Plovdiv prez srednovekovieto: (IV - XIV vek)
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| Main Author: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Bulgarian |
| Published: |
Sofija
Akad. Izdat. "Prof. Marin Drinov"
2009
|
| Edition: | 1. izd. |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | PST: Plovdiv in the Middle Ages. - In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Physical Description: | 535 S. Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9789543223770 9789543223787 |
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| 500 | |a PST: Plovdiv in the Middle Ages. - In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache | ||
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Record in the Search Index
| _version_ | 1804142932429635584 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ
ПРЕДГОВОР (Иван Божилов)
/ 7
УВОД
/11
Дял първи. ПЛОВДИВ В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЯ ЖИВОТ НА ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯ ЮГОИЗТОК
/17
Първа глава
ФИЛИПОПОЛ (ПЛОВДИВ) ОТ
IV
ДО НАЧАЛОТО НА
XI
ВЕК
/17
1.
Филипопол в новата империя Византия и ударите на варварите (началото на
IV
-
края на
VII
в.)
/17
2.
Градът от началото на
VIII
до началото на
XI
в.
/31
Втора глава
ПЛОВДИВ ОТ 40-ТЕ ГОДИНИ НА
XI
ДО КРАЯ НА
XII
ВЕК
/ 55
1.
Нашествия
на печенези, нормани
и кумани на Балканския полуостров и отражението им
върху съдбата на Пловдив от 40-те години до края на
XI
в.
/55
2.
Първи и Втори кръстоносен поход и град Пловдив през периода от края на
XI
до 80-те години
на
XII
в.
/63
3.
Пловдив през
1185-1192
г. Рицарите от Третия кръстоносен поход в града
/ 75
Трета глава
ПЛОВДИВ ПРЕЗ ХШ
- XIV
ВЕК
/103
1.
Градът като владение последователно на Иванко, цар Калоян и рицаря Рение дьо Три
( 1196-
1207) /103
2.
Кой владеел Пловдив в периода
1208-1230
г.?
/125
3.
Пловдив през периода
1230-1263
г.
/139
4.
Съдбините на Пловдив от
1263
г. до средата на
XV
в.
/143
Дял втори. ПЛОВДИВ И НЕГОВИТЕ ГРАЖДАНИ
/191
Първа глава
ТОПОГРАФИЯТА НА ПЛОВДИВ (ФИЛИПОПОЛ) ПРЕЗ
IV-XIV
ВЕК
/191
1.
Разположението на града и неговото развитие до
IV
в.
/191
2.
Обликът на Филипопол през
IV-VI
в.
/ 200
3.
Топографията на града от
VII
до
XTV
в.
/ 214
533
Втора глава
ГРАДЪТ В АДМИНИСТРАТИВНАТА
СИСТЕМА НА
ВИЗАНТИЙСКАТА ИМПЕРИЯ
И НА
БЪЛГАРИЯ ПРЕЗ
IV-XIV BEK
/ 238
Трета
глава
ЕТНИЧЕСКИ СЪСТАВ НА НАСЕЛЕНИЕТО И ДЕМОГРАФСКИ ПРОМЕНИ В ПЛОВДИВ
(ФИЛИПОПОЛ) ПРЕЗ
IV-XIV
ВЕК
/ 266
Четвърта глава
СОЦИАЛНА СТРУКТУРА НА НАСЕЛЕНИЕТО В ПЛОВДИВ (ФИЛИПОПОЛ)
ГРЕЗ
IV-X1V
ВЕК
/283
Пета глава
РЕЛИГИЯ И ЦЪРКВА
/ 305
1.
Кратък преглед на езическите култове във Филипопол през
III—IV
в.
/ 305
2.
Градът в църковната администрация на Византийската империя и на българската средно¬
вековна държава
/ 312
3.
Епископи и митрополити на Пловдив (Филипопол) през
IV-XIV
в.
/ 324
4.
Ортодоксалното християнство и ересите във Филипопол (Пловдив) през
IV-XIV
в.
/ 343
5.
Християнските храмове в Пловдив през Средновековието
/ 377
Шеста глава
ПЪТИЩА, ПРЕМИНАВАЩИ ПРЕЗ ПЛОВДИВ (ФИЛИПОПОЛ) ПРЕЗ
IV-XIV BEK
/ 421
ПРИЛОЖЕНИЕ
/434
ИМЕНАТА НА ПЛОВДИВ ПРЕЗ ВЕКОВЕТЕ
/ 434
1.
Имената на града в античните и средновековните извори
/ 434
2.
Форми на името „Филипополис в западноевропейските писмени извори и в извори от
източен произход през Средновековието
/ 447
3.
Неточности в назоваването и идентифицирането на античния и средновековен град Фили¬
попол (Пловдив)
/ 449
ВМЕСТО ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ/458
БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ
/459
ИЗВОРИ
/ 459
ИСТОРИОГРАФИЯ
/ 467
СЪКРАЩЕНИЯ
/482
АЗБУЧЕН ПОКАЗАЛЕЦ
1/484
АЗБУЧЕН ПОКАЗАЛЕЦ
Π
/ 502
АЗБУЧЕН ПОКАЗАЛЕЦ Ш
/ 517
PLOVDIV m THE lVffl)DIJ:AGES(4TH-14THCENTlJRIES)(SUMMARY)
/ 519
534
PLOVDIV
IN THE MIDDLE AGES
(4TH-14TH CENTURIES)
(Summary)
This research traces the history of Plovdiv throughout
11
centuries
-
from the 4th to
the 14th century and the first decades of the 15th century. The information about the his¬
tory of the city after it fell under Turkish rule until the conquering of the Byzantine Empire
by the OttomanTurks
(1453)
is scarce, therefore the account of the period is quite brief.
The chronological frame (4th-14th c.) corresponds to the early medieval and medieval
epoch of the development of Western Europe and the European Southeast. The history of
the city is explored without taking into account the Ottoman Middle Ages.
Plovdiv has existed as a municipal center since
342
B.C. The Macedonian King
Philip II Amintas, Alexander of Macedonia s father, founded a stronghold on the site of
the Thracian settlement on Trimontium. It became the citadel of the city, named
Philippopolis after its founder-King Philip. In Antiquity and especially in the late Roman
epoch, Philippopolis1 was one of the most opulent metropolises in Northern Thrace
-
a
well-fortified citadel, with excellent orthogonal street network, street water-supply sys¬
tem, aqueduct water-supply, sewerage, a magnificent Forum, huge cult temples, imposing
civil buildings and private residences. Philippopolis remained within the boundaries of the
Eastern Roman Empire after the split of the Roman Empire into Western and Eastern in
395,
at the time of Theodosius I.
