Nekropole iz doba antike i ranog srednjeg veka na lokalitetu Čik: = Cemeteries from antiquity and early Middle Ages at Čik
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| Main Author: | |
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| Format: | Book |
| Published: |
Beograd
Arheološki Inst. [u.a.]
2009
|
| Series: | Posebna izdanja / Arheološki Institut
46 |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Physical Description: | 183 S. Ill. 2 Tafeln |
| ISBN: | 9788680093673 |
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Record in the Search Index
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| adam_text | САДРЖАЈ
УВОД
8
ГЕОГРАФСКО
ОДРЕђЕЊЕ ЛОКАЛИТЕТА
10
ИСТОРИЈАТ ИСТРАЖИВАЊА
12
САРМАТСКА НЕКРОПОЛА
НА ЧИКУ
14
УВОДНЕ НАПОМЕНЕ
14
КАТАЛОГ
САРМАТСКИХ
ГРОБОВА
15
ОБИЧАЈИ
САРМАТСКОГ
САХРАЊИВАЊА
НА ЧИКУ
19
АНТРОПОЛОШКИ
КОМЕНТАРИ
САРМАТСКИХ
САХРАНА
21
НАЛАЗИ
ИЗ
ГРОБОВА
САРМАТСКЕ НЕКРОПОЛЕ
22
Накит
22
Прибор
24
Керамичке посуде
25
САРМАТСКА НЕКРОПОЛА НА ЧИКУ
-
СТРАТИГРАФИЈА
И
ЗАКЉУЧАК
26
РАНОАВАРСКА НЕКРОПОЛА НА ЧИКУ
28
УВОДНЕ НАПОМЕНЕ
29
КАТАЛОГ РАНОАВАРСКИХ
ГРОБОВА
79
ОБИЧАЈИ РАНОАВАРСКОГ САХРАЊИВАЊА
НА ЧИКУ
84
АНТРОПОЛОШКИ КОМЕНТАРИ РАНОАВАРСКИХ САХРАНА
87
НАЛАЗИ ИЗ
ГРОБОВА РАНОАВАРСКЕ
НЕКРОПОЛЕ
87
Ношња
-
појасне
гарнитуре и
накит
101
Прибор
111
Новац
112
Оружје
120
Коњаничка опрема
122
Алат
125
Керамичке посуде
133
СТРАТИГРАФИЈА
РАНОАВАРСКЕ НЕКРОПОЛЕ НА ЧИКУ
137
РАНОАВАРСКА НЕКРОПОЛА НА ЧИКУ
-
ЗАКЉУЧАК
146
SUMMARY
155
БИБЛИОГРАФИЈА
164
ТАБЛЕ
146
IVAN BUGARSKI
CEMETERIES from Antiquity
and Early Middle Ages AT
ČIK
Summary
supervision of Professor
Jovan Kovačević,
from
1968
to
1972.
With three hypothetical grave ensembles
and the graves that were destroyed in
1968,
their
total number came to at least
150.
One cannot de¬
termine with certainty whether the entire area of
the cemeteries was archaeologically demarcated and
explored, i.e. that all the graves were unearthed. An
anthropological analysis was performed and published
in two articles
(Éry
1988;
Éry
1990).
Almost all the preserved material from the ceme¬
tery in
Čik
is kept in the City Museum in
Bečej,
except for a small number of finds that are housed
in the Museum of
Vojvodina
in
Novi Sad.
The pre¬
served documentation is kept in the City Museum in
Bečej
and in the Provincial Institute for the Protec¬
tion of Cultural Monuments in
Novi Sad.1
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE of
Čik
is located on a
hill beside a stream that bears the same name. It lies
between two roads in the area of
Bačko Petrovo
Selo,
in a place that used to be the property of an
agricultural collective.
Bačko Petrovo Selo,
which is
situated at the point where the
Čik
rivulet flows into
the
Tisza
River, in the far eastern part of
Bačka,
represents an excellent example of a place that, for
specific reasons, served as a settlement during seve¬
ral periods: traces of human habitation in prehisto¬
ric, Sarmatian, early medieval and late medieval
times have been recorded in the area of the modern
settlement.
The village is located on the border between an
alluvial plain
-
flood area
-
and a loess plateau. In the
past, before modern hydro-regulatory works, such
seams between geomorphological units were often
populated since, on the one hand, they were protec¬
ted against river floods and, on the other, they
provided better possibilities for utilisation
(Bugarski
2008: 450-451).
