXICAL RULES 166
195 8.3.7. THE SCC-K IS VOID OF EMPIRICAL CONTENT 168
196 8.4. SOLUTION 2: DERIVED ENVIRONMENTS ARE MADE A LEXICAL CONTRAST
(KIPARSKY 1993) 169
197 8.4.1. BACK TO WHERE WE STARTED: KIPARSKY DECLARES THE
BANKRUPTCYOF SCC-K 169
198 8.4.2. DIFFERENT LEXICAL REPRESENTATIONS FOR THE SAME SEGMENT 170
199 8.4.3. WHY N D EB PROCESSES MUST BE OBLIGATORY AND NEUTRALISING 171
200 8.4.4. POSTERITY OF KIPARSKY'S LEXICAL SOLUTION 172
201 8.5. SOLUTION 3: BRACKET-SENSITIVE RULES (MOHANAN 1982) 172
202 8.5.1. BRACKET-SENSITIVE RULES CAN DO ALL DERIVED
ENVIRONMENT EFFECTS 172
203 8.5.2. BRACKETS AND SCC-K ARE DIRECT COMPETITORS - BUT
NOT IN THE LITERATURE 174
204 8.6. SOLUTION 4: DERIVED ENVIRONMENT EFFECTS ARE NON-LINGUISTIC IN
NATURE (ANDERSON 1981) 175
205 8.6.1. FULTONIANS: SPEAKERS USE EXTRA-LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE (SPELLING)
IN ORDER TO ESTABLISH UNDERLYING FORMS 175 206 8.6.2. EXPLAINING THE
GENESIS OF DERIVED ENVIRONMENT EFFECTS DOES NOT EXONERATE FROM COMING UP
WITH A
SYNCHRONIE SCENARIO 176
207 8.7. CONCLUSION 177
208 8.7.1. A NEW PHENOMENON THAT IS POORLY UNDERSTOOD 177
209 8.7.2. KIPARSKY'S SOLUTIONS MISS THE FACTS OR THE POINT 178
210 8.7.3. MOHANAN'S BRACKET-SENSITIVE RULES - A MISJUDGED OPTION 179
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211 9. CONCLUSION 179
212 9.1. INTERACTIONISM AND MULTIPLE MINI-GRAMMARS 179
213 9.2. UNPRECEDENTED PROCEDURALISATION OF THE INTERFACE 181 214 9.3.
REPRESENTATIONAL COMMUNICATION AND THE PERNICIOUS SCC-K 181
215 CHAPTER8 HALLE & VERGNAUD (1987A): SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT AND SPE-
RESTORATION
216 1. INTRODUCTION: A HERMAPHRODITE THEORY WITH A NEW IDEA 185 217 1.1.
UNSEATING LEXICAL PHONOLOGY AND RESTORING SPE 185
218 1.2. RELATIONS WITH LEXICAL PHONOLOGY 185
219 1.3. RELATIONS WITH SPE 187
220 1.4. NEW IDEAS IN INTERFACE THINKING: SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT AND
INTERPRETATION-TRIGGERING AFFIXES 187
221 1.5. RELEVANT LITERATURE AND ROADMAP 188
222 2. ANTI-INTERACTIONISM 189
223 2 . 1. RESTORATION OF THE INVERTED T: AIL CONCATENATION BEFORE AIL
INTERPRETATION 189
224 2.2. INTERACTIONISM DOES NOT IMPLY THE LEXICON AND IS NOT
INCOMPATIBLE WITH THE INVERTED T 191
225 3. SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT 191
226 3.1. A NEW IDEA: AFFIX-TRIGGERED INTERPRETATION 191
227 3.2. INTERPRETATIONAL RELEVANCE OF AFFIXES PERCOLATES TO THEIR NODE
192
228 3.3. UNDERAPPLICATION IS ACHIEVED BY SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT OF NODES
194
229 3.4. THE MANAGEMENT OF ENGLISH STRESS 195
230 3.4.1. SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT ANALYSIS OF THE PARENT - PARENTAL
CONTRAST 195
231 3.4.2. STRESS COPY: STORING BEFORE ERASING 196
232 4. THE NON-INTERACTIONIST ARCHITECTURE 197
233 4 . 1. CYCLIC VS. WORD-LEVEL (NON-CYCLIC) RULES 197
234 4.2. MULTIPLE MINI-GRAMMARS: MORPHEME- AND CHUNK-SPECIFIC
PHONOLOGIES 198
235 4.3. THE GENERAL ARCHITECTURE 200
236 4.4. TERMINOLOGICAL PITFALLS 201
237 4.5. NO LOOK-BACK DEVICES 203
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238 4.6. DISTINCT PRE- VS. POST-WORD PHONOLOGY YES, PRAGUIAN SEGREGATION
NO 204
239 4.7. THE WORD AS AN AUTONOMOUS PHONOLOGICAL UNIT 206
240 4.7.1. THE WORD IS SEALED - AN INSUPERABLE BARRIER FOR
SOME PROCESSES 206
241 4.7.2. SELECTIVE IMPACT OF NO LOOK-BACK? 207
242 4.8. INTERPRETATIONAL UNITS 208
243 5. ANTI-INTERACTIONIST AMMUNITION: BRACKETING PARADOXES 209 244 5.1.
AFFIX ORDERING TURNS OUT TO BE WRONG: BRACKETING PARADOXES 209
245 5.2. DUAL MEMBERSHIP, OPTIONALITY, OVERGENERATION 210
246 5.3. HALLE & VERGNAUD'S ANALYSIS OF BRACKETING PARADOXES 211 247
5.4. AFFIX STACKING GENERALISATIONS AS SELECTIONAL RESTRICTIONS OR
PARSING-BASED (FABB 1988, HAY 2002) 212
248 6. EMPIRICAL COVERAGE OF HALLE & VERGNAUD'S SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT.
213 249 6.1. ANALYSIS OF THE RULE-BLOCKING PATTERN (LEVEL 1 RULES) 213
250 6.2. NO SOLUTION FOR THE RULE-TRIGGERING PATTERN (LEVEL 2 RULES) 214
251 7. STRATAL VS. NON-INTERACTIONIST ARCHITECTURE: TWO TESTING
GROUNDS. 215 252 7.1. SYNTACTIC INFORMATION IS OR IS NOT AVAILABLE
WHEN WORDS ARE BUILD 215
253 7.2. PHONOLOGY-FREE SYNTAX: IS MORPHOLOGICAL CONCATENATION SENSITIVE
TO DERIVED PHONOLOGICAL PROPERTIES? 216
254 8. CONCLUSION 216
255 8.1. SPE WITH LEXICAL PHONOLOGY FRECKLES 216
256 8.2. SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT IS A GROUNDBREAKING IDEA 217
257 8.3. DISTINCT COMPUTATIONAL SYSTEMS Y E S - B UT WHICH ONES? 218
258 CHAPTER9 KAYE (1995): SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT AND
MODIFICATION-INHIBITING NO LOOK-BACK
259 1. INTRODUCTION 219
260 1.1. EDITORIAL NOTE 219
261 1.2. ROADMAP 220
262 2. SETTING THE SCENE: KAYE (1989) 220
263 2 . 1. PHONOLOGY EXISTS BECAUSE IT ENHANCES PARSING 220
264 2.2. PERCEPTION-ORIENTED VIEWS OF PHONOLOGY AND THE INTERFACE. 222
265 2.3. TYPICAL BOUNDARY DETECTORS 222
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266 3. DOMAIN STRUCTURE: HOW IT IS CREATED, WHAT IT REPRESENTS AND HOW
IT WORKS 223
267 3.1. THE CONCAT- AND THE (P-FUNCTION 223
268 3.1.1. GENERAL PROPERTIES 223
269 3.1.2. COMPUTATION IN GOVERNMENT PHONOLOGY 223
270 3.1.3. IMPORTANT PROPERTIES OF THE (P-FUNCTION FOR KAYE'S INTERFACE
THEORY 225
271 3.2. DOMAIN STRUCTURE IS CREATED BY INTERLEAVED CONCAT AND (P 225
272 3.3. ANALYTIC VS. NON-ANALYTIC 227
273 3.4. DOMAIN STRUCTURE IS THE RESUIT OF SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT 227
274 3.5. INTERPRETATION PRIOR TO CONCATENATION: DOMAIN STRUCTURE
GENERATES MORE THAN SPELL-OUT CAN CREATE 228
275 3.6. DOMAIN STRUCTURE IS INTERACTIONIST, BRACKETS ARE ONLY SHORTHAND
229
276 3.7. KAYE'S PROCEDURAL-ONLY APPROACH AND MORPHO-PHONOLOGY. 230 277
4. SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT: KAYE'S VS. HALLE & VERGNAUD'S IMPLEMENTATION 231
278 4 . 1. INTRODUCTION 231
279 4.2. UNDERAPPLICATION IS ACHIEVED BY NO LOOK-BACK 231
280 4.3. NO AUTOMATIC SPELL-OUT OF ROOTS, BUT SYSTEMATIC SPELL-OUT AT
THE WORD-LEVEL 233
281 4.4. WHO IS INTERPRETATION-TRIGGERING - CLASS 1 OR CLASS 2 AFFIXES?
234
282 4.5. INTERPRETATION-TRIGGERING AFFIXES: SPELL-OUT OF THE SISTER VS.