The content of the current research has the following structure: Introduction, Sec¬
tion One: Plovdiv in the political life of the European South-East and Section Two:
Plovdiv and its citizens.
Section One comprises three chapters: Chapter One: Philippopolis (Plovdiv)
from the 4th until the beginning of the 11th century with the following paragraphs:
1.
Philippopolis in the new empire of Byzantium and the blows of the barbarians (from the
beginning of the 4th until the end of the 7th century), and
2.
The city from the beginning of
the 8th until the beginning of the 11th century; Chapter Two: Plovdiv from the 1040s
until the end of the 12th century with the following paragraphs:
1.
Invasions of
Pechenegs, Normans and Cumans into the Balkan Peninsula and their impact on the fate
of Plovdiv from the 1040s until the end of the 11th century;
2.
The First and the Second
1
1 use the name Pilippopoiis in the current research many times and almost entirely in the part with the
account of the events until the 10th
с
inclusive. In Bulgarian apocryphal annals, which are dated from the
1
lth c, the name Pluvdiv, corresponding to the contemporary name of Plovdiv, appears for the first time in
a written source. After the 11th century onward I use the name Plovdiv. Nevertheless, in places where the
name Pilippopoiis occurs in the sources, this being almost everywhere, I use Philippopolis alongside Plovdiv
in the quotations and the commentary.
519
Crusades
and the city of Plovdiv from the end of the 11th century until the 1180s;
3.
Plovdiv in
1185-1192.
The knights of the Third Crusade in Plovdiv; Chapter Three:
Plovdiv in the
J
3th-14th centuries with the following paragraphs:
1.
The city under the
rule successively of
Ivanko,
Tsar Kaloyan (Ioannitsa) and the knight
Renier
of
Tri t (1
197-
1207); 2.
Who was the ruler of Plovdiv in the period
1208-1230?; 3.
Plovdiv in the period
1230-1263;
The fate of Plovdiv from
1263
until the middle of the 15th century.
Section Two includes five chapters: Chapter One: Topography of Plovdiv
(Philippopolis) in the Middle Ages
(éth-Mth centuries)
with the following paragraphs:
1.
Configuration of the city and its development until the 4th century;
2.
The countenance
of Philippopolis in the 4th-6th centuries;
3.
Topography of the city from the 7th until the
14th century; Chapter Two: The City in the Administrative System of the Byzantine
Empire and Bulgaria; Chapter Three: Ethnic Structure of the Population and De¬
mographic Changes in Plovdiv (Philippopolis) (4th-14th centuries); Chapter Four:
Social Structure of Plovdiv s (Philippopolis) Population in the 4th-14th centuries.;
Chapter Five: Religion and Church with the following paragraphs:
1.
A Brief review
of he pagan Cults in Philippopolis in the 3rd-4thcenturies
; 2.
The city in the church ad¬
ministration of the Byzantine Empire and the Medieval Bulgarian State;
3.
Bishops and
Metropolitans of Plovdiv (Phlippopolis) in the 4th-14th centuries;
4.
Orthodox Christianity
and heresies in Plovdiv (Philippopolis) in the 4th-14thcenturies;
5.
Christian temples in
Plovdiv in the Middle Ages; Chapter Six: Roads Passing through Plovdiv
(Philippopolis)
-
4th-14th
с
Appendix: The Names of Plovdiv over the Centuries
with the following paragraphs:
1.
The names of the city in sources from Antiquity and the
Middle Ages;
2.
Forms of the name Philippopolis in West-European written sources and
in sources of Eastern origin in the Middle Ages;
3.
Inaccuracies in the naming and iden¬
tification of the ancient and medieval city of Philippopolis (Plovdiv); Bibliography:
Sources and References.
The Introduction provides an explanation of a number of fundamental aspects in the
way the topic was approached. The 4th century is accepted as the beginning of the re¬
search, since this is the time to which most specialists on Byzantine and Medieval studies
ascribe the birth of the new empire of Byzantium. Substantial changes were going on dur¬
ing that century, and the transition from Antiquity to the Middle Ages was being prepared.
This transition was a continuous and difficult process. It is necessary to view the develop¬
ment of Plovdiv in the 4th century, as well as in the following 5th-6th centuries in order to
explain the history of Byzantium and of the city itself in the following centuries. An impor¬
tant argument to begin with the 4th century is the adoption of Christianity as an official
state religion in the Late Roman Empire. This act brought about substantial changes in the
political, social and spiritual spheres.
In the period from the fourth to the fourteenth century Plovdiv was predominantly
Byzantine city as regards its political and ethnic belonging; within a brief period of time it
fell under the reign of the Bulgarian ruler; in the first half of the 13th century and the sec¬
ond half of the 14th century it was a part of the territory of medieval Bulgaria. For about
eight months it was under the power of the French knights from The Fourth Crusade as
Dukedom Philippopolis (November
1204-
June
1205).
Plovdiv was seized by the Turks in
the 1370s when the political power in the city was in the hands of the Bulgarian ruler.
The city is situated in Northern Thrace on the road artery Via militaris, which con¬
nected Europe with Asia Minor. Plovdiv had a very important political, strategic, economic
and agrarian significance in the European South-East in the Middle Ages. It was one of
520
the three most beautiful cities in the Empire of Constantinople according to the marshal of
Champagne and Romania, the Frenchman Villehardouin. Many nationalities were repre¬
sented in medieval Plovdiv
-
a variegated kaleidoscope of ethnicities characteristic of the
larger cities of the Empire. The predominant nationality was the Greek one, followed by
the Armenian and the Bulgarian ones. The latter was unequivocally present and was pro¬
gressively increasing in number after the
1
lth century. Many of the representatives of the
different ethnicities adopted the Greek language and developed Byzantine consciousness.
Thus their original ethnic belonging was deprived of meaning. This is the reason why the
issue of the ethnic character of the city in the Middle Ages has to be viewed with maxi¬
mum impartiality and accurate judgment of historical data.
Much research has been done on separate problems connected with the history of
Plovdiv in the Middle Ages. As many as possible studies have been included and dis¬
cussed in the corresponding sections of the book. The Introduction considers only two
works from Greek historiography, dedicated to the Medieval Plovdiv: the works of K. M.
Apostolidis and of T. Vlahos. They were competently written and are of undeniable sci¬
entific merit, especially K. M. Apostolides s monograph. In T. Vlahos s book a special
emphasis is placed on the Byzantine and afterwards on the Greek ethnic character of the
city. No attention is devoted to the presence of Bulgarian population in it, regardless of the
fact that the sources give an unequivocal testimony to this. Nevertheless, these works are
quoted many times, since their factological value is appreciated.