It may thus be assumed that the
cemeteries in
Čik
were connected with settlements,
certainly because of the large number of burials, and
that the settlements to which they belonged should
be sought nearby, on the mentioned ridge. Those
settlements, of the Sarmatians and the Avars, would
either be in
Bačko Petrovo Selo
itself, or more to the
north towards
Mol
or, alternatively, more towards
the south and the town of
Bečej
(Fig.
1).
During archaeological excavations on the locality,
exploration was carried out on
134
graves under the
The cemetery has not yet been published but se¬
veral years after the completion of archaeological
works, it was designated by the research supervisor
as a site containing evidence that a Sarmatian popu¬
lation had been living in
Bačka
over a longer period
of time, until the end of the sixth and the beginning
of the seventh century. According to this view,
female Sarmatian graves would correspond to Early
Avar male graves, in the context of Avar exogamy,
i.e. the taking of concubines from among the auto¬
chthonous Sarmatian population
(Ковачевић
1977:
31 ).
What was not taken into consideration were the
stratigraphical relations of the graves on the locality
-
the entire plan of the site is missing, or perhaps
was never drawn
-
or the fact that it is practically
impossible for ensembles of artifacts that are so
characteristic of one epoch to appear in a series of
graves in a cemetery that has been dated to a much
later period. Here, I underline ensembles of objects,
1
I would like to thank my colleague
Ivana Pašić
of the
Provincial Cultural Heritage Preservation Institute in
Novi Sad.
as well as Branislava
Mikić-Antonić
of the City Museum in
Bečej
and
Stanko Trifunović
of the Museum of
Vojvodina,
the insti¬
tutions in which I gathered the documentation and worked on the
material. The drawings of the finds from the
Čik
cemetery were
done by my colleague
Aleksandar
Kapuran in
the City Museum
in
Bečej
and, to a lesser extent, in the Museum of
Vojvodina
in
Novi Sad.
Presented on the plates are all the available finds
-
those that have been preserved and were possible to draw
-
but
not all the finds that are mentioned in the catalogue.
147
CEMETERIES from Antiquity and Early Middle Ages
AT
ČIK
as opposed to the finds of individual artifacts from
earlier epochs in later stratigraphical units, which is
common in archaeological practice.
First a distinction should be made between the
Sarmatian and the Avar graves so as not to »disrupt«
the general image of the Avar cemetery, i.e. the pre¬
cision of its statistical and stratigraphical analyses.
SARMATIAN CEMETERY
Graves No.
18, 20, 23, 26, 27, 29, 31, 40, 41, 53,
62, 70, 80, 86, 130
and
133
can be considered to be
Sarmatian. Therefore, there were
16
Sarmatian gra¬
ves in all, which was
11.94%
of the total number of
explored graves on the site.
Some of these graves were determined with
absolute reliability, by means of characteristic finds,
others with the help of less characteristic finds that
one could describe as Sarmatian rather than Avar ma¬
terial, also bearing in mind the stratigraphy and the
north-south orientation of the graves, which, how¬
ever, in itself is not completely reliable as regards
ethnic attribution.
The fibulae, coupled with a ceramic beaker made
on a fast wheel from grave
26,
were the most cha¬
racteristic in this sense (Figs.
5-9).
By comparing
some other finds from clearly identified graves, i.e.
biconical ceramic spindle whorls with unequal cone
heights, with artifacts found in more modest graves,
it was possible to attribute some other graves to the
group of Sarmatian burials.
The finds that one could definitely ethnically
attribute to the Sarmatians dated from the second
century: that is how all the Sarmatian graves in
Čik
were dated. Testimony in support of such a relatively
brief duration of Sarmatian burials in
Čik
was also the
fact that the number of their graves was proporti¬
onally small and, moreover, they were distributed
more regularly.
In itself, the stratigraphical image of the cemete¬
ry clearly showed that some of the Sarmatian graves
had been damaged by the subsequent digging of
Avar graves. In the methodological sense, the sub-
positioned graves were clearly older than those which
were super-positioned. That was the case, looking
from west to east, with the Sarmatian graves
31, 80
and
62.
Naturally, intersections were possible between
graves that were much closer in time, but the combi¬
nation of stratigraphy and mere dating of Sarmatian
material still testifies to a chronological difference
between the Sarmatian and Avar burials in
Čik,
or,
in more precise terms, to a chronological caesura of
more than
350
years.
After the analysis of finds and a reconstruction
of the situation plan, it became obvious that the
Sarmatian burials were arranged in two lines on a
west-east axis. Graves
86, 40, 70
and
53
were the
northernmost ones unearthed, at least as far as the
situation has been reconstructed. Among these was
grave
41,
without grave-goods; however, according
to the orientation and position of the grave pit, it
was possible to attribute this burial to the oldest,
Sarmatian horizon.