THEIR OWN NODE 235
283 4.6. MORPHEME- AND CHUNK-SPECIFIC PHONOLOGIES 236
284 4.7. DERIVED ENVIRONMENTS ARE A SEPARATE ISSUE 237
285 4.8. CYCLIC INTERPRETATION OF WORDS? 238
286 4.9. SUMMARY: TWO WAYS OF DOING SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT 238
287 5. NO LOOK-BACK DEVICES: IMPLEMENTATIONS SINCE 1973 239
288 5.1. LIKE LEXICALISM, NO LOOK-BACK IS BORN IN THE EARLY 70S AS AN
OVERGENERATION-KILLER 239
289 5.2. CHOMSKY'S (1973) STRICT CYCLE CONDITION: YOU NEED TO USE NEW
MATERIAL 240
290 5.3. APPLICATION TO PHONOLOGY: KEAN (1974) AND MASCARE (1976) 241
291 5.4. HALLE/KIPARSKY'S SCC-K: SCRAMBLING WITH DERIVED ENVIRONMENTS
242
292 5.5. MOHANAN'S BRACKET ERASURE: INDIRECT BEARING ON RULES 243
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293 5.6. MODIFICATION-INHIBITING NO LOOK-BACK: FIRST TIMID STEPS IN THE
70S AND 80S 244
294 5.6.1. EARLY FORMULATIONS IN PHONOLOGY AND SYNTAX 244
295 5.6.2. PHONOLOGY I: STRESS AND THE FREE ELEMENT
CONDITION 244
296 5.6.3. THE FEC IS WEAK: PROCESS-SPECIFICITY,
PARAMETERISATION AND RESTRICTION TO STRUCTURE THAT IS ABSENT FROM THE
LEXICON 246
297 5.6.4. PHONOLOGY II: STRUCTURE PRESERVATION IN
SYLLABIFICATION 247
298 5.6.5. SYNTAX: RIEMSDIJK'S (1978) HEAD CONSTRAINT 247
299 5.7. MODIFICATION-INHIBITING NO LOOK-BACK IN KAYE'S SYSTEM 250 300
5.7.1. KAYE CALIS ON SCC-M, BUT APPLIES SOMETHING EISE 250
301 5.7.2. KAYE'S MODIFICATION-INHIBITING NO LOOK-BACK 251
302 5.7.3. CHOMSKY'S "SPELL-OUT AND FORGET" IS TOO STRENG FOR
PHONOLOGY: "DON'T UNDO" AND PROCESS-SPECIFIC NO LOOK-BACK 253
303 5.7.4. MORPHEME-SPECIFIC PHONOLOGIES AND SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT DO THE
SAME J OB AND ARE THEREFORE MUTUALLY EXCLUSIVE 255
304 5.8. ON THE (MODEM) SYNTACTIC SIDE: DERIVATION BY PHASE AND PHASE
IMPENETRABILITY 255
305 5.8.1. INTERACTIONISM IS ENFORCED BY THE MINIMALIST
CONCERN FOR ECONOMY OF COGNITIVE RESOURCES (ACTIVE MEMORY) 255
306 5.8.2. PHASE IMPENETRABILITY IS THE INSTRUMENT OF ACTIVE MEMORY
ECONOMY 259
307 5.8.3. THE OLD AND THE NEW: A MEMORY KEEPER AND/OR
DIACRITIC MARKING NEEDED? 260
308 5.8.4. ANCESTORS OF MULTIPLE AND SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT: BRESNAN (1971)
261
309 5.9. CONCLUSION 264
310 6. EMPIRICAL COVERAGE: KAYE'S SYSTEM AND AFFIX CLASS-BASED PHENOMENA
264
311 6.1. THE EMPIRICAL TESTING GROUND: FIVE ENGLISH AFFIX CLASS- BASED
PHENOMENA 264
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312 6.2. THE RULE-BLOCKING PATTERN (LEVEL 1 RULES) 266
313 6.2.1. MODIFICATION-INHIBITING NO LOOK-BACK ACHIEVES
UNDERAPPLICATION AT THE OUTER CYCLE 266
314 6.2.2. NASAL ASSIMILATION REQUIRES INDEPENDENT SPELL-OUT OF THE
AFFIX 267
315 6.2.3. ANTI-AFFIX ORDERING ITEMS CANNOT BE DONE: STRESS
VIOLATES NO LOOK-BACK 269
316 6.3. SPELL-OUT OF TERMINALS: THE PROBLEM AND A POSSIBLE SOLUTION 270
317 6.3.1. THE PROBLEM: INDEPENDENT SPELL-OUT OF AFFIXES PRIOR
TO THEIR BEING MERGED 270
318 6.3.2. MORPHOLOGICAL ADJUNCTS, COUNTER-CYCLIC MERGER AND
INTERMODULAR PREDICTIONS 270
319 6.3.3. BENEFITS: BRACKETING PARADOXES, CATEGORY SELECTION, DOUBLE
AFFIXATION 271
320 6.3.4. PROCEDURAL FIRST 273
321 6.4. THE RULE-TRIGGERING PATTERN (LEVEL 2 RULES) 274
322 6.4.1. UNDERAPPLICATION AT THE INNER CYCLE 274
323 6.4.2. KAYE'S SOLUTION IS LIKE MOHANAN'S, BUT RESPECTS
MODULARITY 275
324 6.4.3. WHY STRING-FINAL /GN/ AND /MN/ DO NOT SURVIVE
COMPUTATION 276
325 6.4.4. PREDICTION: PROCESSES WITHOUT ADDITIONAL CONDITION CANNOT
INSTANTIATE THE RULE-TRIGGERING PATTERN 276
326 6.4.5. KAYE'S ANALYSIS PREDICTS THE WORD-FINAL/CLASS 2 DISJUNCTION
277
327 6.5. CONCLUSION 277
328 7. PHONOLOGICAL CONSEQUENCES OF DOMAINS AND THEIR EROSION 278 329
7.1. EMPTY NUCLEI THAT ARE STRING-FINAL UPON COMPUTATION 278
330 7.1.1. FINAL EMPTY NUCLEI IN GOVERNMENT PHONOLOGY 278
331 7.1.2. FROM WORD-FINAL TO DOMAIN-FINAL EMPTY NUCLEI 279
332 7.1.3. THE WELL-FORMEDNESS OF FINAL EMPTY NUCLEI IS
CARRIED OVER TO OUTER DOMAINS 280
333 7.1.4. COMPUTATION IS RIGHT-TO-LEFT: STRING-FINAL NUCLEI ARE
PHASE-INITIAL 280
334 7.2. CONSEQUENCES OF DOMAIN STRUCTURE FOR STRESS AND VOWEL REDUCTION
281
335 7.2.1. DIALECTAL AND IDIOLECTAL VARIATION DUE TO VARIABLE
DOMAIN STRUCTURE 281
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336 7.2.2. FOLLOWING SPE: "OLD" STRESS PROTECTS AGAINST VOWEL REDUCTION
282
337 7.2.3. HOW TO DETECT THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN [[X] [Y]] AND [[X] Y]
283
338 7.2.4. CHUNK-SPECIFIC PHONOLOGIES: LIKE SPE, KAYE PROVIDES FOR A
SPECIFIE WORD-LEVEL PHONOLOGY 283 339 7.3. DIACHRONIE EROSION OF DOMAIN
STRUCTURE 284
340 8. PARSING EUES 286
341 8.1. THEORY-INDEPENDENT PARSING EUES: KNOWLEDGE OF MORPHEME
STRUCTURE 286
342 8.2. THEORY-DEPENDENT PARSING EUES (IN ENGLISH) 287
343 8.2.1. EMPTY NUCLEI DETECTED BY PHONOLOGY 287
344 8.2.2. MORPHOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION OF EMPTY NUCLEI 289
345 8.3. WHEN PHONOLOGY IS USELESS 290
346 9. LEXICAL ACCESS AND THE ORGANISATION OF THE LEXICON 291
347 9.1. LEXICAL ENTRIES ARE GROUPED ACCORDING TO PHONOLOGICAL STRUCTURE
291
348 9.2. POSSIBLE LEXICAL ENTRIES ARE DEFINED BY PHONOLOGY 292
349 9.2.1. HOW SPEAKERS DECIDE THAT BLICK, BUT NOT IBICK, IS A
POSSIBLE WORD 292
350 9.2.2. THE FUELL ADDRESSING SPACE IS CREATED, INCLUDING
"EMPTY" SLOTS 292
351 9.3. PHONOLOGY DEFINES LEXICAL ACCESS: LOOK-UP VS. COMPUTE 293 352
9.3.1. INTRODUCTION 293
353 9.3.2. LOOK-UP I: RELATED KEEP - KEPT VS. UNRELATED
TABLE - HOUSE 294
354 9.3.3. LOOK-UP II: PHONOLOGICALLY SIMILAR KEEP - KEPT VS.
REGULAR SUPPLETION GO - WENT 295
355 9.3.4. COMPUTATION: WHEN PARSING EUES ARE AVAILABLE IPEEPED) 296
356 9.3.5. HOW PARSING IS DONE WITH HIDDEN MORPHOLOGY (STEPPED) 297
357 9.3.6. THE FOUR IDENTIFICATION PARTERNS ARE MORE OR LESS COSTLY 297
358 9.3.7. WHY IS DIRECT LOOK-UP NOT GENERALISED? 297
359 10. CONCLUSION 298
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360 CHAPTERLO PROSODIE PHONOLOGY: ON THE REPRESENTATIONAL SIDE
361 1. OVERVIEW: AUTOSEGMENTALISED BOUNDARIES AND FRESH DATA 301 362 2.