The history of the city from the beginning of the 4th until the beginning of the 14th
century is viewed in Chapter One of Section One. All changes that had taken place in
the preceding 4th century and that were to happen in the following one or two centuries
affected the big Thracian city of Philippopolis. They determined the political, social and
spiritual development of the empire in the West. During the crucial war for supremacy
between the two Augusts
-
Licineus and
Constantine
in the second decade of the 4th
century Philippopolis was an important strategic centre for the two warring camps. The
future emperor-to-be
Constantine
the Great
(324-337)
frequently stayed in the city. In
361
Emperor Julian
(361-363)
passed through Philippopolis on his way to Constantinople.
At the time of the insurrection of Procopius in
365
Philippopolis was the main centre of
that powerful movement in Thrace. In the sources concerning the 4th century
Philippopolis was presented as a big and famous Thracian city.
Philippopolis had to suffer its first great destruction in the early Byzantine era in
442
by the horde of the Huns led by
Attila.
The city and its vicinities were affected by the
devastating raids of the Goths in the second half of the 5th century. A great Visigoth in¬
cursion followed in
487
with Theodoric the Great (of the royal
Amali
family) in the lead,
which hit the outskirts of the city.
Emperor Justinian I
(527-565)
carried out substantial fortification work on the
Philippopolis stronghold. The construction work was a part of an ambitious programme to
fortify the Thracian cities. In connection with the assaults of the Slavs on the Balkan Pen¬
insula from the middle of the 6th and in the 7th century the conclusion was made that the
Slavs didn t have as their aim to lay a siege on Philippopolis to capture it. The central
diagonal road and the towns on its sides, including Philippopolis, were watchfully guarded
by Byzantium. The empire maintained a powerful garrison in Philippopolis, as well as in
the other towns in Thrace. Despite the serious difficulties in Asia Minor, the empire se¬
cured their safety. In
587
Philippopolis had to suffer a heavy and prolonged siege by the
Avars. Its defenders showed great courage and would not allow its seizure.
521
There is no record of Philippopolis in the sources in connection with political events
in the period from the 7th until the middle of the 8th century. The city remained aside from
the great changes and stir to the north of the Balkan Mountains
(Stara Planina)
and in
southwest direction in the district of
Thessaloniki.
As a central, i.e. inner city in Western
Thrace, Philippopolis and its adjoining vicinities were striking a balance between the two
hot zones of the peninsula
-
the northeastern and the southwestern. However, its sig¬
nificance as an important strategic and economic center on Via militaris was secured in
this period as well.
The appearance of the Bulgarian State in the 680s led to a new administrative con¬
figuration of the Byzantine territories in Moesia and Thrace. In the beginning of the 8th
century
(705)
when Bulgaria received the district of
Zagora,
Philippopolis turned out to be
in proximity to the northern neighbour of Byzantium
-
Bulgaria. Later it would become a
target of the military campaigns of the Bulgarian Khan Krum in
812.
For the first time
Philippopolis was included in the boundaries of the Bulgarian State for a brief period at
the time of Khan Malamir in
836.
During the war between Bulgaria and Byzantium in
864
the city was once again in the territories of the Empire. The unequivocal presence of Tsar
Simeon
(894-927)
throughout Thrace and Macedonia until
927
shows that Philippopolis
acknowledged his suzerainty. At the time of
Tsar Petar
(927-970)
Bulgaria and
Byzantium signed a peace treaty which secured relative stability in Northern Thrace. It is.
not certain, however, whether Philippopolis remained within the boundaries of the Bulgar¬
ian State. It was most probably excluded from them. The Empire insisted on possessing
the forts and towns along the Central Diagonal Road on the Peninsula, and Philippopolis
was one of the most important centers among them. Nevertheless, the southwestern ter¬
ritories, i.e. Macedonia, remained within Bulgaria at the time of
Tsar Petar.
In
970
the city
was Byzantine and as such it suffered a great defeat by Knjaz Svyatoslav. Philippopolis
and its citizens fell victim to the extreme atrocity of the Knjaz of Kiev. For a certain pe¬
riod of time from
970
until the spring of
971
the city was held by the Bulgarians and then
it passed under Byzantine rule again. In the first decade of the
1
lth century Philippopolis
was repeatedly used as an important strategic fortress and an outgouing headquarters for
the Byzantine campaigns with the aim to subdue the Bulgarian State.
Cliapter Two covers the period from the second half of the 11th century until the
end of the 12th century. Important events at that time in Philippopolis were the rebellion
of the Paulician
Leka
- 1078,
the punishment of the squads of the Paulicians from
Philippopolis who had fled from the siege of Durazzo (Dyrrachium) in
1081 ;
the insurrec¬
tion of Travlos the Paulician in
1084
against emperor Alexius I Comnenus; the large-scale
expeditions in
1096,1147
and
1189
of the First, the Second and the Third Crusades. These
are important events that define the political character of Philippopolis as a city with an
especially prominent position in the empire. There was a powerful Paulician Commune in
the city, which successfully defied the central Byzantine authorities.
The pilgrimage of the poor, which was a part of the First Crusade, marched through
Plovdiv with Pierre of Amien in the lead. The residents of the city assisted the pilgrims
with generous gifts. The presence of the crusaders of the Second Crusade in Plovdiv is
also well documented. The existence of a Latin settlement outside the city walls was
mentioned for the first time in the composition of the French chronicler
Odo
of
Deuil
from
the Second Crusade.
The period from the 1080s until the
1
180s coincides with the rule of the distinguished
Comnenus dynasty, Alexius I
(1081-1118)
and Manuel I
(1124-1180)
being among the
522
most renowned of its emperors. At the time of emperor Manuel I Comnenus Byzantium
reached its great economic efflorescence and international prestige. These were remark¬
able years for the city of Plovdiv as well. The sources mention it on many occasions as an
important strategic center with a strong garrison. It provided all conditions necessary for
organizing and maintaining the powerful and numerous troops of the emperor. This was
the reason why the city was an outgoing base for a good many military campaigns. It was
also the place of negotiations with the partners of Byzantium in its foreign affairs.
The Third Crusade from the end of the 1180s was an event of the direst conse¬
quences for Plovdiv. Those who took part in it
-
the German knights, led by emperor
Frederick I Hohenstaufen, stayed in the city for almost five months (from August
1189
until December
1190).
The city suffered severe extensive damage. It was plundered and
turned into a military camp for the crusaders. The city was deserted by the majority of its
residents, but the presence of the Armenians and the Bulgarians was an important fact
which served as the basis for many interesting conclusions in this study. The sources
clearly reveal the strong will of the German emperor to conquer the Byzantine territories
in Thrace. The big and well-developed city of Plovdiv was a major target for the crusad¬
ers. Frederick I was impressed by the treasures of Plovdiv as an important Byzantine
fortress, and from there he sent a letter to his son with guidelines for any kind of help with
the aim to seize Constantinople. Due to the unavailability of the fleet that plan wasn t
carried out. In all chronicles for the first three crusades Plovdiv was presented as a
rich, well-fortified city with abundant food supplies, excellent position and fertile sur¬
rounding country.