The southern line of Sarmatian burials was defi¬
ned by graves
31, 80, 18, 62, 29, 23, 20
and
27,
over
a notably wider area. So, three graves in this zone
were damaged by Avar burials. On the plan of the
site (Plan
1),
the graves of the Sarmatian cemetery
represent group
1
of the burials.
Of the graves that were not entered in the situa¬
tion plan, graves
26
(explored in
1968), 130
and
133
may be attributed to the Sarmatian cemetery. Thus,
it was not possible to establish the positions of all the
Sarmatian burials but still the lines of their spread
were determined. As for possibly unexplored Sarma¬
tian graves, when observing the plan of the site one
gets the impression that the Sarmatian cemetery
may have extended primarily in the northern belt
or, perhaps, even further northwards.
A comparison of the lines of Sarmatian burials
with the micro-location map (Fig.
2),
which also
applies to the Avar burials, did not yield a more spe¬
cific conclusion: the burial terrain was on a gentle
slope (elevation
80.00
m-
81.50
m), over awide area,
so it seems that the micro-topography was not of
great importance during the formation of either the
Sarmatian cemetery, or, for the most part, the one
from the period of Avar domination. Nevertheless,
one could observe that grave
27
was positioned on
somewhat higher ground.
The cemetery in
Čik
represents one of the archae¬
ological confirmations of the Sarmatian presence in
Bačka
in the second century. On the nearby locality of
Salaš,
also in the area of
Bačko Petrovo Selo,
finds of
weapons were unearthed that were also attributed to
the Sarmatians
(Mikić-
Antonie
1989:
cat. no.
37, 38).
We may mention some other places in
Bačka
where
traces of the Sarmatians presence were found. In
most cases, these were Sarmatian horizons at multi-
layered (often two-layered) sites. This fact complies
148
IVAN BUGARSKI
with the thesis from the geographical introduction
-
that on several occasions, some places in
Pannonia
were recognized as good positions for establishing
settlements.
Like in
Čik,
a Sarmatian and an Avar cemetery
were found in the nearby Ada, on the site of the For¬
mer brick-factory
Komloš,
with a vertical stratigraphy
(Риц
1979: 27).
Sarmatian settlements were also
found on the locality
Botra
-
Zidar
and on two other
sites in the vicinity of
Bečej
-
Donje Ugaranice
and
Beljanska
Bara
(Микић-Антонић
1989).
In the
Subotica
area is the large cemetery of
Subo¬
tica
(Szabadka)
-
Verušić.
This was a Sarmatian ce¬
metery, in the area of which graves dating from the
eleventh century were dug
(Секереш
1998: 116).
One should also mention the three Sarmatian settle¬
ments in the vicinity of
Horgos (Horgos)
-
localities
6, 67
and
80
were attested during protective excava¬
tions and dated wider, from the end of the second to
the fourth century
(Ђорђевић
1990: 119-121).
In
Bačka Topola
(Topolya),
on the locality of
Ban¬
kert -
Klanica,
a cemetery was unearthed with more
than
180
Avar graves of various dating. On the same
locality there was also a cemetery with more than
40
Sarmatian graves (Mrkobrad
1980: 89,
note
581).
A
Sarmatian and an Avar cemetery were also observed
on a locality in Mali
Iđoš
(Kishegyes):
of the total of
115
explored graves, more than
30
were attributed
to the Sarmatians
(Dimitrijević, Kovačević, Vinski
1962: 44-48).
The Sarmatians, a population of Iranian-south
Russian origin, started arriving in
Pannonia
at the
beginning of the first century, immediately after the
Romans conquered the
Pannonian
Plain, where they
encountered a mixed autochthonous population, over
whom they ruled for four centuries. In
Pannonia,
the
Sarmatians adopted a settled way of life and an agri¬
cultural economy
(Димитријевић
1975a:
34;
Коваче-
вић
1977: 29).
Thanks to the diplomatic skills of the
Emperor Traianus
(98-117),
the Jazyges, previously
bitter enemies of the Empire, were won over to the
camp of Roman allies. However, relations between
them remained changeable throughout the following
decades
(Димитријевић
1975a:
38-39).
One should
point out that, after Traianus founded the province
of
Dacia
in
107
AD, and included Southern
Banat
in
the Empire, the Jazyges stayed in
Bačka.
Through
the sparsely populated area of Western
Banat,
they
were able to carry out raids in northwestern Upper
Moesia
(Мирковић
1981a:
76).