THE ROOTS OF PROSODIE PHONOLOGY 303
363 2.1. SELKIRK ADAPTS LIBERMAN & PRINCE'S STRONG/WEAK ARBOREAL
STRUCTURE 303
364 2.2. A SECOND STRAND THAT BECAME MAINSTREAM: NESPOR & VOGEL 304
365 3. FROM BOUNDARIES TO DOMAINS: A HISTORICAL CHOICE THAT HAS GONE
ALMOST UNNOTICED 305
366 3.1. BOUNDARIES ARE DIACRITIC AND LOCAL 305
367 3.2. THE ELIMINATION OF BOUNDARIES IN LEXICAL PHONOLOGY REMAINED
UNREFLECTED IN PROSODIE PHONOLOGY 306
368 3.3. PROSODIE PHONOLOGY IS A CHILD OF AUTOSEGMENTALISM 307
369 3.4. THE (NON-)DISCUSSION OF BOUNDARIES IN PROSODIE PHONOLOGY 308
370 3.4.1. BOUNDARIES WERE NOT AN ISSUE ANYMORE FOR NESPOR & VOGEL
(1986) 308
371 3.4.2. LOOKING FOR ANTI-BOUNDARY ARGUMENTS 309
372 3.4.3. REFERENCES THAT DO NOT CONTAIN ANY ARGUMENT AGAINST
BOUNDARIES 310
373 3.4.4. THE DIACRITIC ARGUMENT 312
374 3.4.5. DOMAINS HAVE AN INDEPENDENT MOTIVATION: STRESS, RHYTHMAND
MUSICAL PROPERTIES 315
375 3.4.6. THE IDEA OF UNIFIED REPRESENTATIONS WAS ABANDONED BY SELKIRK
HERSELF. 316
376 3.4.7. SUMMARY 317
377 4. THE HEART OF PROSODIE PHONOLOGY: INDIRECT REFERENCE AND ITS
CONSEQUENCES 318
378 4.1. INTRODUCTION 318
379 4.2. THE BUFFER, ITS CONSTRUCTION WORKERS AND HOW IT UNLOADS
ITSGOODS 319
380 4.2.1. MAPPING RULES AND THE BLACKBOX 319
381 4.2.2. MAPPING IS DONE IN MODULAR NO MAN'S LAND 320
382 4.2.3. THE LAYERS OF THE PROSODIE HIERARCHY 321
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383 4.2.4. GEOMETRIE PROPERTIES OF THE PROSODIE HIERARCHY: THE STRICT
LAYER HYPOTHESIS 322
384 4.2.5. THREE WAYS OF MAKING REFERENCE TO THE PROSODIE
HIERARCHY 324
385 4.3. THE OLD AND THE NEW: MAPPING RULES AND INDIRECT REFERENCE 324
386 5. MAPPING: ITS MECHANICS, ITS EVOLUTION AND OUR UNDERSTANDING
THEREOF 326
387 5.1. INTRODUCTION: THE MAPPING PUZZLE (AGAIN) 326
388 5.2. MAPPING AND ITS INFLATIONAL EVOLUTION 328
389 5.2.1. EARLY MAPPING IN SELKIRK'S WORK UNTIL HER 1984
BOOK 328
390 5.2.2. PARAMETRIC VARIATION OF CO AND (P IN NESPOR &
VOGEL (1986) 329
391 5.2.3. MORE VARIATION FOR THE PHONOLOGICAL PHRASE 330
392 5.2.4. CROSS-LINGUISTIC ATOMISATION OF MAPPING 331
393 5.2.5. THE MAPPING PUZZLE IS SOMETIMES HIDDEN BY THE
CLEAN PROSODIE HIERARCHY 332
394 5.3. WHAT IS THE MORPHO-SYNTACTIC RATIONALE BEHIND MAPPING?. 334
395 5.3.1. SELKIRK (1986) PUTS TO USE THE TECHNOLOGY OF THE
80S: X-BAR-BASED MAPPING 334
396 5.3.2. END-BASED MAPPING DOES NOT SOLVE THE MAPPING PUZZLE EITHER
335
397 5.3.3. BOUNDARIES ARE THE RELEVANT DESCRIPTIVE CURRENCY 337
398 5.4. PHONOLOGY CAN SEE MORPHO-SYNTACTIC STRUCTURE, BUT NOT ITS
LABELS 337
399 6. CLOSER INSPECTION OF THE BUFFER (PROSODIE HIERARCHY): WHAT IT IS
AND WHAT IT IS NOT 338
400 6.1. THE ONLY PURPOSE OF THE PROSODIE HIERARCHY IS THE STORAGE OF
MORPHO-SYNTACTIC INFORMATION 338
401 6.2. THE BUFFER DOES NOT INCLUDE SYLLABLES AND FEET 340
402 6.3. THE BUFFER IS A DIACRITIC - AN AUTOSEGMENTAL DIACRITIC 342
403 6.3.1. PROSODIE PHONOLOGY LAYS CLAIM TO BOUNDARIES: THEY ARE THE OLD
BUFFER, PROSODIE DOMAINS ARE THE MODEM BUFFER 342
404 6.3.2. THE BUFFER AND SPE-TYPE BOUNDARIES SHARE AIL
PROPERTIES 343
405 6.3.3. WHAT COUNTS AS A DIACRITIC? 344
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406 7. GOOD AND BAD REASONS FOR INDIRECT REFERENCE 345
407 7.1. DIRECT SYNTAX VS. PROSODIE PHONOLOGY 345
408 7.1.1. TWO APPROACHES, THEIR COMPETITION AND THEIR
EVOLUTION 345
409 7.1.2. IS THE BUFFER USELESS AND REDUNDANT? A REAL GOOD
MOTIVATION IS NEEDED 347
410 7.2. A GOOD REASON: MODULARITY 347
411 7.2.1. INTRODUCTION: DIFFERENT MODULES DO NOT SPEAK THE
SAME LANGUAGE 347
412 7.2.2. PHONOLOGY-FREE SYNTAX 347
413 7.2.3. PHONOLOGY AND MORPHO-SYNTAX DO NOT SPEAK THE
SAME LANGUAGE - HENEE COMMUNICATION REQUIRES TRANSLATION 351
414 7.2.4. NOBODY MAKES THE MODULAR ARGUMENT IN ORDER TO
SUSTAIN INDIRECT REFERENCE 352
415 7.2.5. MODULARITY AND LEVEL INDEPENDENCE 353
416 7.3. A BAD REASON: NON-ISOMORPHISM 354
417 7.3.1. NON-ISOMORPHISM IN THE PROSODIE PHONOLOGY
LITERATURE 354
418 7.3.2. THE PHENOMENON: CAT-RAT-CHEESE, PHONOLOGY OVER SENTENCES 355
419 7.3.3. DOMAIN ABUSE I: THERE IS NO ARGUMENT WHEN
PHONOLOGY REFERS TO BOUNDARIES INSTEAD OF DOMAINS. 357 420 7.3.4.
DOMAIN ABUSE II: THEORETICAL UNITS ARE CONFUSED
WITH DESCRIPTIVE CATEGORIES 358
421 7.3.5. IS PROSODIE PHRASING SENSITIVE TO THE LENGTH OF THE
STRING? 359
422 7.4. CONCLUSION 361
423 8. RELATIONS WITH LEXICAL PHONOLOGY AND THE METRICAL GRID 361
424 8.1. INTRODUCTION 361
425 8.2. THE METRICAL GRID 362
426 8.2.1. SELKIRK (1984): MAPPING MODIFIES THE
(PRE-EXISTING) GRID 362
427 8.2.2. SELKIRK (1986): THE GRID IS BOM FROM MAPPING ON
THE GROUNDS OF PROSODIE CONSTITUENCY 364
428 8.2.3. ALIGNMENT ON NESPOR & VOGEL'S PEACEFUL (AND
MODULAR) COEXISTENCE 364
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429 8.3. LEXICAL PHONOLOGY I: CONFLICT WITH PROSODIE PHONOLOGY 366 430
8.3.1. NO CONCURRENCE ABOVE THE WORD LEVEL 366
431 8.3.2. HAYES (1989 [1984]): PROSODIE PHONOLOGY ABOVE, LEXICAL
PHONOLOGY BELOW THE WORD LEVEL 366
432 8.3.3. SELKIRK (1984): LEXICAL PHONOLOGY IS REDUNDANT AND HAS TO GO
367
433 8.3.4. INKELAS (1990): PROSODIE PHONOLOGY WITH THE EMPTY SHELL OF
LEXICAL PHONOLOGY 368
434 8.3.5. LEXICAL PHONOLOGY DOES NOT VIOLATE INDIRECT REFERENCE 370
435 8.4. LEXICAL PHONOLOGY II: PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE (SOFT VERSION).
371 436 8.4.1. HOW LABOUR IS SUPPOSED TO BE DIVIDED: "DIRECT
REFERENCE TO MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE" 371
437 8.4.2. THERE IS NO NATURAL DIVISION OF RULES INTO "PURELY
PHONOLOGICAL" VS. "MORPHO-PHONOLOGICAL" 372
438 8.4.3. TWO EXAMPLES 373
439 8.4.4. PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE SUPPOSES SPLIT MAPPING 374
440 8.5. LEXICAL PHONOLOGY III: PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE (RADICAL VERSION)
374
441 8.6. CONCLUSION 377
442 9. PROSODIE MORPHOLOGY 378
443 9.1. REPRESENTATIONAL AND NON-REPRESENTATIONAL INCARNATIONS 378 444
9.2. REPRESENTATIONAL PERIOD: PROSODIE MORPHEMES ARE UNITS OF THE
PROSODIE HIERARCHY 378
445 9.2.1. A TYPICAL EXAMPLE: REDUPLICATION 378
446 9.2.2. ANOTHER TYPICAL EXAMPLE: (SEMITIC) TEMPLATIC MORPHOLOGY 379
447 9.2.3. MORAS, SYLLABLES AND FEET DO NOT CARRY ANY MORPHO-
SYNTACTIC INFORMATION 380
448 9.3. GENERALIZED TEMPLATE THEORY: MORPHOLOGY MARSHALS PHONOLOGY 381
449 10. CONCLUSION: TRANSLATION YES, BUFFER NO 382
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450 C H A P T E R LL
OPTIMALITY THEORY
451 1. SETTING THE SCENE 385
452 1.1. OT MAKES NO CONTRIBUTION ON THE REPRESENTATIONAL SIDE 385 453
1.2. REPRESENTATIONS MARSHALLED BY CONSTRAINTS 385
454 1.3. ANTI-CYCLICITY AND THE SERIAL OFFSPRING OF LEXICAL PHONOLOGY
386
455 2. ADAPTATION OF PROSODIE PHONOLOGY TO THE CONSTRAINT-BASED
ENVIRONMENT 388
456 2.1. INTRODUCTION 388
457 2.2. CONSTRAINT-BASED INSTEAD OF RULE-BASED MAPPING 388
458 2.2.1. MAPPING UNDERSTOOD AS THE COINCIDENCE OF
CONSTITUENT EDGES: ALIGN 388
459 2.2.2. PARALLEL MAPPING: TRANSLATION AND REFERENCE TO PROSODIE
CONSTITUENCY ARE CONFLATED 389
460 2.2.3. PARAMETRIC VARIATION: INTERACTION OF ALIGN AND W R AP 390
461 2.3. THE STRICT LAYER HYPOTHESIS MADE LESS STRICT 391
462 2.4. PHASE-BASED MAPPING 392
463 2.5. MAPPING: FOCUS ON NEW FACTORS, BUT THE PUZZLE IS THE SAME AS
BEFORE 393
464 3. CYCLIC DERIVATION AND ITS RELATION WITH PHONOLOGY 394
465 3.1. ANTI-CYCLICITY IN OT AND ELSEWHERE: CUTTING OFF DEEP GENERATIVE
ROOTS 394
466 3.1.1. CYCLIC SPELL-OUT IS A BONE OF CONTENTION: OT VS.