Chapter Three covers nearly two centuries of the history of Plovdiv (13th-14th cen¬
turies). Its role and significance were outlined against the background of the dynamic po¬
litical relations in the region. In that period there the interests of Bulgaria, Byzantium, the
Latin Empire, the Nicaean and the Epirus states were intertwined. Not infrequently
Plovdiv played the role of a strategic fort of paramount importance to which all powers
aspired driven by their own interests in the important geographical region of Northern
Thrace.
At the close of the 12th century the big fortress of Plovdiv was entrusted to the Bul¬
garian nobleman
Ivanko.
As he was directly involved in the assassination of Tsar John I
Assen
(1186-1196)
he fled to Byzantium and was appointed governor of the city by em¬
peror Alexius III
(1195-1203).
Shortly after, however, he showed his aspirations for au¬
tonomous rule there. The tsar of Bulgaria
-
Kaloyan (Ioannitsa)
(1194-1207)
also had
serious aspirations for Plovdiv. The joint actions of both of them lasted to the point in time
when Kaloyan found out about the intentions of his compatriot to secede from Byzantium
and to become an independent ruler.
Ivanko
didn t succeed in achieving his aims and the
city remained within the boundaries of Byzantium.
The foreign policy of Bulgaria at the time of Tsar Kaloyan showed a keen interest in
the strategically important city of Plovdiv and its region. Kaloyan seized the city in
1203,
which was confirmed by the refusal to let in it the two former emperors Alexius III and
Alexius V in the spring of
1204.
On April
13,1204
the knights of the Fourth Crusade es¬
tablished the Latin Constantinople Empire with the capital of Byzantium as its centre, con¬
quered by the French and Lombard noblemen and the Venetians. Plovdiv was proclaimed
dukedom by the barons of the empire with the knight
Renier
of Trit as its governor. The
French nobleman arrived in the city with
120
knights in November
1204.
After hostilities
between the knights and the Bulgarian garrison,
Renier
of Trit defeated the resistance
523
and entered the citadel of Plovdiv as the duke of the city. Tsar Kaloyan was busy signing
the union in
Tůmovo
on November
8,1204
which prevented him from reacting quickly
and from putting up a stiff resistance against the Latins at Plovdiv. Kaloyan s great vic¬
tory at the walls of Adrianople in April
1205
forced the Latin knights in Plovdiv to with¬
draw to Stenimahos. On returning from
Serres
the Paulicians of Plovdiv, among whom
there were Bulgarians, called on Kaloyan for help. Bulgarian rule was established in
Plovdiv once again. Events were developing dynamically, and owing to Tsar Kaloyan s
temporary absence from Thrace, the Byzantine aristocracy managed to gain the upper
hand in the city. The nobleman Alexius Aspietes was proclaimed governor of the city. A
punitive campaign against Plovdiv led by the Bulgarian Tsar ensued. The walls of the for¬
tress were demolished and a great number of the citizens were massacred. On the basis
of these well-known events of Plovdiv s political history the conclusion can be drawn that
Kaloyan seized the city twice. After the first seisure Alexius Aspietes was appointed its
governor by the Byzantine aristocracy which raised him to the power of a king.
Who was the ruler of the city in
1208
is an especially interesting issue in the political
history of Plovdiv from the first half of the 13th century. An important event happened in
its vicinities -the battle on August
1,1208
between the armies of the Bulgarian Tsar
Borii
(1207-1218)
and the Latin emperor Henry
(1206-1216).
The Chronicle of Henry of
Valenciennes allows for the conclusion that the city did not fall under Latin rule. After
emperor Henry s victory against Tsar
Borii
at Plovdiv the lands of Alexius Slav in the
Rhodope Mountains, who became vassal of the emperor, were annexed to the Latin
Empire. Plovdiv was not included in this territory and remained within the boundaries of
the Bulgarian state. Three documents from
1219,1228
and
1229
referring to the affairs
of the Latin Empire of Constantinople, contain the name Dukedom of Philippopolis to
which the French and Lombard barons laid claims without even having ruled it. During
the period
1208-1230
the Bulgarian state was the only political power to rule over North¬
ern Thrace. Therefore we can assume with certainty that Plovdiv was within the bound¬
aries of
В
ulgaria in that period. After the great victory of Tsar John II
Assen
(1218-1241)
over the ruler of Epiros Theodore Comnenus on April
9, 1230
at Klokotnitsa, Plovdiv
continued to be under the power of the Bulgarian Tsar.
There are sources for the period
1230-1263
as well which unequivocally testify to
the fact that the city had been seized neither by the Nicaean emperors John Vatatzes
(1222-1254)
and Theodore
Π
Lascaris
(1254-1258),
nor by the ruler of Epirus
-
Theodore
Comnenus, or by the Latin Empire. In
1263
emperor Michael
VIII
Palaeologus restored
Byzantium with Constantinople as its center. He undertook another campaign in Bulgar¬
ian territories and conquered all lands to the south of the Balkan Mountains. The two forts
-
Stenimahos and Philippopolis were also definitely recorded as having been captured by
the Byzantines in the same year.
In the 14th century the political relations between Bulgaria and Byzantium became
complicated. As a result of the conflicts, Plovdiv was alternately occupied either by the
one or the other state. For the first time this happened in
1322
when the Bulgarian Tsar
Georgy II Terter
(1322-1323)
seized the city. The foreign policy of the two Bulgarian
rulers Theodore Svyatoslav
(1300-1322)
and his son Georgy II Terter showed that the
major tendencies
ih
the policy of the
Assenés
were renewed. One of these was the
annexation of territories to Bulgaria, which were populated with compact masses of
Bulgarians. The Sub-Balkan region was that kind of concrete aim. A part of this politi¬
cal programme was to seize Plovdiv as well where there had been significant Bulgarian
524
presence as early as the 12th century and the first half of the 13th century. In
1323,
however, the city was returned within the boundaries of Byzantium by emperor
Andronicus III
(1328-1341).
Plovdiv was well protected by a powerful garrison of
Alans and Moesians, with John the Russian in the lead as commander-in-chief. The
four months siege couldn t defeat its defenders. That is why the irresponsibility and
the lack of insight that led to the city s conquering are bewildering. Cantacusenus ver¬
sion of the fall of Philippopolis in
1323
is most probably inaccurate. The truth is prob¬
ably different because after the unjustified behaviour of the leader of the garrison
-
John the Russian, he retained his high position in the court of the Bulgarian ruler.
