Między prometeizmem a realpolitik: II Rzeczpospolita wobec Ukrainy Sowieckiej 1921 - 1926
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Kraków
Tow. Wydawnicze "Historia Iagellonica"
2010
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Studia z Historii XX Wieku
10 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract Register // Personenregister |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Between prometheism and realpolitik |
| Beschreibung: | 416 s. 25 cm. |
| ISBN: | 9788362261130 |
Internformat
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Między prometeizmem a realpolitik |b II Rzeczpospolita wobec Ukrainy Sowieckiej 1921 - 1926 |c Jan Jacek Bruski |
| 264 | 1 | |a Kraków |b Tow. Wydawnicze "Historia Iagellonica" |c 2010 | |
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| 490 | 1 | |a Studia z Historii XX Wieku |v 10 | |
| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Between prometheism and realpolitik | ||
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 1921-1926 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804143804134981632 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | SPIS TREŚCI
Wstęp
...............................................................9
Rozdział I. Antecedencje
...............................................23
W ogniu i burzy rewolucji. Ukraina między Polską Piłsudskiego
a bolszewicką Rosją
..............................................23
Ryski antrakt
.....................................................31
Rozdział
II.
Kontekst
..................................................45
W granicach
II
Rzeczypospolitej. Ukraińcy w roli mniejszości
..............45
Ukraina Sowiecka
—
status, struktury podległości Moskwie
...............58
Trwały pokój czy zawieszenie broni? Główne etapy stosunków
polsko-sowieckich
.................................................65
Rozdział III. „Oczy i uszy Warszawy. Polska dyplomacja i wywiad na Ukrainie
Sowieckiej
.....................................................83
Placówki dyplomatyczne i konsularne
.................................83
W służbie wywiadu
...............................................106
Rozdział
IV.
Prometeizm czy...? W poszukiwaniu klucza do Ukrainy
...........135
Karta petlurowska
—
ostatnie próby rozegrania
.........................135
Wokół Genui. Miraże polskiej ekspansji gospodarczej
...................147
II
Rzeczpospolita a emancypacja „Ukrainy Rakowskiego
................163
O „polski stan posiadania nad Dnieprem
.............................173
Polska wobec ukraińskiej korenizacji
.................................189
Prometejska konspiracja
...........................................209
Rozdział
V.
Prometeizm
à rebours.
Kwestia irredenty ukraińskiej w stosunkach
polsko-sowieckich
..............................................217
Przed marcem
1923
r. Pierwsza próba sił
..............................217
„Przekształcić ukraiński Piemont w ukraińską
irredente .
Wokół decyzji
Konferencji Ambasadorów
.......................................236
Petruszewycz i inni. Bolszewicy wobec emigracji galicyjskiej
.............241
Operacja „Tiutiun
...............................................252
Pod hasłem obrony mniejszości. Ofensywa dyplomatyczna ZSRR w
1924
r.
.. 263
Wzlot i upadek „czynnego wywiadu
.................................275
Budowanie przyczółków. USRR i zachodnioukraińska scena polityczna
.....294
Rozdział
VI.
Nowe rozdanie. Przewrót majowy i aktualizacja kwestii ukraińskiej
w polskiej polityce
.............................................. 309
Widmo Piłsudskiego. Sowieckie reakcje na zamach majowy
.............. 309
Szukając strategii obrony. Nowe założenia polskiej polityki wschodniej
..... 318
Piłsudczycy
—
powrót do kwestii ukraińskiej
.......................... 323
Aktywizacja ośrodka URL przed przewrotem majowym
.................. 328
Echa wystrzałów na
rue Racine.
Śmierć Petlury i jej konsekwencje
......... 331
Zakończenie
........................................................343
Aneks
..............................................................349
Wykaz skrótów i skrótowców
..........................................367
Bibliografia
........................................................373
Indeks osób
........................................................399
Summary
..........................................................413
BETWEEN PROMETHEISM AND
REALPOLITIK.
THE SECOND POLISH REPUBLIC
VIS-À-VIS
SOVIET UKRAINE,
1921-1926.
(SUMMARY)
The signing of the Peace of Riga in
1921
opened a new era in Polish-Soviet relations.
The terms of a compromise status quo were reached at the peace conference table.
Accepting these terms stabilised the eastern frontier and the Republic of Poland s
international position but it also put an end to
Józef
Piisudski s far-reaching geopolitical
project of splitting the Russian empire into a number of national territories. The
aspirations of the Ukrainians and the Belarusians suffered in particular when their
lands were divided by the newly drawn border.