GENERATIVE GRAMMAR 394
467 3.1.2. ANTI-CYCLIC VOICES FROM OTHER QUARTERS 395
468 3.1.3. THE STAKE IS HIGH: INSIDE-OUT INTERPRETATION 396
469 3.2. OT COULD RESPECT MODULAR CONTOURS - BUT IT DOES NOT 396
470 3.2.1. CYCLIC DERIVATION AND PHONOLOGICAL COMPUTATION ARE ENTIRELY
INDEPENDENT AS LONG AS PHONOLOGY IS PHONOLOGY PROPER 396
471 3.2.2. MODULARITY IS NOT AN ISSUE FOR CLASSICAL INCARNATIONS OFOT
398
472 3.2.3. CYCLIC DERIVATION, BUT MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY MERGED IN THE
SAME CONSTRAINT CHAMBER (WOLF 2008) 399
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473 4. MORPHEME-SPECIFIC MINI-GRAMMARS IN OT 400
474 4 . 1. INTRODUCTION 400
475 4.2. OPACITY KILLERS, CYCLICITY KILLERS AND THEIR RELATIONSHIP 400
476 4.3. MORPHEME-SPECIFIC MINI-PHONOLOGIES: PARALLEL VS. RERANKED
INCARNATIONS 401
477 5. PARALLEL MINI-GRAMMARS 403
478 5.1. CO-PHONOLOGIES: TWO CONSTRAINT RANKINGS 403
479 5.1.1. LEXICAL MATERIAL SELECTS A SPECIFIE COMPUTATIONAL SYSTEM 403
480 5.1.2. HOW AFFIX CLASS-BASED PHENOMENA COULD BE ANALYSED 403
481 5.1.3. ARE CO-PHONOLOGIES A VERSION OF HALLE &
VERGNAUD (1987A)? 404
482 5.2. INDEXED CONSTRAINTS: TWO GRAMMARS IN THE SAME CONSTRAINT
RANKING 405
483 6. RERANKED MINI-GRAMMARS: STRATAL OT, DOT 407
484 6.1. SERIAL VS. PARALLEL SOLUTIONS 407
485 6.1.1. PARALLEL OT COUCHED IN THE STRATAL ARCHITECTURE OF
LEXICAL PHONOLOGY 407
486 6.1.2. THE CRITICAL CONTRAST WITH PARALLEL IMPLEMENTATIONS IS NOT
DISCUSSED 407
487 6.1.3. INDEXED CONSTRAINTS, BUT NOT CO-PHONOLOGIES, ARE PERCEIVED AS
A COMPETITOR 408
488 6.2. STRATAL OT IS MORE THAN JUST AN OTED VERSION OF LEXICAL
PHONOLOGY 409
489 6.2.1. LEXICAL PHONOLOGY ANEW: UNHORSING THE SPE
HERITAGE 409
490 6.2.2. INFLATIONAL ACCESS TO MORPHO-SYNTACTIC INFORMATION IS A
CONCERN IN STRATAL OT 410
491 6.2.3. THE SOLUTION IS THE SAME AS BEFORE: INDIRECT
REFERENCE AND PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE 411
492 6.3. HOW DIFFERENT CAN MINI-GRAMMARS BE? 412
493 7. OTHER CYCLICITY KILLERS 413
494 7.1. INTERFACE CONSTRAINTS 413
495 7.1.1. BACK TO DIRECT SYNTAX 413
496 7.1.2. B A C K TO SPE-TYPE MORPHOLOGICAL DIACRITICS 414
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497 7.2. ANALOGY (OUTPUT-OUTPUT CORRESPONDENCE) 415
498 7.2.1. 00 CORRESPONDENCE WAS DESIGNED AS A CYCLICITY
KILLER 415
499 7.2.2. 00 IS NOT A CYCLICITY KILLER BY ITSELF. 416
500 7.3. ENRICHED REPRESENTATIONS (VAN OOSTENDORP) 417
501 8. MORE DIRECT SYNTAX: REPRESENTATIONAL CONTINUITY BETWEEN
MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY 418
502 8.1. INTRODUCTION 418
503 8.2. COLOURED CONTAINMENT (VAN OOSTENDORP 2006A) 418
504 8.2.1. FAITHFULNESS BETWEEN MORPHOLOGY AND PHONOLOGY 418
505 8.2.2. REPRESENTATIONAL IDENTIFICATION OF THE OLD AND THE
NEW 419
506 8.2.3. INFORMATION TRANSMISSION: REPRESENTATIONAL VS. PROCEDURAL 420
507 8.2.4. INDEPENDENT REPRESENTATIONS MARSHAL GEN AND AFFORD TO BE
COLOURED 420
508 8.2.5. FAITHFULNESS BETWEEN MORPHOLOGICAL AND
PHONOLOGICAL STRUCTURE 421
509 8.2.6. COLOURED CONTAINMENT APPLIED TO DERIVED
ENVIRONMENT EFFECTS 423
510 8.2.7. ANTI-LEXICAL PHONOLOGY: THE INTERFACE
REPRESENTATIONALISED 425
511 8.2.8. MAPPING: A SECOND MEANS OF TALKING TO THE
PHONOLOGY 425
512 8.3. SIGN-BASED MORPHOLOGY (ORGUN 1996A) 426
513 8.3.1. MONOSTRATAL HPSG-STYLE REPRESENTATIONS WHERE SYNTACTIC,
SEMANTIC AND PHONOLOGICAL INFORMATION IS SCRAMBLED 426
514 8.3.2. CYCLIC EFFECTS IN SBM 428
515 8.3.3. THERE IS NO INTERFACE IF AIL IS ONE AND THE SAME
THING 429
516 9. DERIVED ENVIRONMENT EFFECTS IN OT 430
517 9.1. INTRODUCTION 430
518 9.2. COLOURED CONTAINMENT AND CONSTRAINT CONJUNCTION (LUBOWICZ) 431
519 9.3. COMPARATIVE MARKEDNESS (MCCARTHY) AND ANALOGY (BURZIO) 432
520 9.4. DIRECT SYNTAX (INTERFACE CONSTRAINTS): ROOT FAITHFULNESS
(ANTTILA) 434
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521 9.5. REVIVAL OF THE ELSEWHERE CONDITION (CHO, IVERSON) 434
522 9.6. CO-PHONOLOGIES (YU) 435
523 10. OT IS A STRONG MODULARITY-OFFENDER: VIOLATIONS ARE IN-BUILT 435
524 10.1. MODULARITY YES OR NO - THIS IS THE QUESTION, HOWEVER RARELY
ADDRESSED IN THE OT LITERATURE 435
525 10.2. DIRECT SYNTAX IN OT IS REGULAR AND UNCONTRADICTED 438
526 10.3. PARALLEL MAPPING PUTS THE TRANSLATONS OFFICE IN THE PHONOLOGY
439
527 10.4. SCRAMBLING: MORPHO-PHONOLOGICAL CONTOURS ARE BLURRED. 439 528
10.5. RADICAL SCRAMBLING: ONE SINGLE CONSTRAINT RANKING FOR
MORPHO-SYNTAX, SEMANTICS AND PHONOLOGY 441
529 10.6. TWO SOULS ARE DWELLING IN OT: GENERATIVE AND CONNECTIONIST 442
530 11. CONCLUSION 444
531 CHAPTER 12 DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY
532 1. INTRODUCTION 447
533 2. SETTING THE SCENE: DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY VS. LEXICAL PHONOLOGY
448
534 2.1. FROM HALLE & VERGNAUD (1987A) TO DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY:
AGAINST THE TWO-PLACE APPROACH 448
535 2.2. THE SINGLE ENGINE APPROACH IS AGNOSTIC WITH RESPECT TO THE
PHONOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION OF THE STRING (MORPHEME- AND CHUNK-SPECIFIC
PARSING) 449
536 2.3. THE GENERAL ARCHITECTURE OF DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY 450 537 2.4.
THE UNITY OF SYNTAX AND MORPHOLOGY UNDER DEBATE 452
538 2.4.1. SPECIFIE MORPHOLOGICAL OPERATIONS: DOES DM LIVE UP TO ITS
AMBITION? 452
539 2.4.2. VOICES THAT ARGUE FOR THE TRADITIONAL STANCE: SYNTAX ^
MORPHOLOGY 452
540 2.5. EARLIER VERSIONS OF "NO ESCAPE FROM SYNTAX": SELKIRK (1984) AND
INKELAS (1990) 453
541 3. DIRECT MERGE AND OPACITY 455
542 3 . 1. INTRODUCTION: DM ALSO LOOKS AT INTERPRETATIVE EFFECTS AT LF.