Once again in the 14th century the city changed its suzerain. This happened in
1344
when Empress Anna of Savoy surrendered it together with eight other forts to the Bul¬
garian Tsar Ivan Alexander
(1331-1371)
because the empire was not able to control them.
The aim was for Byzantium to receive military support against John Cantacusenus and
the Seljuk Turks. The sources for the following decades show, even though indirectly, that
Plovdiv fell under Turkish power in the 1370s as a city within the boundaries of Bulgaria.
The Turkish chronicles do not offer acceptable chronology for the conquering of
Plovdiv because they suggest much earlier dating. The Byzantine chronicles are more
reliable in that respect. The fall of Plovdiv is connected with the conquering of
Adrianopolis,
which happened in
1369.
However, there is reason to accept a later date,
namely after the battle at Chernomen, i.e. after
1371.
Many opinions are presented, and
Beldiceanu-Steinherr s standpoint, who accepts that
Adrianopolis
was conquered initially
by the non-Ottoman Turks and later, after
1371,
by those of Sultan
Murad
I, is supported.
The research suggests
1370
as the year of the first conquering of Plovdiv by the non-
Ottoman Turks, and the year
1376/7
is suggested as the time of its seizure by the Turks of
Murad
I with the march of
Lala Shahin.
Some aspects Plovdiv s history in the first decades of the 15th century are treated in
this chapter. At the time of the civil war, which Sultan Bayezid s sons waged against each
other in
1409-1410
in Thrace, Plovdiv suffered considerable damage. In the 1440s and
1450s Plovdiv, because of its important strategic significance, was used as a military cen¬
ter for the organization of the invading expeditions of the Ottoman rulers
Murad
Π
and
Mehmed II the Conqueror in the western territories of the Balkan Peninsula.
In Section Two an attempt was made in accordance with the data from the sources
to make a comprehensive presentation of all aspects of life in medieval Plovdiv, connected
with its topographical development, civil and church administration, ethnic composition
and social structure, religion and church, and the roads passing through Plovdiv.
Chapter One of Section Two views the topographic development of Philippopolis in
the Middle Ages. The more significant research works by generations of archaeologists
who have conducted competent and comprehensive studies of the architectural land¬
marks from the Roman, Early Byzantine and Medieval eras of Plovdiv have been se¬
lected among the multiple publications on the archaeological map of Plovdiv. This over¬
view was made with the aim to draw a whole picture of Philippopolis in the period of our
consideration, as a city which has been full of life for more than two thousand years.
As early as its founding in the 4th century B.C., the city has been situated on the
most important site of Plovdiv s topography
-
Trimontium. First, a brief overview of the
development of Philippopolis in Roman times
(lst-3rd
centuries) is made: the fortified
citadel
(3rd
century B.C.-lst century
A.D.),
the second wall of the fortress, built by em¬
peror Marcus Aurelius in
173,
the position of the ancient necropolises which outline the
525
city in
the valley, the Roman orthogonal street network, the Forum, the amphitheatre, the
stadium, the treasury, the large public buildings and private residences. The majority of
them were built in the
2nd
century
A.D.
and were consequently reconstructed, refur¬
bished, and maintained.
The emphasis when viewing the countenance of Philippopolis in the 4th-6th centu¬
ries is placed on the fortification wall which was built in the 4th century and ran along the
line of the wall from the
2nd
century, though enclosing considerably less space. Construc¬
tion work on a large scale was carried out especially on the city gates. The most remark¬
able work of that time was the architectural group on the East Gate. The Forum complex
as the major center of Pilippopolis was also subject to reconstruction and existed until the
middle of the 5th century. After that Philippopolis developed within the enclosure of a
newly-built fortification wall which significantly diminished the area of the city in the plain.
In the 6th century the city was subject to extensive fortifying construction work which
had a fundamental significance for its development. The fortified wall on Trimontium from
the 6th century is clearly outlined. Undisputedly some of the most imposing constructions
throughout Antiquity and especially in the Early Byzantine era in Philippopolis are the
aqueducts which date from the 5th-6th centuries. The following important landmarks
belong to the urban development of Philippopolis in the 6th-7th centuries: the Bishop s
Basilica, three cult buildings near the basilica, the Synagogue, the basilica on Dzhendem
Tepe
Hill, the Residence, the
ΕΙΡΗΝΗ
and Narcissus buildings.
The topography of Philippopolis of the 7th-14th centuries reveals a number of pecu¬
liarities among which is the absence of archaeological layer from the 7th-10th centuries.
Notwithstanding the blows it had suffered the previous centuries
-
especially in the 5th
and 10th centuries (the devastation by the Huns and the pogrom of Svyatoslav), the city
continued to exist. In the following centuries
-
the 7th, the 8th and the 9th the material
culture retained its character from the 5th-6th centuries. There was certain economic
decline
-
no new construction work was undertaken, and the fortifying system of the 5th-
6th centuries was used. After the 7th century the fortified area of the city beyond the hills
was very restricted. One wall encompassed both the citadel and the plain areas. The city
in the plain spread considerably beyond the wall enclosing small sections of the city at the
feet of the hills. There are sections in the wall of Trimontium which are characteristic of
the fortifying construction methods in the nth-Hth centuries. A typical construction phe¬
nomenon in the 11th-12th centuries, which is most clearly visible in the plain area of the
city, are the smaller-size rooms and the rickety buildings held together by earthen mortar.
No layers with architectural remnants from the period 13th-14th centuries have been
found there. As a whole the construction work in the Middle Ages broke away from the
city plan of Antiquity and the Early Byzantine era.
The information in the written sources about the fortification wall of medieval
Philippopolis is reviewed for the topographic description of the city in the period of the
7th-14th centuries. This chapter addresses the issue of water supply in medieval
Philippopolis.
The presence of the city alternately in the administrative systems of the Byzantine
Empire and Bulgaria is considered in Chapter Two of Section Two. By the beginning of
the 4th century Philippopolis already belonged to the Province of Thrace which was in the
diocese of Thrace
-
a part of the prefecture of the Orient in the Eastern part of the Ro¬
man Empire. The administrative governance of the city in the period 4th-7th centuries is
viewed along with all well-known institutions and offices common for the whole empire.
526
Some of them are connected with the heritage from the Roman municipal system, and the
newly introduced offices are accounted for as well. Later on the emperor would appoint
his own administration. The important position and the growing role of the bishop s insti¬
tution and its prerogatives, which comparatively quickly extended over all aspects of the
city s life, are also mentioned. In the 7th century a new administrative organization was
established
-
the theme system. Philippopolis belonged to the Thracian province within
the boundaries of the Thracian theme and it was most probably the main city of the
Thracian theme. The vast Macedonian theme was formed in the beginning of the 9th
century and Philippopolis belonged to it as well, according to many sources.