The treaty negotiated in Riga, contrary to expectations, did not lead to genuine
peace. Soon afterwards the Polish-Soviet cold war started, which threatened to turn
into a hot conflict at many points during the early
1920s.
One of the most important
fronts in this war was Ukraine and the Ukrainian cause. The method of fight, first used
by the Polish side but then successfully employed by the Bolsheviks, was to encourage
centrifugal tendencies in the enemy s territory that would lead to tearing apart the state
along the seams of nationality. The rivalry on the Ukrainian front broke out already
at the time of the Riga conference. Subsequent years saw fights for the souls of the
Ukrainians settled on both sides of the Polish-Soviet border as well as emigrants
scattered abroad. The weapons in this fight were propaganda, diplomacy, nationality
policy, economic concepts, political diversion and armed irredentism. The Polish side,
initially active and in possession of significant trump cards in this conflict, started to
lose the initiative in favour of the opponent relatively soon; by
1926
it would retreat on
all the mentioned fronts. The book is devoted to the vicissitudes of the Polish-Soviet
contest in this particular period.
An important factor in determining the policy of Warsaw was the rise of a separate,
formally independent, Ukrainian Soviet state, bordering with Poland. The creation of
the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, with its own government, state apparatus and
diplomacy, presented an opportunity but also a serious challenge for the Polish side.
On the one hand, high hopes were held for the possible emancipation of Rakovsky s
Ukraine ; on the other hand, it proved very quickly that Kharkiv, while gaining some
414
Summary
attributes of independence, was starting to play an active role in the secret war between
Poland and the Soviets, and with time would even set the tone of the conflict.
Defining a new, cohesive strategy towards Ukraine was not made easier by the
situation on the Polish internal political scene. The
Piłsudskiites
had lost their hitherto
monopoly on shaping the eastern policy already at the time of the conference in Riga
and their influence was further weakened in the following months. Supporters of the
Marshal s concept retained a stronger position only in the Eastern Department of
the Ministry for Foreign Affairs as well as in the headquarters of the Polish military
intelligence, the General Staff s Section II. What was a moment of triumph for the right
wing, hostile to
Piłsudski,
was the formation of the so-called Chjeno-Piast government
in May,
1923,
and, shortly afterwards, the former Chief of State s ostentatious retirement
from public life. However, views approximating those of the National Democracy had
started to dominate Polish foreign policy much earlier. Minister
Konstanty Skirmunt
was a prominent mouthpiece for such ideas, supporting a sort
οι
Realpolitik
towards
the Soviets, which accepted the Peace of Riga as a solid fundament of mutual relations
and strove to take economic advantage of the achieved pacification. One element of
Skirmunt s vision was to attempt economic expansion in Ukraine, which he perceived to
be a natural resource base and ready market for Poland. The programme of the Minister
for Foreign Affairs was part of a broader, European tendency to finish the period of
interventionist policy in Russia. From then on, attempts were made at softening the
Bolshevik regime by way of engaging the Soviets in a network of economic and trade
relations with the West.
For their part, the
Piłskudskiites
did not ignore the economic aspect but their vision
of relations with the eastern neighbour, in particular with Soviet Ukraine, was definitely
dominated by the political moment. Prometheism i, a continuation of the earlier
federalist idea, became the dominant concept in thos|e circles. The project assumed
that Poland would support the development of nationality processes that could break
up the Soviet empire from the inside and lead to the formation of a safety zone on the
Republic of Poland s eastern frontier. The Prometheans initially tied their hopes to
the activities of Ukrainian political and military emigration, who sought an asylum
in Poland. However, after the failure of the so-called Second Winter Campaign, the
role of this factor in Polish politics diminished significantly. From then on, supporters
of the Promethean idea started to count mostly on the evolution of internal relations
in Ukraine and on a gradual emancipation of the Soviet Ukrainian state. Attempts,
although severely limited, were made to support this process and monitor it closely.
Calculations with regard to the gradual gaining of independence by the Ukrainian Soviet
Socialist Republic were seriously thwarted in
1923
as a result of the proclamation of
the Soviet federation. However, this event did not completely ruin the Prometheans
plans. Faced with the new situation, they transferred their hopes to the korenizatsiya
policy, which in the long term could start processes beneficial from the Polish point
of view, not only in Ukraine but also in the other non-Russian borderlands of the
Soviet empire.