Therefore, their lands
between the
Tisza
and the Danube
-
which were not
included in the Roman state
-
remained a kind of
corridor which, starting with the final decades of the
second century, other tribes also used for making in¬
cursions into Lower
Pannonia,
northeastern
Dalmaţia
and Upper Moesia. The Jazyges attacked Moesia as
soon as Traianus died. Fierce wars were also waged
during the reign of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius
(161-180).
After a major Roman defeat, the emperor
managed to win a complete victory in
175
AD
(Ди-
митријевић
1975a:
39;
Мирковић
1981b:
89).
The consequences of the defeat were very severe,
especially for the Jazyges in Southern
Bačka.
Among
other things, they were forced to retreat from the
banks of the Danube and from the river islands:
»The geographic position and nature of their land
had bound them to the high river banks, safe from
flooding and favourable for grazing cattle, but also
to the rivers where they could fish and trade«
(Димитријевић
1975a:
39-40).
For this reason, new clashes followed very soon,
after which the Emperor Marcus Aurelius granted
the Jazyges some benefits. Aiming for a lasting
peace and for as complete a process of Romanisation
as possible, Marcus Aurelius intended to found two
more provinces
-
Sarmatia and Marcomania
-
but
his death thwarted this plan. Still, during the reign
of the Emperor Commodus
(180-192),
the Jazyges
were Roman subjects
(Димитријевић
1975a:
40).
Despite the stormy political history of the second
century and the conflicts, material of Roman prove¬
nance in Sarmatian graves in
Čik,
as was usually the
case on Sarmatian sites, testifies to the fact that the
nearby Empire exerted a powerful cultural influence
on the Sarmatians.
EARLY AVAR CEMETERY
A total of
121
Early Avar graves were explored on
the archaeological site of
Čik.
The graves were
arranged densely, with a gap of just a couple of
metres between them, mainly in a northwest-south¬
east direction. The grave pits, where they were visi¬
ble, were usually of a rectangular shape, frequently
tapering off towards the feet. Grave constructions
were mainly non-existent, except for traces of a
wooden construction in one grave and corner-placed
nails in another. Besides, hollows were observed in
several grave pits above the skull or beneath the
feet. The depth of the grave pits ranged from
0.9
to
2
metres. The deceased were usually buried in an
extended supine position with the forearms exten¬
ded beside the body. Researchers observed that they
were sometimes wrapped in a cloth to protect the
body from the soil in the grave.
Food was often deposited in the grave pits, in
dishes or without them. The majority of vessels were
149
CEMETERIES from Antiquity and Early Middle Ages
AT
ČIK
found in the area near the feet, where other food
was most frequently deposited, reflected in the finds
of animal bones, often the thigh-bones of bovine
cattle. An egg was discovered in one grave. With the
exception of an imported dish from grave
92
(Fig.
117),
there were no wheel-made vessels: all the
vessels belonged to the so-called
Tisza
type (Figs.
107-116).
As in other cemeteries, the remaining
grave goods were divided into typically male or fe¬
male goods, and those for which it was difficult to
make a gender attribution. In the first group were
certainly weapons (Figs.
99-103),
or tools (Figs.
105,
106),
and parts of belt sets (Figs.
81-86);
in the other
-
spindle whorls or needle cases, for example. Knives
and dishes were found in the graves of persons of
both sexes. Therefore, as was customary, the people
buried in
Čik
were also interred, equipped and
clothed. Generally speaking, the burial practice
mainly did not deviate from the ordinary, with the
exception of two interesting examples that will be
briefly described here.
One of the chief characteristics of the cemeteries
from the period of Avar supremacy were horsemen s
graves. Only one was found in
Čik,
grave
28,
dated
to the beginning of the seventh century, which was in
keeping with the generally fewer numbers of horse¬
men s graves in cemeteries from the later phase of
the so-called First Khaganate. The number of buried
horsemen later grew once again, with the arrival of
new settlers in the second Avar wave
(Ковачевић
1977: 121).
The ritual for horsemen s burials in
Čik
was unusual: the bones of the horse were positioned
above those of the horseman, i.e. on a thicker layer of
soil placed over the deceased (Fig.
20).
Rare exam¬
ples of a similar type of burial have been mentioned.
One should point out that the selected location for
this burial was a slightly elevated part of the
cemetery. The buried dog in grave
75
was also a rare
occurrence.
The analyses of remains from the graves led to
the conclusion that the burials in the cemetery from
the period of Avar domination belonged to its early
phase
-
from the arrival of the Avars in these regions
in
567
to about
670
AD. The first date was confirmed
by the appearance of the earliest Avar material, while
the second corresponded to the results of serological
analyses of human bones conducted by I.