The written sources from the beginning of the 11th century recorded the formation
of the theme of Philippopolis within the territory of the vast theme of Macedonia. The
names Philippopolis District, Philippopolis Eparchy and Philippopolis Province appeared
at the end of the 12th century besides Theme of Philippopolis. The status of the city within
the borders of the Bulgarian state from
1203
(excluding a brief period of eight months
when Dukedom Philippopolis appeared) to
1263
is treated, during which time it was prob¬
ably a district centre with the administrative name
chora.
In the second half of the 14th
century, when it was included in the territory of the Bulgarian state in accordance with an
agreement, the city became the center of
a chora once
again.
The same chapter presents in a chronological sequence the governors of medieval
Plovdiv, the strategoi, and other offices for which there is data in sphragistic and written
sources. Some of these officials are presented in person. Some sources contain only the of¬
fices without the names of the persons who were their titulars. Extraordinary persons were
connected with the important administrative centre of Philippopolis in the period in question:
emperors, empresses, members of the emperor s family, representatives of the supreme mili¬
tary and administrative power of the empire, clerics and intellectuals. There is information
about ordinary officials holding inferior offices. The information in the written sources and the
seals found in Plovdiv and its region testifies to the existence of these persons.
The ethnic structure of Philippopolis and the demographic changes in it in the 4th-
14th centuries are treated in Chapter Three of Section Two. The city had one of the
most diverse ethnic structures on the Balkan Peninsula in the Middle Ages. The ethnic
pattern there in the early period
- 4^-6^1
centuries shows relative stability of the Thracian
tribal component, the presence of Asian settlers, Hellenised population and little penetra¬
tion of barbarians, though no evidence has been found in the sources to confirm the pres¬
ence of the latter. However, there were most probably representatives of barbarian tribes.
The process of Hellenisation in Thrace, and in Philippopolis respectively, was facilitated
because it had begun as early as the Roman era.
In the 6th and 7th centuries the Slavic presence was almost ubiquitous in the territo¬
ries of the Balkan Peninsula. However, there is no evidence testifying to their infiltration
in Philippopolis. The Slavs seem to have intentionally avoided attacking the city. Slavs
settled and stayed for shorter or longer periods of time in its outskirts, although there is no
record whether this was the case in the city itself. Nevertheless, a number of them had
cartainly penetrated in it and settled permanently there. My conjecture is that these were
isolated cases.
A numerous Jewish community lived in the Medieval era in Philippopolis. The dis¬
covery of the Jewish synagogue is an unequivocal proof of this. It survived until the 6th
century. Jews must have lived in the city after
lhe
destruction of the synagogue, although
there is no record of their presence in the sources.
527
With the emergence of the Bulgarian state in the 680s and more precisely after the
beginning of the 8th century when the district of
Zagora
to the south of the Balkan Moun¬
tains was included in its territory, a process of irregular penetration of Bulgarians into
Northern Thrace began. Bulgarians penetrated into the district and most probably in
Philippopolis at the time of Khan Krum s military campaigns. The Bulgarian ruler started
to relocate the local population of Plovdiv and its vicinities, and this policy was adopted by
Tsar Simeon and by the rulers of the Second Bulgarian Kingdom. This altered the ethnic
pattern in Northern Thrace significantly. The first certain presence of Bulgarians in
Philippopolis can be dated from the 830s at the time of the first annexation of the city to
the Bulgarian state by Khan Malamir, which lasted only for a brief period. In the first
quarter of the 10th century Tsar Simeon had an indisputable political superiority in Thrace
and Macedonia. No record of him conquering the city is known, however, the infiltration
of Bulgarians into Philippopolis undoubtedly increased at that time.
After the final fall of the First Bulgarian Kingdom under Byzantine rule in
1018,
the
Bulgarians became Byzantine subjects. Conditions for internal migration emerged,
though not of large masses of people. Single settlers or groups of population from the
devastated northern territories of Moesia moved into the Thracian lands of abundance.
The undoubtedly higher level of development of economic life: crafts, trade and market
business in the big city of Philippopolis, as well as in the other towns of Thrace, attracted
the residents of the devastated towns in the subdued Bulgarian State. In the period 11th-
12th centuries and mostly in the second half of the 12th century, the presence of Bulgar¬
ians south of the Balkan Mountains, and especially in Philippopolis, was becoming more
apparent.
In the 8th century, along with the relocation of huge masses of Monophisites from
Asia Minor and of Paulicians, Syrians and Armenians settled in Philippopolis. Their num¬
ber continued to grow over the following centuries. The sources about the confessional
pattern in the city in the Medieval era clearly testify to the presence of the large Arme¬
nian community which had its own church and ethnically compact congregation. Repre¬
sentatives of another ethnic group, the Pechenegs, also penetrated into Philippopolis in
the
1
lth and 12th centuries. There is first-hand information about them in connection with
the riot of
Lekas
and Travlos s movement. Cumans infiltrated into the city as well in the
11th and 12th centuries.
The fact that there were Western-European settlers in the city, who resided in a
special quarter outside the walls of the fortified citadel, i.e. the Latin quarter, known from
the second half of the 12th century, is important. There is information about it in connec¬
tion with the Second Crusade. Most probably there had been European representatives
before the middle of the 12th century, i.e. after the First Crusade. At the time of the Third
Crusade at the end of the 12th century other European representatives undoubtedly
settled in Philippopolis as well. The grounds for this assumption are that crusaders from
that campaign stayed in the city for nearly five months. Their presence is justified by the
intense commercial connections of Byzantium with the Western countries, especially in
the era of the Comnenus dynasty.
There is clear data from the end of the 12th century and the beginning of the 13th
century suggesting that the Bulgarians did live in the city. The governor of Plovdiv-Ivanko
relied on his compatriots when he broke away from the empire. Plovdiv was within the
boundaries of the Bulgarian state for almost
60
years since
1203
until
1263
with Bulgarian
military power and administration in it. The Bulgarian ethnic group became even more
528
numerous. The Armenian nationality was one of the three largest groups represented in
Plovdiv. Certainly, the Greek nationality and the representatives of various nationalities
who had been naturalised as Byzantines were the largest proportion of the population in
the city. After the 1260s until the 1340s with the exception of nearly a year
(1322/1323)
the city was in the boundaries of Byzantium. The ethnic structure must have been domi¬
nated by Greek-speaking population with Greek consciousness. After
1344
until its fall
under Turkish rule, Plovdiv was within the territory of Bulgaria
-
a fact which can support
the indisputable presence of Bulgarian population there. This doesn t mean that the rep¬
resentatives of the Greek ethnic group became fewer in number. The Greek ethnic group
was invariably the predominant one throughout the Middle Ages.