An extensive network of diplomatic and consular agencies which was created in
the years
1921-1922
was an instrument of Polish influence in Ukraine. These offices
415
(the main of which was the Polish Legation in Kharkiv) played a very important role,
defending the current interests of Poland and the local Polish population, but they
also performed tasks related to a longer-term Ukrainian policy . Moreover, they
importantly functioned as analysis centres. An unofficial aspect of their operations was
also significant; they were a legal cover used by the intelligence service in the difficult
Soviet territory. The changes that took place at the turn of
1923
and
1924
were a blow
for the Polish activities in Ukraine. As a result of closing down a separate Ukrainian
People s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, but mostly due to the completion of the
mass repatriation of Poles from the East, the network of Polish agencies was liquidated.
The only Polish office in Ukraine was the Consulate General in Kharkiv created in
March,
1924,
which operated as a much more modest organisation than the earlier
Legation. Its powers of action, which were smaller by design, were further limited by
the Bolsheviks deliberate policy of isolating the Polish office. Simultaneously, Soviet
counterintelligence activities against the Consulate scored a number of successes. As
a result, both Polish diplomacy and intelligence found themselves on the deep defensive
in Soviet Ukraine in the years
1924-1926.
Plans for a Polish economic expansion in Ukraine, which had been developed
at the time of the Genoa Conference, faded away, but also the Promethean project
appeared to have theoretical rather than practical significance. From mid-
1923
Polish
activity in Soviet Ukraine started to come to a standstill. First of all, there was a lack
of concept regarding further policy in this region. National Democratic heads of the
Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Marian Seyda and Roman Dmowski, who did not want
to separate the Ukrainian problem from the other Soviet matters, were not interested
in developing such a concept, while for their successors the eastern vector generally
became less significant. In this situation, the disadvantage of neighbouring with
(formally independent and undergoing Ukrainisation) Soviet Ukraine was brought
fully to light. Already at the time of the Riga negotiations, Moscow and Kharkiv
started to consider the possibility of using Ukrainian irredentism, developing in Eastern
Galicia
and Volhynia, against Poland. Almost immediately after the peace treaty was
signed concrete activities were pursued in this area but the project became particularly
relevant two years later. This was connected to the Bolsheviks official declaration
of the policy of Ukrainisation and the decision of the Conference of Ambassadors to
assign Eastern
Galicia
to Poland on
15
March,
1923.
Taking advantage of the resulting
pro-Soviet swing among western Ukrainians, who were also successfully dissuaded
from an agreement with Warsaw by the appalling policy of the Polish administration
in the
Kresy
(Poland s Eastern Borderlands), the Bolsheviks took actions to turn
Soviet Ukraine into propaganda Piedmont . As a result, there was a fast increase of
Sovietophile moods, both among the Ukrainian population in Poland and in the
emigré
circles. Until early
1925,
the Ukrainian armed irredentism played an enormous role in
the Bolsheviks plans. Later, due to wholesale changes in the international situation,
starting an immediate anti-Polish revolt in the
Kresy
was no longer relevant, but the
Soviet side increased their efforts to win footholds of political influence in almost all
Ukrainian parties in the Republic of Poland. Faced with this reversed Prometheism,
416
Summary
Polish authorities were forced on the defensive. Until mid-
1926
they could find no
positive answer to the Soviet strategy they were forced to deal with.
The breakthrough was related to the May Coup and
Józef
Piïsudski s
return to
power in Warsaw. The Marshal was aware that the only solution was to become
decisively more pro-active with regards to the eastern policy, including re-addressing
the Ukrainian issue. Following his guidelines, the new policy-makers decided to make
gestures intended to improve the atmosphere between the state and minorities; they also
reached again for the discarded but not forgotten weapon of Prometheism. Pilsudski s
comeback was received with hysteria by the Soviets, who incriminated the Marshal
in harbouring aggressive plans: to separate Ukraine and Belorussia from the Soviet
Union and to aim for a military confrontation with Russia. There was little truth to
these accusations. The Soviets fears were partly a result of a lack of understanding of
the opponent s real intentions and partly a phantom, cynically created by the Bolshevik
propaganda.
It seems that for
Piłsudski,
Prometheism was primarily a defensive instrument. By
reaching for it, the Polish leader responded to the aggressive policy of the Soviets,
who had been successfully using the nationality issue against the Republic of Poland.
The proletarian Piedmonts (as the facade national republics were presented by the
Soviet propaganda) were to be counterbalanced by the creation of an ideological centre
attracting movements aspiring to true independence from Moscow. Further down
the line, this could lead to geopolitical changes in the East that would be beneficial
to Poland, but the primary goal was to throw the opponent off , to force the Soviet
side to withdraw from the position they had won in the
Kresy
and to focus on internal
affairs.