455
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543 3.2. IN DM, OPACITY IS DUE TO DIRECT MERGE 456
544 3.2.1. DIRECT MERGE TO A ROOT PRODUCES OPACITY, MERGE TO
AN XP GUARANTEES TRANSPARENCY 456
545 3.2.2. AN EXAMPLE OF DIRECT-MERGE-CREATED PF AND LF
OPACITY: COMPARABLE VS. COMPARABLE 457
546 3.2.3. THE ORIGIN OF THE IDEA THAT DIRECT MERGE CAUSES
OPACITY: IDIOSYNCRASY IS A PROPERTY OF "LOWER" ITEMS IN THE TREE 458
547 3.3. MARVIN'S (2002) DM-ANALYSIS OF CONDENSATION VS. COMPENSATION
460
548 3.3.1. SPE'S CLASSICAL TAKE: TWO DIFFERENT SUFFIXES 460
549 3.3.2. THE SPE ANALYSIS IS EMPIRICALLY FLAWED: HALLE &
KENSTOWICZ (1991) ADMIT A LEXICAL CONDITIONING 461 550 3.3.3. *
TRANSPORT-ATE: INTERMEDIATE DERIVATIONAL FORMS THAT HAPPEN NOT TO EXIST
AS WORDS 462
551 3.3.4. DIRECT (TRANSPORTATION) VS. INDIRECT {CONDENSATION) MERGE
OI-ATE 462
552 3.3.5. AIL XPS ARE PHASE HEADS, DIRECT MERGE IS THE ANTI-
LEXICALIST WAY OF ENCODING LEXICALIST OBSERVATIONS 464 553 3.3.6. DIRECT
MERGE MAY, BUT DOES NOT NEED TO PRODUCE
OPACITY 464
554 3.4. PHASE IMPENETRABILITY A LA CARTE? 465
555 3.4.1. THE STRENG DM CLAIM THAT AIL XPS ARE SPELLED OUT
IMPOSES PROCESS-SPECIFIC PHASE IMPENETRABILITY 465 556 3.4.2. WE KNOW
THAT STRESS IS A STRAENGE GUY ANYWAY 466
557 3.5. AIL XPS ARE SPELLED OUT VS. SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT PLUS THE PIC.
467 558 3.5.1. AFFIX CLASS-BASED PHENOMENA IN DM 467
559 3.5.2. UNDERAPPLICATION CANNOT BE DONE WHEN ALL XPS ARE
SPELLED OUT 468
560 3.5.3. OPPOSITE WAYS TO GO: DISTINCT REPRESENTATIONS (DM) VS.
DISTINCT COMPUTATION (KAYE, HALLE & VERGNAUD). 469 561 3.5.4. A DIRECT
MERGE ANALYSIS FOR AFFIX CLASS-BASED
PHENOMENA IS NOT VIABLE 471
562 3.5.5. ANALYSING COMPARABLE VS. COMPARABLE WITH SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT
472
563 3.5.6. CONCLUSION 473
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564 3.6. ARTICULATION OF SEMANTIC AND PHONOLOGICAL OPACITY 473
565 3.6.1. AIL LOGICAL POSSIBILITIES OCCUR 473
566 3.6.2. NEITHER THE PIC NOR DIRECT MERGE CAN ACCOUNT FOR
ALL PARTERNS 475
567 3.6.3. INDEPENDENT LF AND PF PHASES? 475
568 3.7. CONCLUSION: PREDICTABLE VS. UNPREDICTABLE OPACITY AND
ASSOCIATED ANALYSES 476
569 4. ANTI-LEXICALISM IS AN ORIENTATION THAT ALLOWS FOR LEXICALIST
ANALYSES 477
570 4 . 1. THE PHONOLOGICAL SIDE OF THE (ANTI-)LEXICALIST ISSUE 477
571 4.2. A THIRD PLAYER: ALLOMORPHY, SUPPLETION 479
572 4.3. DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY RELIES ON THE USUAL "PHONOLOGICAL
SIMILARITY" 480
573 4.4. THERE IS NO SEMANTIC EFFECT IF COMPARABLE AND COMPARABLE ARE
MADE OF TWO INDEPENDENT VOCABULARY ITEMS 481
574 5. PF MOVEMENT 483
575 5.1. SYNTACTIC MOTIVATION 483
576 5.2. PHONOLOGICAL MOTIVATION 484
577 5.2.1. CASES WHERE PHONOLOGY IMPACTS SYNTAX 484
578 5.2.2. PHONOLOGY-INTERNAL TRIGGERS: PIGGOTT & NEWELL ON OJIBWA 485
579 5.2.3. PHONOLOGICALLY MOTIVATED ALLOMORPHY: LOWENSTAMM ON FRENCH 487
580 5.3. OVERGENERATION, DIRECT SYNTAX, MODULARITY AND THE CREATION OF
TWO DISTINCT COMPUTATIONAL SYSTEMS 491
581 6. CONCLUSION 493
582 6.1. DIRECT MERGE VS. SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT: A GEOMETRIE, RATHER THAN
A COMPUTATIONAL SOLUTION 493
583 6.2. SPELL-OUT AT EVERY XP STANDS IN THE WAY 494
584 6.3. UNIFYING AMBITIONS AND SPECIFIE TOOLS FOR MORPHOLOGY 494 585
6.4. TWO SPECIFICITIES: LF AND NO PROPOSAI REGARDING REPRESENTATIONAL
COMMUNICATION 495
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I N T E R L U DE 586 M O D U L A R I TY
587 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: THE RELATIVE ABSENCE OF MODULARITY IN
INTERFACE THINKING 497
588 CHAPTER 2 MODULARITY AND CONNECTIONISM, MIND AND BRAIN
589 1. MONISM VS. DUALISM, SYMBOLIC VS. NON-SYMBOLIC REPRESENTATIONS 499
590 1.1. LEVEIS OF REPRESENTATION IN THE STANDARD COGNITIVE MODEL 499
591 1.2. A LANGUAGE OF THOUGHT: SYMBOLIC VS. ANTI-SYMBOLIC VIEWS OF
COGNITION 500
592 1.3. WHAT WOULD ADULT SCIENCE LOOK LIKE WITHOUT SYMBOLS? 502 593 2.
CONNECTIONISM AND ITS REPRESENTATIVES IN LINGUISTICS 505
594 2 . 1. THE SYMBOLIC FRONT LINE AND ITS ROOTS IN COGNITIVE SCIENCE.
505 595 2.2. HOW NEURAL NETWORKS WORK 506
596 2.3. NO DISTINCTION BETWEEN STORAGE AND COMPUTATION (THE RULE/LIST
FALLACY) 507
597 2.4. ALL-PURPOSE PARALLEL VS. SPECIALISED STEP-BY-STEP COMPUTATION
508
598 2.5. WHAT IT AIL CORNES DOWN TO: CONNECTIONIST COMPUTATION IS
CONTENT-FREE 510
599 3. CONCLUSION: PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE AT FIRST, BUT NOT FOR LONG 510
600 CHAPTER 3 THE MODULAR ARCHITECTURE OF THE MIND: WHERE IT COMES FROM
601 1. THE BRAIN AS A SET OF FUNCTIONAL UNITS: F-J GALL'S EARLY 19TH
CENTURY PHRENOLOGY 515
602 2. INDEPENDENT FACULTIES, THEIR CORRELATION WITH SIZE AND THE SKULL
BONE 516
603 3. FACULTY PSYCHOLOGY MARRIED WITH COMPUTATION THEORY (VON NEUMANN -
TURING) 517
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604 C H A P T ER 4 T HE MODULAR ARCHITECTURE OF THE MIND: HOW IT WORKS
605 1. HIGHER AND LOWER COGNITIVE FUNCTIONS, MODULES AND THE CENTRAL
SYSTEM 519
606 2. HOW MUCH OF THE MIND IS MODULAR? 520
607 2.1. PERIPHERAL VS. MASSIVE MODULARITY: IS THERE A NON- MODULAR
CORE? 520
608 2.2. IS THE CENTRAL SYSTEM IMPENETRABLE FOR HUMAN INTELLIGENCE? 521
609 2.3. IS THE MIND (ARE MODULES) THE RESUIT OF DARWINIAN ADAPTATION?
522
610 3. CORE MODULAR PROPERTIES 523
611 3.1. DOMAIN SPECIFICITY 523
612 3.2. INFORMATIONAL ENCAPSULATION 524
613 3.3. SUMMARY: HOW TO IDENTIFY A MODULE 526
614 4. SPECIALISED NEURONS AND NEURAL LOCALISATION OF COGNITIVE
FUNCTIONS 527
615 4.1. MIND-BRAIN RELATIONSHIP 527
616 4.2. FUNCTIONAL ANATOMY: THE EXISTENCE OF SPECIALISED AND
LOCALISABLE (SUITES OF) NEURONS IS UNDISPUTED 528
617 4.3. SOME LITERATURE 530
618 5. MODULES CAN BE PLUGGED OUT WITHOUT AFFECTING OTHER FACULTIES.
531 619 5.1. DOUBLE DISSOCIATION 531
620 5.2. DOCUMENTED CASES: FACE RECOGNITION, NUMBER SENSE 531 621 5.3.
DOUBLE DISSOCIATION OF LANGUAGE 532
622 CHAPTER 5 MODULARITY OF AND IN LANGUAGE, RELATED SYSTEMS
623 1. MODULARITY IN THE EARLY DAYS OF GENERATIVE GRAMMAR: 50S-60S .
535 624 1.1. A SPEARHEAD OF THE COGNITIVE REVOLUTION OF THE 50S IN
LANGUAGE 535
625 1.2. LSLT: LANGUAGE IS MADE OF MODULES (LEVEIS), A CONCATENATION
ALGEBRA AND INTERFACES 536
626 1.3. MODULARITY ON ITS WAY: FROM LSLT TO ASPECTS AND SPE 538 627 2.