Chapter Four treats the social structure of the population in Phoppopolis in the pe¬
riod of our interest according to two aspects:
1)
the general social stratification in the city
is outlined in analogy with the overall social picture in Byzantium, and
2)
the actual social
stratification in the city is investigated according to the data from the sources concerning
Plovdiv directly. The sources provide information about different social strata whose rep¬
resentatives are mentioned either by their names, or by their social standing, i.e. anony¬
mously.
The following periods with specific social structure of the population are outlined:
Early Byzantine society
-
the
4111-6^
centuries with classes and estates typical of the
slave-holding age, and also with the appearance of the
coloni
as a new social group; 7th-
10th centuries
-
a period when the productivity of the slaves and their number decreased,
the Byzantine aristocracy of new descent emerged;
llth-12th
centuries
-
a period of
feudalization of the whole Byzantine social structure and of the urban population in par¬
ticular; 13th-14th centuries
-
the social structure retained its character but the differen¬
tiation in terms of property within the different categories of urban population increased
and new social strata were formed.
A number of important tendencies in Byzantine towns development concerning
Philippopolis as a predominantly Byzantine city at the time are mentioned. In the period
4th-6th centuries the city dominated over its rural surroundings
-
a typical feature of the
metropolises of Antiquity. Throughout the periods that were to follow however, the vil¬
lage dominated over the town
-
a typical feature of Medieval reality. This means that the
process of agrarianization of the town as a typical tendency in the Middle Ages was be¬
coming more intensive. This holds true for Philippopolis as well. All strata of all periods
are viewed: the wealthy owners class of land-holders, average proprietors and produc¬
ers and the poorest categories of urban citizens. The military and the clerical estates are
viewed as well. A maximum number of sources about people mentioned personally or
anonymously, along with their social belonging and their relation to Plovdiv, are com¬
mented.
Chapter Five of Section Two is devoted to the religion and church in Philippopolis
over approximately eleven centuries. Since this is the topic covered by the greatest num¬
ber of sources, it is the most voluminous topic of the monograph. The upper limit of the
period covered by the research begins in the 4th century, which requires some attention to
pagan cults. Convincing arguments show that these cults were worshipped in that cen¬
tury, as well as in the following one. The cults of the most prominent deities from the
pantheon of later Antiquity in Philippopolis are presented. They were closely related to
the local Thracian cults, which had appeared earlier than the classical gods of the
Greek-Roman cult system. Syncretism was an interesting phenomenon in the period of
34
Пловдив
през Средновековието
529
the third and fourth centuries, which was also typical of the worship of cults in
Philippopolis. The union of many important cults was under way. Thus, naturally, the
worship of the unified soteriological cult in the person of Jesus Christ came into being.
The question of Plovdiv s belonging to the church administration of the empire and of
the Bulgarian state is also treated in this chapter. The information employed was primarily
taken from the bishop s notitions of the Constantinople Patriarchate for the period 7th-
15th centuries. In the 7th century Philippopolis had the status of a metropolitan center
with three subordinate bishoprics. In the period from the end of the 8th until the beginning
of the 9th century the bishopric of Philippopolis had eight subordinate episcopates, and in
the middle of the 9th century ten more episcopates were added to the bishop s chair of
Philippopolis. In the 11th century the episcopates from the 9th century were preserved in
their former configuration. In the 12th century Philippopolis appeared in some notitions as
a bishop s center only, and in other notitions from the same century
-
with its ten well-
known episcopal chairs. From the beginning of the 13th century until the 1260s Plovdiv
was within the boundaries of the Bulgarian state and it must have belonged to the diocese
of the Bulgarian church. However, there is no evidence in the sources illustrating this sta¬
tus of the Philippopolis bishopric. One indirect argument that Plovdiv was in the system of
the Bulgarian Church administration is the fact that there are no notitions of Patriarchate
of Constantinople for the 13th century, and the political situation supports this opinion as
well. In the 14th century there was again record of the city with its ten episcopates. In the
1350s the bishopric belonged to the diocese of the Bulgarian Patriarchate.
Much attention is devoted to the bishops who presided the chair pf Philippopolis.
They are traced chronologically and personally throughout the whole period
-
the 4th-
14th centuries. Information for the well-known bishops of Philippopolis can be found in
narrative sources, in minutes from synodal councils and in seals. Some of the bishops are
famous, popular and remarkable persons:
Hermas
(the first bishop of Philippopolis, men¬
tioned in the Holy Script as well),
Lazaros,
Michael
Itálicos,
Basil II,
Constantine
Pantechnes, Manuel,
Damian
and others.
The wide subject of Orthodox Christianity and the heresies in Philippopolis is treated
on the basis of comparatively abundant range of sources. Christ s canonized followers
whose martyrdoms happened in Philippopolis at the end of the third century and the early
fourth century are included. The Council of Philippopolis, which was convened in the city
in
343
by the Eastern bishops who supported
Arianism,
is also considered. It was the
counter-council to the one held in Serdica at the same time.
Heretic teachings are an important part of the confessional history of Plovdiv in the
Middle Ages. On the one hand, they found fertile ground for thriving in the city. On the
other hand, the Constantinople Patriarchate had its own solid and unrivalled supremacy in
Philippopolis. The three most important heretical teachings are viewed: Monophysitism,
Paulicianism and Bogomilism. The composition of the Byzantine princess Anna Comnena
-
Alexiade provides important details about the dissemination of these heresies in
Philippopolis. The presence of the Paulician community in the city and the activities of its
members in the 11th-12th centuries are viewed in greater detail because of the relatively
abundant data in various sources. The Paulicians were a belligerent society which de¬
fended the religious and national identity of its followers. Much attention is devoted to the
important trial against the Paulicians in Plovdiv in 111
5.
The basic characteristics of Bogomilism as another heresy in the city are outlined as
well. This teaching is presented in a different way in comparison with earlier standpoints.
530
The difference between the social practices of the Paulicians and the
Bogomils
is empha¬
sized. The author suggests that the appearance of Bogomilism was most probably con¬
nected with the large-scale dissemination of heresies in Philippopolis and its province.