Piłsudski,
being a pragmatist, was aware that the Republic of Poland s potential was
very limited. Single-handedly provoking national disturbances in the Soviet Union,
achieving the emancipation of Ukraine, Belorussia or Caucasus was in the realm of
dreams. This, however, did not mean that such a scenario could not come true largely on
its own, as a result of a chain of external and internal circumstances that would weaken
the Soviets. If so, Poland, which had long been supporting nationalities oppressed by
Moscow and had influence among their political elites, would have an important trump
card in its hands. In this way Prometheism was a kind of a long-term insurance policy
in case of a desirable but very uncertain implosion of the Soviet empire.
These calculations were probably the most relevant in Ukraine s case, which was key
from the Polish point of view and also the most predisposed to become the epicentre of
shocks that would lead to the Bolsheviks regime being overthrown. After May,
1926
Piłsudski
again faced the dilemma of choosing the strategy that Poland should follow
with regard to Ukraine. Should it be Prometheism, connected to the romantic ideal of
fighting for our and your freedom or hard, unsentimental
Realpolitik,
which would
only consider the Polish d etat
raison?
This dichotomy, however, was fundamentally
flawed. Paradoxically, in the new circumstances idealistic Prometheism would turn
out to be the most sober variety of Polish
Realpolitik.
Translated by Anna Sosenko
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Bruski, Jan Jacek 1969- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1057719676 |
| author_facet | Bruski, Jan Jacek 1969- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Bruski, Jan Jacek 1969- |
| author_variant | j j b jj jjb |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV037211152 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)711807153 (DE-599)BVBBV037211152 |
| era | Geschichte 1921-1926 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1921-1926 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd Ukraine (DE-588)4061496-7 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Polen Ukraine |
| id | DE-604.BV037211152 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T22:53:29Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788362261130 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-021125201 |
| oclc_num | 711807153 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-384 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-384 |
| physical | 416 s. 25 cm. |
| publishDate | 2010 |
| publishDateSearch | 2010 |
| publishDateSort | 2010 |
| publisher | Tow. Wydawnicze "Historia Iagellonica" |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Studia z Historii XX Wieku |
| series2 | Studia z Historii XX Wieku |
| spelling | Bruski, Jan Jacek 1969- Verfasser (DE-588)1057719676 aut Między prometeizmem a realpolitik II Rzeczpospolita wobec Ukrainy Sowieckiej 1921 - 1926 Jan Jacek Bruski Kraków Tow. Wydawnicze "Historia Iagellonica" 2010 416 s. 25 cm. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Studia z Historii XX Wieku 10 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Between prometheism and realpolitik Geschichte 1921-1926 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf Ukraine (DE-588)4061496-7 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Ukraine (DE-588)4061496-7 g Geschichte 1921-1926 z DE-604 Studia z Historii XX Wieku 10 (DE-604)BV023054929 10 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=021125201&sequence=000005&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=021125201&sequence=000008&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=021125201&sequence=000009&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Register // Personenregister |
| spellingShingle | Bruski, Jan Jacek 1969- Między prometeizmem a realpolitik II Rzeczpospolita wobec Ukrainy Sowieckiej 1921 - 1926 Studia z Historii XX Wieku |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4046496-9 (DE-588)4061496-7 |
| title | Między prometeizmem a realpolitik II Rzeczpospolita wobec Ukrainy Sowieckiej 1921 - 1926 |
| title_auth | Między prometeizmem a realpolitik II Rzeczpospolita wobec Ukrainy Sowieckiej 1921 - 1926 |
| title_exact_search | Między prometeizmem a realpolitik II Rzeczpospolita wobec Ukrainy Sowieckiej 1921 - 1926 |
| title_full | Między prometeizmem a realpolitik II Rzeczpospolita wobec Ukrainy Sowieckiej 1921 - 1926 Jan Jacek Bruski |
| title_fullStr | Między prometeizmem a realpolitik II Rzeczpospolita wobec Ukrainy Sowieckiej 1921 - 1926 Jan Jacek Bruski |
| title_full_unstemmed | Między prometeizmem a realpolitik II Rzeczpospolita wobec Ukrainy Sowieckiej 1921 - 1926 Jan Jacek Bruski |
| title_short | Między prometeizmem a realpolitik |
| title_sort | miedzy prometeizmem a realpolitik ii rzeczpospolita wobec ukrainy sowieckiej 1921 1926 |
| title_sub | II Rzeczpospolita wobec Ukrainy Sowieckiej 1921 - 1926 |
| topic_facet | Polen Ukraine |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=021125201&sequence=000005&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=021125201&sequence=000008&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=021125201&sequence=000009&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV023054929 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT bruskijanjacek miedzyprometeizmemarealpolitikiirzeczpospolitawobecukrainysowieckiej19211926 |