MODULARITY IMPLIES BIOLOGY AND INNATENESS: THE LANGUAGE ORGAN 539
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628 3. GRAMMAR ITSELF IS MADE OF MODULES: GB-SUBTHEORIES AND THEIR
(QUESTIONABLE) STATUS AS COGNITIVE MODULES 540
629 3.1. THE INVERTED T IS THE BASELINE SINCE THE 60S 540
630 3.2. GB-SUBTHEORIES ARE PRESENTED AS MODULES, BUT INSULATED FROM THE
COGNITIVE CONTEXT 541
631 3.3. CHOMSKY (1981): SUBCOMPONENTS (INVERTED T) VS. SUBSYSTEMS
(THETA THEORY ETC.) 542
632 3.4. ARE GB-SUBSYSTEMS COGNITIVE MODULES? 543
633 3.5. BIOLINGUISTICS: AN EVOLUTIONARY ARGUMENT AGAINST
LANGUAGE-INTERNAL MODULARITY (HOMSTEIN 2009) 545
634 4. GB MODULES AND THEIR PERCEPTION IN NON-LINGUISTIC QUARTERS 547
635 4.1. CHOMSKY (1981) CALIS GB-SUBTHEORIES MODULES WITHOUT COMMENT 547
636 4.2. PERCEPTION OF GB-MODULES IN NON-LINGUISTIC QUARTERS: PUZZLEMENT
548
637 5. MINIMALISM AND BIOLINGUISTICS DO AWAY WITH GB MODULES 550 638
5.1. MINIMALISM: GB-SUBTHEORIES HAVE TO GO 550
639 5.2. GRAMMAR REDUCES TO MORPHO-SYNTAX: PF AND LF ARE NEITHER
LANGUAGE- NOR SPECIES-SPECIFIC 550
640 6. IDENTIFYING LINGUISTIC MODULES 551
641 6.1. HOW TO IDENTIFY GRAMMAR-INTERNAL MODULES 551
642 6.2. DISSOCIATION: PRAGMATICS, LEXICON VS. MORPHO-SYNTAX 552 643
6.3. DOMAIN SPECIFICITY (STARKE): MORPHO-SYNTAX-SEMANTICS VS. PHONOLOGY
553
644 6.4. DOMAIN SPECIFICITY (JACKENDOFF, CHOMSKY): PHONOLOGY IS DISTINCT
554
645 6.5. PHONOLOGY-FREE SYNTAX 555
646 6.6. LATE INSERTION IS THE SEGREGATION OF PHONOLOGICAL AND OTHER
VOCABULARY 555
647 6.7. PHONOLOGY VS. PHONETICS 556
648 7. ENCAPSULATION IS CALLED INCLUSIVENESS IN SYNTAX 556
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649 CHAPTER 6 HOW MODULES COMMUNICATE
650 1. INTERMODULAR COMMUNICATION REQUIRES TRANSLATION 557
651 2. TRANSLATION OF WHAT? 558
652 2.1. MODULAR COMPUTATION: VOCABULARY (INPUT) VS. STRUCTURE (OUTPUT)
558
653 2.2. IS STRUCTURE, BUT NOT VOCABULARY, TRANSLATED? 558
654 3. TRANSLATION IS SELECTIVE, AND THE CHOICE OF TRANSLATED PIECES IS
ARBITRARY 559
655 4. OUTLOOK: INTERMODULAR TRANSLATION IS THE FOCUS OF VOL.2 560
PART TWO LESSONS FROM INTERFACE THEORIES
656 CHAPTER 1 A GUIDE TO THE INTERFACE JUNGLE 563
657 CHAPTER 2 EMPIRICAL GENERALISATIONS
658 1. INTRODUCTION 565
659 2. MORPHO-SYNTAX HAS NO BEARING ON THE CONTENT OF PHONOLOGICAL
COMPUTATION 566
660 3. MORPHO-SYNTAX AND MELODY ARE INCOMMUNICADO 568
661 3.1. MORPHO-SYNTAX CAN NEITHER READ MELODY NOR BEAR ON IT 568 662
3.1.1. PHONOLOGY-FREE SYNTAX IS IN FACT MELODY-FREE
SYNTAX 568
663 3.1.2. CARRIERS OF MORPHO-SYNTACTIC INFORMATION DO NOT INCLUDE
MELODY 568
664 3.2. (FLOATING) MORPHEMES WITHOUT LINEAR REALISATION ORIGINATE IN
THE LEXICON 569
665 3.3. CONCLUSION: VOCABULARY EXCLUDED FROM TRANSLATION ALTOGETHER?
570
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666 CHAPTER 3 ISSUES THAT ARE SETTLED
667 1. THERE ARE NO BOUNDARIES INSIDE MORPHEMES 573
668 2. THERE IS NO PHONETIC CORRELATE OF MORPHO-SYNTACTIC INFORMATION
574
669 2.1. PHONETIC CORRELATE OF MORPHO-SYNTACTIC BREAKS: DEFINITION.
574 670 2.2. GENERATIVE DIACRITICS MAKE NO NOISE, EXCEPT IN NATURAL
GENERATIVE PHONOLOGY 575
671 3. AFFIX ORDERING IS WRONG 576
672 4. INTERPRETATION IS INSIDE-OUT, GRAMMAR IS INTERACTIONIST, BRACKETS
ARE UNNECESSARY RELIES 577
673 4 . 1. INSIDE-OUT INTERPRETATION AND CYCLIC DERIVATION 577
674 4.1.1. TWO WAYS OF ORGANISING INSIDE-OUT INTERPRETATION:
BRACKETS VS. INTERACTIONISM 577
675 4.1.2. BRACKETS REQUIRE A PF PARSING DEVICE AND MAKE A
PROCEDURAL INSIGHT REPRESENTATIONAL (AND DIACRITIC) 579 676 4.2. THE
LINE-UP OF INTERFACE THEORIES IN REGARD OF INTERACTIONISM 580
677 4.2.1. REVOLUTION (LEXICAL PHONOLOGY) AND COUNTER-
REVOLUTION (HALLE & VERGNAUD) 580
678 4.2.2. PHONOLOGY AND THE INTERFACE ARE NOT THE SAME THING. 581
679 4.2.3. DERIVATION BY PHASE: WHEN GENERATIVE GRAMMAR
BECAME INTERACTIONIST 582
680 4.3. ONLY INTERACTIONISM MAKES INSIDE-OUT INTERPRETATION COMPATIBLE
WITH MODULARITY 583
681 4.3.1. MODULARITY REFEREES IN FAVOUR OF INTERACTIONISM 583
682 4.3.2. NOBODY USED MODULARITY IN THE 80S 584
683 5. INTERFACE DUALISM 585
684 5.1. IF TACITLY, (ALMOST) AIL THEORIES IMPLEMENT INTERFACE DUALISM
585
685 5.2. REPRESENTATIONAL COMMUNICATION NEEDED (CONTRA KAYE 1995) 586
686 5.3. PROCEDURAL COMMUNICATION NEEDED (CONTRA ORTHODOX OT). 587
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687 CHAPTER 4 MODULARITY, TRANSLATION, THE DIACRITIC ISSUE AND LOCAL VS.
DOMAIN-BASED INTERVENTION: SETTLED IN VERB, BUT NOT IN FAET
688 1. INTRODUCTION 589
689 1.1. THREE QUESTIONS: TWO ARE SETTLED, ONE HAS NEVER BEEN DISCUSSED
589
690 1.2. MODULARITY AND DIACRITICS ARE ONLY SETTLED IN VERB 589
691 1.3. THE THREE QUESTIONS ARE THE BACKBONE OF THE REPRESENTATIONAL
CHANNEL 590
692 2. TRANSLATION IN STRUCTURALIST AND GENERATIVE INTERFACE THEORY 590
693 2 . 1. INTERFACE DESIGN WAS DONE IN ABSENCE OF A MODULAR/ COGNITIVE
BACKGROUND - BUT TRANSLATION HAS ALWAYS BEEN PRACTISED 590
694 2.2. THE BIRTH AND VARIABLE INCARNATION OF DIACRITICS 591
695 2.2.1. JUNCTURE PHONEMES AND SPE-TYPE BOUNDARIES: DIACRITIC
TRANSLATION AND VARIOUS DEGREES OF CAMOUFLAGE 591
696 2.2.2. THE ABANDON OF LEVEL INDEPENDENCE MAKES
BOUNDARIES DIACRITICS 592
697 2.2.3. SINCE STRUCTURALISM, THE OUTPUT OF TRANSLATION HAS
ALWAYS BEEN A DIACRITIC 593
698 2.2.4. NO DIACRITICS ! - NO DIACRITICS ? 593
699 2.3. MODULARITY AND TRANSLATION WERE INVENTED BY STRUCTURALISM 594
700 2.3.1. NON-COGNITIVE MODULARITY: LEVEL INDEPENDENCE ENFORCES
TRANSLATION 594
701 2.3.2. TRANSLATION AFFORDS THE ASSESSMENT OF PHONOLOGICAL THEORIES
ACCORDING TO THEIR BEHAVIOUR AT THE INTERFACE 594
702 2.4. GENERATIVE MODULARITY OFFENDERS: REFERENCE TO UNTRANSLATED
MORPHO-SYNTACTIC INFORMATION 595
703 2.4.1. TRANSLATION WAS NOT A STANDARD IN GENERATIVE
THEORY UNTIL THE MID 80S 595
704 2.4.2. TUMING BACK THE WHEEL: WEAK AND STRONG
MODULARITY OFFENDERS IN (MORE OR IESS) RECENT DEVELOPMENT 596
705 2.4.3. A NOTE ON STRUCTURAL ANALOGY 597
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706 3. LOCAL VS. NON-LOCAL CARRIERS OF MORPHO-SYNTACTIC INFORMATION 598
707 3.1. LOCAL BOUNDARIES VS. NON-LOCAL DOMAIN-BASED INTERVENTION 598
708 3.2. NOTATIONAL VARIANTS AND REAL DIFFERENCES 599
709 3.2.1. DOMAIN-BASED CAN BE TRANSLATED INTO LOCAL REFERENCE AND
VICE-VERSA 599
710 3.2.2. THE DIFFERENCE IS CONCEPTUAL, NOT EMPIRICAL 600
711 3.3. THE LOCAL BABY AND THE DIACRITIC BATHWATER 601
712 3.4. THERE CAN BE NON-DIACRITIC BOUNDARIES, BUT WHAT WOULD A
NON-DIACRITIC DOMAIN LOOK LIKE? 602
713 3.4.1. NON-DIACRITIC BOUNDARIES (CAN) EXIST 602
714 3.4.2. TOP-DOWN CONSTRUCTIONS ARE DIACRITIC BY DEFINITION (PROSODIE
WORD AND HIGHER) 603
715 3.4.3. HIGHER LAYERS OF THE PROSODIE HIERARCHY ARE THE PROJECTION OF
NOTHING 604
716 3.4.4. PROJECTIONS CREATED BY PHONOLOGICAL COMPUTATION CANNOT BE THE
OUTPUT OF TRANSLATION 605
717 3.5. CONCLUSION: POSSIBLE CARRIERS REDUCE TO SYLLABIC SPACE 606 718
4. CONCLUSION 606
719 CHAPTER 5 OPEN QUESTIONS (GENERAL)
720 1. GRAMMATICAL ARCHITECTURE : ALTERNATIVES TO THE INVERTED T 609 721
1.1. GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 609
722 1.2. PARALLEL MODULES 610
723 1.2.1. AGAINST SYNTACTICO-CENTRISM (JACKENDOFF) 610
724 1.2.2. DESIGNATED PORTIONS OF THE SKELETON PROJECT MORPHO- SYNTACTIC
FEATURES (BENDJABALLAH & HAIDEN) 611
725 1.3. CONCLUSION: THE BASELINE OF THE GENERATIVE PARADIGM IS
MODULARITY 612
726 2. PF - A STRAENGE HERMAPHRODITE ANIMAL 613
727 2 . 1. CLEAN SYNTAX, DIRTY PHONOLOGY/PF? 613
728 2.1.1. MINIMALISM SHRINKS SYNTAX 613
729 2.1.2. MINIMALISM PUMPS UP PF 614
730 2.1.3. DUMPING INTO THE PF DUSTBIN AND HOPING THAT IT IS
BIG ENOUGH 614
731 2.1.4. THE SYNTACTICIANS' PHONOLOGY IS NOT WHAT
PHONOLOGISTS CALI PHONOLOGY 615
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732 2.2. CONFUSION AND MISTINESS: WHAT DOES PF MEAN, WHAT DOES
ITCONTAIN? 616
733 2.3. PROPERTIES OF PF: WHAT KIND OF ANIMAIS LIVE IN THE INTERMUNDIA?