Lengyel.
According to this expert, the cemetery was in use for
80 ±20
years
(Éry
1988: 55).
Thus, burials in the Avar
cemetery in
Čik
went on for
100
years, at the most.
The chronological determination of the graves was
performed by dating the goods that were found in
them, on the basis of which it was possible to classify
the groups of burials (Plan
1).
Naturally, Group
1
of
the graves in our locality consisted of burials of the
Sarmatian cemetery of the second century.
Group
2,
on the other hand, consisted of the
earliest Avar burials in the early medieval cemetery,
which went on until the end of the sixth century.
They were positioned in the central part of the
explored surface. This included graves
32, 49, 59,
57, 78, 83, 51, 45, 85, 39, 72, 73, 46, 71, 95, 15, 10,
88, 107, 106, 117, 108
and, probably,
38
and
122.
To the south, southeast and north of Group
2,
there were graves dated to the first half of the
seventh century. Some of these graves were dated
more specifically, to
600-625
AD and, in fewer
cases, to
625-650
AD. These were the graves of
Group
3.
Sub-group 3a consisted of graves, dating
from that time, positioned to the north of Group
2,
i.e. graves
82, 84, 52, 61, 87, 58, 42, 77, 66, 67, 68,
50, 81, 43, 60, 65, 69, 44, 76, 63, 56, 47, 96, 99, 98,
90, 91, 105, 104, 113, 116
and
120
and, most
probably, all the unmapped graves from the early
medieval cemetery from the last two campaigns,
except grave
122,
which was attributed to Group
2.
Sub-group 3b consisted of graves that were positi¬
oned to the south of Group
2.
Moving from west to
east, they were graves
22, 21, 12, 33, 34, 13, 24, 79,
14, 74, 17, 6, 5, 11, 55, 64, 25, 7, 94, 16, 93
and
92.
Sub-group 3c consisted of graves in the southeastern
peripheral area of the cemetery. These were graves
located in a slightly elevated area: a horseman s grave
28,
dated to the beginning of the seventh century, a
wealthy male grave
30
and grave
2,
dated to the first
half of the same century, and graves
4, 3, 8
and
19,
which were surrounded by those mentioned above.
Grave
35,
from the easternmost periphery of the
cemetery, most likely, also belonged in this group.
Finally, the latest burials in this cemetery were
from the second half of the seventh century, up to
about
670
AD. We attributed them to Group
4.
Except for graves
97
and
103,
which were farther on
to the northeast, these burials were positioned in
the middle of the area of graves belonging to sub¬
group 3b. From the northwest to the southeast, first
of all grave
54,
dated in
650-675
AD, of a prominent
male person, which formed an intersection with the
Sarmatian grave
62;
there was also grave
48,
which
could even be dated to a later year, and grave
9
with
the same dating as grave
54.
Also interesting was the disposition of the graves
in Group
3,
which were dated to a slightly later
period of its duration
-
i.e. to
625-650
AD. Directly
next to Group
4
was grave
17,
of a prominent female
person. After a certain spatial caesura (graves
45
and
79),
there was grave
60
which intersected slightly
earlier Avar grave
43,
as mentioned; then there was
150
IVAN BUGARSKI
grave
77,
once again containing a prominent female
person. Nearby was grave
61,
which apparently was
plundered, and also dated from
625-650
AD. These
four
-
graves
17, 60, 77
and
61 -
can be treated as
graves of Sub-group
3/4.
It is possible that some of
the nearby graves of Group
3,
the broader dating of
which was to the first half of the seventh century,
also belonged to this sub-group
-
for example graves
79, 74, 42, 58, 84,
which may have actually been
graves from the second quarter of that century.
Namely, it seems that the graves from Group
4,
with a somewhat later dating, simply continued
eastward, to the sequence of graves in Sub-group
3/4.
Graves
77, 17
and
54
had a significant inventory
and one could assume that from about
625
to about
670
AD, wealthier and other graves were dug in the
area of earlier Avar burials, fully attested by the
relation between graves
60
and
43.
Perhaps one could establish a connection here
with the historic event of the failed campaign against
Constantinople in
626,
which had numerous conse¬
quences in the Khaganate. One of the most obvious
was that the leadership had to somehow discipline
their clans: the question arises as to whether this
disciplining was reflected in
Čik,
in a kind of negation
of the sacral, funerary space. This practice would
primarily have to have had a powerful symbolic
meaning. Still, one should stress that this interpre¬
tation of the intention to use a burial space is impos¬
sible to prove by archaeological methods.