In Philippopolis there were great numbers of followers of the Armenian Church, who
were arguably ethnic Armenians. This Church rejected the
Chalcedon
Creed which had
proclaimed the equality of God the Father, God the Son and the Holy Spirit as early as the
mid-fifth century. The Armenian Church is monophysitic
-
it acknowledged the divine
nature of Christ, though not his human one. The official Orthodox Church of
Constantinople qualified this Church as heretical. The Armenian Church had a solid pres¬
ence in Plovdiv and even bishops were inaugurated there in the 12th century. The conclu¬
sion is drawn that the Armenians in the city formed three large communities: Armenians-
Paulicians,
Armen
ians-Monophysites and Armenians-Chalcedonists.
The Christian temples in Medieval Plovdiv are also treated in the chapter on the re¬
ligious life in the city. For two of them
-
St George Church and the Cathedral of St Virgin
Mary, dedicated to the patron saint of the city
-
there is unambiguous evidence for their
existence in that era. Six more churches can be named with cartainty: Sv. Marina (St.
Marina), Sv.
Konstantin
і
Elena (St.
Constantine
and Helen), Sv. Spas (St. Saviour or
Lord s Ascension), Sv. Nikola (St. Nicholas), Sv. Arhangeli (St. Archangels), Sv. Dimitar
(St. Demetrius), all of which were certainly functioning before the fall of Plovdiv under
Turkish rule. Information from the travel notes of travellers from the 16th and 17th cen¬
turies are referred to pinpoint other cult sites from the Christian era in Plovdiv.
The text on the Christian temples devotes much attention to The Holy Mother from
Petrich monastery in Bachkovo, not far from Stenimahos (Assenovgrad) with Gregory
Pakourianos as the donor of the church. Its Typikon has an entry which shows that it had
been built in
1083
in Theme Philippopolis . Without contesting its Georgian character,
the author pays attention to the Armenian presence, i.e. to the Armenian Chalcedonists in
it in the first years of its existence, as well as in the 1160s and 1170s.
Chapter Six of Section Two contains information about the roads which passed
through Philippopolis in the Middle Ages. The major tracks had been laid as early as the
Roman era; later they were maintained and exploited in the Middle Ages, and have barely
changed throughout the centuries. This is the case with the most important road passing
through Philippopolis, namely Via
militarìs.
Several roads which were outlined at archeo-
logical excavations are described: Philippopolis
-
Hisarya; Philippopolis
-
Karassura;
Philippopolis
-
Beroia; Philippopolis
-
Anchialos; Eskus
-
Philippopolis; Philipppopolis
-
Tsepina and Philippopolis
-
Stenimahos. In the Middle Ages Philippopolis was connected
with Turnovo by an extension of the road Plovdiv
-
Beroia to Krun, and thence
-
through
the passage of Tryavna, one could reach the Medieval Bulgarian capital (12th-14th cen¬
turies).
The Appendix contains The Names of Plovdiv throughout the Centuries in
sources and research works. Along with the traditional Greek name of Philippopolis, a
number of other names are examined. They testify to phenomena and processes con¬
nected with the life of the city in Antiquity and in the Middle Ages. The names in Medi¬
eval Greek and Latin sources are traced. Some forms from sources of Eastern origin are
included as well. An attempt is made to define approximately the time of their emergence
and also for how long they were used. Explanation is given of the transformations of
some names that resulted in the modern name of Plovdiv. Examples are given of the dif¬
ferent variants of the name Philippopolis. Errors and inaccuracies in the interpretation of
531
texts containing Philippopolis , Philippi or the city of Philip are pointed out, since in
some cases these names refer to the town of Philippi in Macedonia. The names are
chronologically ordered as follows: Kendrisos (Thracian, around the 7th century B.C.),
Eumolpiada (Thracian, the 6th-4th centuries B.C.), Philippopolis (Macedonian and Byz¬
antine from the 340s B.C. to the end of the 19th century), Trimontium (Roman, the lst-
3rd centuries
A.D.),
Julia Philippopolis (Roman, the
1st
century
A.D.),
Flavia
Philippopolis (Roman, the
1st
century A. D.), Ulpia Trimontium (Roman, from the begin¬
ning of the
2nd
century to the middle of the
3rd
century), Pulpudeva (Thracian, from the
4th century B.C. to the end of the
3rd
century), Plupudiv, Plupdiv, Pluvdin (Slavic, after
the 6th century according to an assumption, although not in written sources), Plodiv
(Slavic, in the written sources from the 11th century). After the 1370s the Turkish name
of Filibe appeared.
This monograph was defended as a dissertation work for the conferment of the
scientific degree of Professor of Historical Sciences in November
2001.
I would like
to express my gratitude to the members of the Department of Medieval Bulgarian
History at the Institute of History at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences who took
part in the discussion of the work. I would also like to express my gratitude to the
reviewers of my work
-
Academician Vassil Giuzelev, Professor Doctor of Histori¬
cal Sciences Ivan Bozhilov, and Professor Doctor of Historical Sciences
Krassimira Gagova, who contributed to the higher quality of the work with their
recommendations.
In
1986-1987
I had my specialization in Byzantine Studies at the Dumbarton
Oaks Institute in Washington, DC, USA, where I had the opportunity to use the rich
Research Library of the Center for Byzantine Studies. I wish to express my deep
gratitude and appreciation to the board of the Trustees for Harvard University, the
Director Mr. Robert W. Thomson and the staff of Dumbarton Oaks at that time,
where I had the honour and pleasure to work.
532
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| language | Bulgarian |
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| spelling | Dančeva-Vasileva, Ani Ja. Verfasser aut Plovdiv prez srednovekovieto (IV - XIV vek) Ani Dančeva-Vasileva 1. izd. Sofija Akad. Izdat. "Prof. Marin Drinov" 2009 535 S. Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier PST: Plovdiv in the Middle Ages. - In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 300-1400 gnd rswk-swf Plowdiw (DE-588)4076178-2 gnd rswk-swf Plowdiw (DE-588)4076178-2 g Geschichte 300-1400 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020319434&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020319434&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Dančeva-Vasileva, Ani Ja Plovdiv prez srednovekovieto (IV - XIV vek) |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4076178-2 |
| title | Plovdiv prez srednovekovieto (IV - XIV vek) |
| title_auth | Plovdiv prez srednovekovieto (IV - XIV vek) |
| title_exact_search | Plovdiv prez srednovekovieto (IV - XIV vek) |
| title_full | Plovdiv prez srednovekovieto (IV - XIV vek) Ani Dančeva-Vasileva |
| title_fullStr | Plovdiv prez srednovekovieto (IV - XIV vek) Ani Dančeva-Vasileva |
| title_full_unstemmed | Plovdiv prez srednovekovieto (IV - XIV vek) Ani Dančeva-Vasileva |
| title_short | Plovdiv prez srednovekovieto |
| title_sort | plovdiv prez srednovekovieto iv xiv vek |
| title_sub | (IV - XIV vek) |
| topic_facet | Plowdiw |
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