619
734 2.3.1. INTERNAI STRUCTURE OF PF 619
735 2.3.2. WHAT HAPPENS "AT PF" 619
736 2.4. TRYING TO MAKE SENSE OF PF FROM THE MODULAR POINT OF VIEW 621
737 2.4.1. PF IS A COVER TERM FOR A NUMBER OF SERIALLY ORDERED
COMPUTATIONAL SYSTEMS 621
738 2.4.2. THE MINIMALISM-BORN INTERMUNDIA VIOLATES DOMAIN SPECIFICITY
622
739 2.4.3. MIXING PHONOLOGY AND THE INTERMUNDIA 623
740 2.4.4. THE INTERNAI STRUCTURE OF THE INTERMUNDIA: TWO
DISTINCT DERIVATIONAL STAGES, MORPHOSYNTAX AND MORPHOPHONOLOGY (IDSARDI
& RAIMY FORTH) 624
741 2.5. LINEARISATION 626
742 2.5.1. INTRODUCTION: NO BUSINESS OF PHONOLOGY 626
743 2.5.2. IN MINIMALIST TIMES: NO BUSINESS OF SYNTAX EITHER 626
744 2.5.3. BOTH SYNTAX-INTERNAL AND SYNTAX-EXTERNAL LINEARISATION IS
MINIMALISM-COMPATIBLE 627
745 2.5.4. EVERYBODY BUT KAYNE DOES LINEARISATION "AT PF" 629
746 2.5.5. LINEARISATION IN PHONOLOGY IN ORDER TO DERIVE
PHONETICS (RAIMY)? 631
747 2.6. CONCLUSION: A MINIMALISM-BOM MONSTER 633
748 3. THE BALANCE OF PROCEDURAL AND REPRESENTATIONAL COMMUNICATION 635
749 3.1. WHICH CHANNEL FOR WHICH PHENOMENON? 635
750 3.2. PROSODIE PHONOLOGY TRIES TO GET AWAY WITH PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE
AND/OR RANDOM DISTRIBUTION 636
751 3.3. RANDOM USE OF BOTH CHANNELS IS TYPICAL (AND TACIT), BUT IT MAY
BE DOUBTED THAT THIS IS THE RIGHT WAY TO GO 636
752 4. MORPHO-SYNTACTIC STRUCTURE MAY, BUT CONTENT (LABELS) MAY NOT BEAR
ON PHONOLOGY 637
753 5. THE MAPPING PUZZLE 639
754 5.1. THE ISSUE(S), LOOKED AT BY MORE OR LESS HELPLESS LINGUISTS .
639 755 5.2. THE MAPPING PUZZLE SINCE SPE 640
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756 6. PRIVATIVITY 641
757 6.1. ON THE REPRESENTATIONAL SIDE: COMPLETE OR PRIVATIVE TRANSLATION
OF MORPHO-SYNTACTIC DIVISIONS? 641
758 6.1.1. AIL THEORIES ARE NON-PRIVATIVE SINCE SPE 641
759 6.1.2. UNANIMOUS NON-PRIVATIVITY IN INDIVIDUAL THEORIES 641
760 6.2. ON THE PROCEDURAL SIDE: SELECTIVE VS. NON-SELECTIVE SPELL- OUT
643
761 6.3. FIVE ARGUMENTS IN FAVOUR OF PRIVATIVITY 643
762 CHAPTER 6 OPEN QUESTIONS (PROCEDURAL)
763 1. SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT AND INTERPRETATION-TRIGGERING AFFIXES 647 764
1.1. SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT: WHAT IT IS AND HOW IT WORKS 647
765 1.2. PHASE EDGE AND PIECE-DRIVEN PHASE 648
766 1.2.1. SPELL OUT YOUR SISTER: THE PHASE EDGE IN PHONOLOGY. 648
767 1.2.2. PIECE-DRIVEN VS. NODE-DRIVEN PHASE 650
768 1.3. SYSTEMS WITH NON-SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT: LEXICAL PHONOLOGY (DM)
650
769 1.4. SPELL-OUT IS SELECTIVE IN SYNTAX, BUT IS THIS AN ARGUMENT? 651
770 1.5. CONCLUSION: A UNIFYING PERSPECTIVE 653
771 2. PHASE THEORY 654
772 2 . 1. A RAPIDLY GROWING FIELD WHOSE DIVERSITY CAN BE CONFUSING AT
TIMES (NOT ONLY FOR PHONOLOGISTS) 654
773 2.2. WHAT COUNTS AS A PHASE? 655
774 2.2.1. INNER- AND EXTRA-SYNTACTIC CRITERIA FOR DISTRIBUTING
PHASEHOOD 655
775 2.2.2. THE TREND IS TOWARDS ATOMISATION 656
776 2.2.3. IS THERE A LOWER LIMIT FOR PHASEHOOD? IS SPELL-OUT
SELECTIVE? 657
777 2.2.4. ANTI-LOCALITY OF MOVEMENT MARSHALS ATOMISATION 658
778 2.3. EXTENSIONS OF THE BASIC MODEL 659
779 2.3.1. ASYMMETRIE SPELL-OUT: INDEPENDENT ACCESS OF LF
ANDPF 659
780 2.3.2. PIC A LA CARTE: PROCESS-SENSITIVE NO LOOK-BACK 659
781 2.3.3. PHASE EXTENSION: WHEN PHASEHOOD DEPENDS ON
WHAT THE HEAD IS MADE OF 661
782 2.3.4. UNIFICATION OF PIECE-DRIVEN AND NODE-DRIVEN PHASE BY A
LEXICAL PHASEHOOD FEATURE 662
IMAGE 37
TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL XLI
§ PAGE
783 3. NO LOOK-BACK (PHASE IMPENETRABILITY) 663
784 3.1. LIMITED SCOPE OF THIS SECTION 663
785 3.2. NO LOOK-BACK DEVICES SINCE CHOMSKY (1973) AND THEIR
NON-CONFLATABILITY WITH DERIVED ENVIRONMENT EFFECTS 664 786 4. WHY ARE
THERE NO PHONOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF THE CYCLIC SPELL-OUT OF WORDS? 665
787 4 . 1. THE ABSENCE OF CYCLICITY-INDUCED EXTERNAL SANDHI: A
CONSENSUAL FACT THAT THEORIES BUILD ON, BUT DO NOT TALK ABOUT 665
788 4.2. HOW INTERFACE THEORIES BEHAVE: CLAIMS FOR AND AGAINST CYCLIC
SPELL-OUT OF WORDS, FOR AND AGAINST ITS CYCLIC INTERPRETATION 666
789 4.2.1. THE BASELINE POSITION OF SPE: EVERYTHING IS CYCLIC . 666
790 4.2.2. LEXICAL PHONOLOGY: THE INTERPRETATION OF WORD SEQUENCES IS
NOT CYCLIC 666
791 4.2.3. LEXICAL PHONOLOGY MAKES NO CLAIM ABOUT
SPELL-OUT AND INSTALLS NON-CYCLIC INTERPRETATION OF WORD SEQUENCES
WITHOUT ARGUMENT 667
792 4.2.4. HALLE & VERGNAUD AND KAYE: RESTORATION OF SPE
- EVERYTHING IS CYCLIC 668
793 4.2.5. DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY IS ENTIRELY AGNOSTIC IN PHONOLOGICAL
MATTERS 668
794 4.3. THE WORD-SPELL-OUT MYSTERY 669
795 4.3.1. CYCLIC SPELL-OUT OF WORDS BUT NO PHONOLOGICAL
TRACES? 669
796 4.3.2. WRONG DATA OR AN ON/OFF SWITCH FOR PHASE
IMPENETRABILITY 669
797 4.3.3. A SOLUTION: (CHUNK-SPECIFIC) PIC A LA CARTE 670
798 4.3.4. PIC A LA CARTE THAT DOES NOT WANT TO BE NAMED
(SAMUELS 2009A) 671
799 4.3.5. PHASE IMPENETRABILITY IS A PROPERTY OF THE SPELL-
OUT MECHANISM, NOT OF CONCATENATIVE OR INTERPRETATIONAL SYSTEMS 672
800 4.4. INTONATION REQUIRES CYCLIC SPELL-OUT OF WORDS FOR SURE - BUT
THIS DOES NOT APPEAR TO CONCERN PHONOLOGICAL COMPUTATION 674 801 4.4.1.