As a cause of the change in the plan of burials,
micro-topographic circumstances, it seems, can be
ruled out (Fig.
2).
Neither should one assume that the
cause lay in the arrival of members of some new clan
from the domicile regions: the process mainly took
place at the time when the cemetery in
Čik
ceased to
be active, and was reflected in a more drastic change
of material culture than the one found in this ceme¬
tery. Still, one can approach the problem from another
angle. The above-ground markings that the graves
in
Čik
could have had often ceased to be visible
within
20-50
years, so this was perhaps an uninten¬
tional usurpation of an older burial space. However,
the few graves from the third quarter of the seventh
century, in about
670
AD, marked the end of burials
in
Čik.
The clans that arrived in this period were not
buried in
Čik.
It would be futile to venture into a detailed
description of the historical events that took place in
the
100
years when this cemetery was in use. It is
sufficient just to note that the three dates that were
mentioned represented turning points in the earlier
history of the Avar presence in Europe. From
567
AD
on, and especially until
626,
the Avars were expan¬
ding and were mostly very successful. The majority
of researchers believe that the so-called middle
phase of their state began with the arrival of new
clans in
670/680
AD. According to the established
and mainly accepted division, on which various
authors differ only in the details, the transitional
period lasted during the last two or three decades of
the seventh century and in the first, or the first two,
decades of the eighth, while the Late Avar period
lasted until the beginning of the ninth century
(Dimitrijević
1967: 232-235;
Garam
1987).
A perception that does differ from this division is
embodied in the old and perhaps somewhat neglec¬
ted arguments of I. Kovrig, who maintained that the
middle phase started in the second third of the
seventh century, when the Khaganate came up
against great difficulties (Kovrig
1963: 224-228).
The change of the burial plan at the cemetery in
Čik
could perhaps, in very indirect terms, support I.
Kovrig s proposition, but certainly to a lesser extent
than the changes in the economic structure of Avar
society after
626
AD, which will be discussed in
more detail below.
It is possible, therefore, to attribute the finds of
material culture in
Čik
to the earlier period of Avar
domination. The nomadic character of some of the
finds is reflected primarily in numerous objects made
of bone and horn, such as so-called disentangling
hooks (Fig.
106),
parts of whip handles (Fig.
104)
and, especially, the spouts of leather bottles (Fig.
98).
The latter, of which there were few in
Čik,
re¬
present an obviously nomadic heritage. According
to
F. Daim,
this group of finds contains some Late
Hun reminiscences
(Daim
2003: 518).
Iron tools, on the other hand, represent chrono¬
logically less sensitive material, but finds of these
turn out to be very important for judging the cha¬
racteristics of the buried population. The modest
archaeological records of agricultural tools used by
the Avars is interpreted by the fact that their settle¬
ments have remained largely unexplored, i.e. that
only two Avar settlements, the
Dunaújváros
and the
site of
Eperjes,
were published in monographs
(Daim
2003: 484).
In
Čik,
sickles (Fig.
105)
appeared in only
three graves, as did wood-carving tools. A pruning
hook
( ? )
was found in one grave, while finds of whet¬
stones were recorded in several graves. The graves in
which iron tools were found in this cemetery were
mainly dated to the end of the sixth and the begin¬
ning of the seventh century, and a few of them in
the period before the end of the sixth century.
The finds of tools deviate from the earlier stand
that persisted about the purely nomadic character of
the bearers of the so-called First Khaganate. It was
151
CEMETERIES from Antiquity
anã
Early Middle Ages
AT
ČÍK
already in the writings of J.
Kovačević
that this
population was presented in a different light. The
geographical characteristics of the
Pannonian
Plain
themselves did not enable a constantly nomadic life,
nor should one equate the movements of the Avars,
who were evidently a military-horsemen population,
with nomadic movements. The few unearthed settle¬
ments testify to this fact
(Ковачевић
1977: 154-155),
but
Čik
itself also represents the cemetery of an
early settlement. R.
Kory
also put forward the view
that the forms of Asian nomadic life could not be
applied on European soil, and so permanent settle¬
ments were already formed in the Early Avar period
(Kory
2002: 613-614).
To the west of the Carpathians, the topographical
and land conditions are very different from those in
the vast steppes of central Asia. The terrain is far less
spacious, it is »fragmented,« therefore it was not
conducive to either a nomadic life or the nomadic
way of waging war.
Alföld,
the Great Hungarian
Plain, the most extensive pasture land in Europe,
represents less than
4%
of the corresponding area in
Mongolia. Upon crossing the Carpathians, the logis¬
tics of the nomadic political and military force
collapsed: this mountain range represented the final
western boundary of nomadism (Lindner
1981: 3,
6-9, 14-16, 19).
F. Daim
allows for the nomadic
orientation of the Avars only during the earliest
period of their presence, i.e. mainly in the sixth
century
(Daim
2003: 518).
Supporting this is also the impression that, in
Vojvodina,
the Avar settlements that were dug in
the loess (rather than settlements in tents) most
probably soon became permanent
(Станојев
1996:
5).
J.
Kovačević
(Ковачевић
1977: 23)
writes that,
among the data about the Avar way of life in Asia,
recorded by Zacharius the Rhetor, a sixth century
Syrian author, there was one account of how they
lived there in tents. The difference in the concept of
a home also indicates a change in the way of life, i.e.
the abandoning of nomadism.
As for the initial Avar settlers, comparing the
stratigraphical picture of the cemetery in
Čik
with
data from the anthropological analysis
(Éry
1990:
T.I) made it possible to conclude that, in the oldest
group of Avar graves on the site, Group
2,
eight
adult males were buried, aged between
37
and
56
years, four women aged between
45
and
70
and two
younger women, aged about
20,
along with eight
children. Neither does this comparison corroborate
the idea about the arrival of nomadic warriors.
Furthermore, the economic base of the perma¬
nently settled Avar population had to be agriculture,
particularly bearing in mind the change of economic
model after
626
AD. In short, many other empires
of the steppes would have come to an end, but the
Avars succeeded in transforming into a settled society,
which was to survive for almost two more centuries
(Pohl 2003: 593).
As already stressed, the disaster at
Constantinople caused fundamental changes in the
Khaganate: deprived of the massive tributes, the
valuables they took as ransom for Byzantine priso¬
ners and loot, the Avars exchanged their war economy
for the development of agriculture and, especially,
animal farming, along with a minor volume of trade
(Daim
2003: 481).
Still, the »Slavisation« of the eco¬
nomic base of the Khaganate did not produce any
such change in the cultural domain
(Pohl 1988: 330).
One might add that the changes after
626
AD,
though significant, were not so radical. By all accounts,
they were not reflected in a drastic change in the
way of life, but rather in intensifying the process of
accepting a settled way of life, which can already be
observed in the sixth century. Testimony of this are
not only the sporadic finds of agricultural tools in
graves dated to the period before
626
AD, but also
the very territorial disposition of Early Avar sites,
which we shall describe in more detail below.
The population buried in
Čik
should be viewed
through the proposed key: therefore, they were not
nomads, at least not in the strict sense of the word,
but a population that had settled and, evidently, had
used agricultural and artisans tools. The rather low
percentage of finds of military equipment is also
conspicuous in this context.
Some other finds also testified to the non-
nomadic, settled character of the buried population,
i.e. to the changes that were gradually taking place
in Avar society. These were primarily items that
belonged to grooming sets, originating from female
graves. Also recorded was the find of a pendant
-
cross, in a wealthy female burial. It is noticeable
that the repertoire of finds from the earlier phase of
Avar presence was more diverse than the one from
sites of a later date. It seems that the very reason for
this lies in the dual character of the buried
population. In older settlement cemeteries, such as
Čik,
former nomads were buried, who had lost this
determinant after having settled in one place.
More luxurious finds in graves testified to a
certain social stratification, and not to ethnic diver¬
sity. In this context, graves
17, 77
and
92,
in which
such an inventory appeared, were dated to a later
period, between
625
and
650
AD, while grave
73,
in
which the spout of a leather bottle was discovered,
was dated to the sixth century. Nevertheless, the
observation of these indicative units did not lead us
to conclude that a social stratification had occurred
152
IVAN BUGARSKI
among the Avars at one specific moment, by their
accepting a settled way of life, and relinquishing
nomadism. Naturally, such stratification was also
present in nomadic societies.
Grave
77
can actually serve as the paradigm of
the processes that were ongoing, the course of which
could be monitored in the cemetery. In this grave,
that of a younger female person, an imported groom¬
ing set (Fig.
96)
appeared together with a vessel with
four bosses fitted symmetrically beneath its rim (Fig.
110).
Such vessels, as presented convincingly by T.
Vida
(1992),
were distinctive of the ancient nomadic
tradition. Thus, observed in the context of an early
settlers cemetery, this grave was primarily an illustra¬
tion of the process of accepting the new (imported,
luxurious), which did not imply the a priori rejection
of the old (traditional, nomadic).