INTONATION IS GOVERNED BY SYNTACTIC STRUCTURE 674
802 4.4.2. PROSODIE STRUCTURE MAY BE RECURSIVE - PHONOLOGY IS NOT 675
IMAGE 38
XLII TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL
§ PAGE
803 4.4.3. PHONOLOGY IS NOT RECURSIVE: CONFUSION BETWEEN NON-RECURSIVE
PHENOMENA AND THEIR EVENTUAL ANALYSIS WITH RECURSIVE CONSTRUCTIONS 676
804 4.4.4. PROSODIE STRUCTURE IS NOT CREATED BY PHONOLOGICAL COMPUTATION
678
805 4.4.5. PHONOLOGY ONLY INTERPRETS: MERGE MUST BE ABSENT, HENEE THE
RESUIT OF PHONOLOGICAL COMPUTATION IS FLAT. 679 806 4.4.6. IS
INTONATION A PHONOLOGICAL PHENOMENON AT ALL? 680
807 4.5. CONCLUSION 681
808 4.5.1. IF THE GENERALISATION IS CORRECT, PRAGUIAN
SEGREGATION ALONE WILL NOT DO 681
809 4.5.2. CHUNK-SPECIFIC PIC A LA CARTE 682
810 4.5.3. OUTLOOK 683
811 5. CHUNK-SPECIFIC PHONOLOGIES 683
812 5.1. SPECIFIE WORLD-LEVEL PHONOLOGY 683
813 5.1.1. EVERYBODY HAS A WORD-SPECIFIC PHONOLOGY 683
814 5.1.2. SINCE SPE, WORD-SPECIFIC PHONOLOGIES ARE BASED ON (ENGLISH)
STRESS 684
815 5.2. SPECIFIE SENTENCE-LEVEL PHONOLOGY: PRAGUIAN SEGREGATION. 685
816 5.2.1. CYCLIC PHONOLOGY OF MORPHEMES VS. NON-CYCLIC PHONOLOGY OF
WORDS 685
817 5.2.2. ARGUMENTS FOR PRAGUIAN SEGREGATION 686
818 5.3. PRAGUIAN SEGREGATION AND DOUBLE DISSOCIATION 686
819 5.3.1. DOUBLE DISSOCIATION APPLIED TO PRAGUIAN
SEGREGATION 686
820 5.3.2. PROCESSES THAT ARE RESTRICTED TO MORPHEME
SEQUENCES 687
821 5.3.3. PROCESSES THAT APPLY ACROSS THE BOARD 688
822 5.3.4. PROCESSES THAT ARE RESTRICTED TO WORD SEQUENCES 689
823 5.4. PIC A LA CARTE 691
824 5.4.1. MULTIPLE MINI-PHONOLOGIES AND CHUNK-SPECIFIC PHONOLOGIES 691
825 5.4.2. PROCESS-SPECIFIC PIC, RATHER THAN "DON'T UNDO!" 692
826 5.4.3. PIC A LA CARTE: PROCESS- AND CHUNK-SPECIFIC 693
827 5.5. CONCLUSION 694
IMAGE 39
TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL XLIII
§ PAGE
828 6. MORPHEME-SPECIFIC MINI-PHONOLOGIES (LEVEL 1 - LEVEL 2) 695 829
6.1. CYCLICITY ANALYSED BY MORPHEME-SPECIFIC MINI- PHONOLOGIES VS. BY NO
LOOK-BACK: A MAJOR FRONT UNE IN GENERATIVE INTERFACE THEORY 695
830 6.2. INTERMODULAR ARGUMENTATION: IF THE PIC EXISTS IN SYNTAX, IT
MUST BE ACTIVE IN PHONOLOGY AS WELL 696
831 7. EMPIRICAL COVERAGE 697
832 7.1. INTRODUCTION: THREE COMPETITORS AND THE EMPIRICAL RECORD (AFFIX
CLASS-BASED PHENOMENA) 697
833 7.2. AFFIX CLASS-BASED PHENOMENA 698
834 7.2.1. THE RULE-BLOCKING PATTERN 698
835 7.2.2. THE RULE-TRIGGERING PATTERN 699
836 7.2.3. IS THE RULE-TRIGGERING PATTEM LESS REAL? 701
837 7.3. DERIVED ENVIRONMENT EFFECTS 701
838 7.3.1. A SEPARATE ISSUE 701
839 7.3.2. A BLOOMING LANDSCAPE OF ANALYSES 702
840 7.3.3. ANTI-CYCLIC PHENOMENA: DERIVED ENVIRONMENT EFFECTS HAVE A BIG
BROTHER 703
841 CONCLUSION INTERMODULAR ARGUMENTATION
842 1. TRYING TO GET A HANDLE ON THE INTERFACE 705
843 1.1. LOOKING AT THE INTERFACE THROUGH THE PRISM OF ITS HISTORY 705
844 1.2. TWO MORE PRISMS USED: INTERFACE DUALISM AND MODULARITY. 705
845 1.3. THREE THEORY-EXTERNAL WAYS TO GET A HANDLE ON INTERFACE THEORY
706
846 2. INTERMODULAR ARGUMENTATION 707
847 2 . 1. INTERMODULAR POTENTIAL OF INTERACTIONIST DERIVATION BY PHASE
707
848 2.1.1. EACH END OF THE INTERACTIONIST PIPE MAY IMPACT THE
OTHER 707
849 2.1.2. MORPHO-SYNTAX CAN REFEREE COMPETING PHONOLOGICAL ANALYSES AND
THEORIES 708
850 2.1.3. INTERMODULAR ARGUMENTS CAN ONLY BE MADE THROUGH
THE PROCEDURAL CHANNEL: TRANSLATION IS ARBITRARY 708 851 2.2. CONDITIONS
AND LIMITATIONS OF INTERMODULAR ARGUMENTATION. 709
IMAGE 40
XLIV TABLE OF CONTENTS - DETAIL
§ PAGE
852 2.3. SIX PROPERTIES OF SPELL-OUT THAT CAN BE MADE INTERMODULAR
ARGUMENTS 709
853 2.3.1. CONVERGENCE OF SYNTACTIC AND PHONOLOGICAL TOOLS 709
854 2.3.2. STRONG AND WEAK VERSION OF THE INTERMODULAR
ARGUMENT 710
855 2.3.3. IMPORT OF PHONOLOGY-BASEDMECHANISMS INTO
SYNTAX 711
856 2.3.4. FOUR SYNTACTIC REFEREES FOR PHONOLOGICAL THEORIES
AND THE SPECIAL STATUS OF INTERACTIONISM 711
857 2.3.5. PHONOLOGY MUST PROVIDE FOR A "FREEZING" PIC,
SELECTIVE SPELL-OUT AND THE PHASE EDGE 712
858 2.4. HOW MANY SPELL-OUT MECHANISMS ARE THERE IN GRAMMAR? 713 859
2.4.1. THE PARALLEL IS ALWAYS BETWEEN THE SPELL-OUT OF
MORPHEMES AND WORDS 713
860 2.4.2. THE WEAK VERSION OF THE ARGUMENT CAN BE MADE,
BUT THE STRONG VERSION HINGES ON THE UNITY OF MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 714
861 2.4.3. THE WORD-SPELL-OUT-MYSTERY STRIKES AGAIN 714
862 2.5. CONCLUSION 715
863 REFERENCES 717
864 SUBJECT INDEX 785
865 L A N G U A GE INDEX 838
866 I N D EX OF P H E N O M E NA 843 |
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| dewey-ones | 415 - Grammar |
| dewey-raw | 415.9 |
| dewey-search | 415.9 |
| dewey-sort | 3415.9 |
| dewey-tens | 410 - Linguistics |
| discipline | Sprachwissenschaft Literaturwissenschaft |
| era | Geschichte gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte |
| format | Book |
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| id | DE-604.BV037284661 |
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| indexdate | 2024-07-20T11:01:50Z |
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| language | English |
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| spelling | Scheer, Tobias Verfasser aut A guide to morphosyntax-phonology interface theories how extra-phonological information is treated in phonology since Trubetzkoy's Grenzsignale by Tobias Scheer Berlin [u.a.] De Gruyter Mouton 2011 LIII, 847 S. Ill., graph. Darst. 25 cm, 1623 g txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Literaturverz. S. [717] - 783 Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Phonologie (DE-588)4045836-2 gnd rswk-swf Theorie (DE-588)4059787-8 gnd rswk-swf Morphosyntax (DE-588)4114635-9 gnd rswk-swf Morphosyntax (DE-588)4114635-9 s Phonologie (DE-588)4045836-2 s Theorie (DE-588)4059787-8 s Geschichte z DE-604 X:MVB text/html http://deposit.dnb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=3644979&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm Inhaltstext DNB Datenaustausch application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=021197384&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Scheer, Tobias A guide to morphosyntax-phonology interface theories how extra-phonological information is treated in phonology since Trubetzkoy's Grenzsignale Phonologie (DE-588)4045836-2 gnd Theorie (DE-588)4059787-8 gnd Morphosyntax (DE-588)4114635-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4045836-2 (DE-588)4059787-8 (DE-588)4114635-9 |
| title | A guide to morphosyntax-phonology interface theories how extra-phonological information is treated in phonology since Trubetzkoy's Grenzsignale |
| title_auth | A guide to morphosyntax-phonology interface theories how extra-phonological information is treated in phonology since Trubetzkoy's Grenzsignale |
| title_exact_search | A guide to morphosyntax-phonology interface theories how extra-phonological information is treated in phonology since Trubetzkoy's Grenzsignale |
| title_full | A guide to morphosyntax-phonology interface theories how extra-phonological information is treated in phonology since Trubetzkoy's Grenzsignale by Tobias Scheer |
| title_fullStr | A guide to morphosyntax-phonology interface theories how extra-phonological information is treated in phonology since Trubetzkoy's Grenzsignale by Tobias Scheer |
| title_full_unstemmed | A guide to morphosyntax-phonology interface theories how extra-phonological information is treated in phonology since Trubetzkoy's Grenzsignale by Tobias Scheer |
| title_short | A guide to morphosyntax-phonology interface theories |
| title_sort | a guide to morphosyntax phonology interface theories how extra phonological information is treated in phonology since trubetzkoy s grenzsignale |
| title_sub | how extra-phonological information is treated in phonology since Trubetzkoy's Grenzsignale |
| topic | Phonologie (DE-588)4045836-2 gnd Theorie (DE-588)4059787-8 gnd Morphosyntax (DE-588)4114635-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Phonologie Theorie Morphosyntax |
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