Although the processes of social stratification of
the Avar settlers intensified as time went on, they
never resulted in absolutely abandoning the tradi¬
tions of a nomadic society. As observed by
F. Daim,
these traditions were strong enough to survive the
fundamental changes in the political geography of
Europe. However, due to the strength of these tradi¬
tions, the Khaganate was unable to transform into a
medieval state. This process was carried out in the
Pannonian
Plain only later, by the Hungarian king
Stephen
(Daim
2003: 523).
Determining social stratification is, incidentally,
a very important aspect of the exploration of ceme¬
teries. However, no significant patterns were esta¬
blished in this context in
Čik,
save the fact that the
very existence of this phenomenon was commented
on above. We noted that the only horseman s grave
in the cemetery was positioned on slightly more
elevated ground, along with several other graves.
Later ones, some of them wealthy, were dug on the
site of earlier burials, possibly on purpose. We also
recorded that some graves in
Čik
had been disturbed,
either by the use of mechanisation, or by looting, so
this was another reason why it was impossible to
carry out a more thorough analysis of the social
stratification of the cemetery.
Finds, primarily, of jewelry and belt elements
made of precious metals originated from a total of
11
graves, which represented
9.09%
of all the Avar
period burials in the cemetery. Gilded finds were
unearthed only in two graves
(14
and
103),
while
others, made of silver, originated from graves I,
17,
22, 28, 30, 44, 78, 92, 103
and
108.
These were
attributed mainly to the first half of the seventh cen¬
tury, except for graves
78
and
108,
which were from
the previous century. On examining the situation
plan, it was possible to see that these graves were not
grouped in a specific part of the cemetery. Generally,
the analysis of the horizontal stratigraphy of the ce¬
metery indicated the existence of spatial planning,
in the sense that the burial area had changed as time
elapsed: thus, groups of burials were formed accor¬
ding to a chronological, not a societal principle.
In the preceding pages we discussed the pheno¬
mena of an originally nomadic, Early Avar popula¬
tion s settlement, and the changes in social relations
that this settlement produced, insofar as we were
able to do so successfully, based on the overall pic¬
ture of our cemetery. Besides that, what is of crucial
importance for an assessment of the period of Early
Avar domination is certainly the effort to decode the
ethnic composition of the Khaganate. We therefore
need to endorse a somewhat broader view of the
Early Avar determination of the buried population.
The European period of the Avars history began
with their arrival in the
Pannonian
Plain. Natu¬
rally, this was preceded by the Asian period, which
in a way reaches back to the earliest, rather vague
references by Herodotus
(Ковачевић
1977: 11).
It
is difficult, however, to definitely equate those
»ancient« Avars with those who came to the
Pannonian
Plain.
On analysing a central Asian Turkish source and
critically intoned reports about the Avars by Theo-
phylactus Simocatta, and when applying appropriate
comparisons, W.
Pohl
concluded that the origin of
the Avars was heterogeneous and that they were
primarily an interest group of warriors, who, after
having suffered a defeat, moved westward. Because
they were successful on that route, people joined
them; and subsequently, the old, prestigious Avar
name was used more widely. A sense of belonging to
this ethnic group developed, regardless of the fact
that there could have been no real connection in the
sense of any roots
(Pohl 2003: 574-579).
Thus, the
Avars could also be viewed as a »political ethnos«
(Pohl 1988: 329).
Finally, the sudden disappearance of the Avars
from European sources after
822
AD is evidence that
the key component of their identity was their inte¬
rest in conquests and loot: after the devastating de¬
feat that resulted in their loss of all power, the Avar
identity in Europe disappeared relatively quickly too
(Pohl 2003: 586-588).
As it has been written, the
Avar tradition was so strong that the state which the
former Asian nomads founded in Europe, survived
for two and a half centuries, and yet it was not
strong enough for their ethnic identity to survive
the final loss of military and political might. The
Avars were no longer able to absorb defeat, as they
had been after
626
AD. It was then that some of the
153
CEMETERIES from Antiquity and Early Middle Ages
AT
ČIK
subordinate groups seceded, but the core, although
diminished, survived (Geary
2007: 195).
As for the ethnic image of the Khaganate, one
should mention that the Avars successes against
Byzantium attracted adventurers and settlers, and
the acquired wealth of the Avar elite
-
merchants
and traveling craftsmen. Besides, the political changes
in the East, many of which we know nothing about,
certainly caused an inflow of refugees into the Car¬
pathian basin
(Daim
2003: 480).
We may add that the element which supports the
multi-layered interpretation of the phenomenon of
the Avars is the verified diversity of the anthropolo¬
gical types in the Early Avar cemeteries. Thus, pre¬
vailing in the cemetery of
Čik
was a dolicho-mesocran
Europoid population. This series differed significantly
from the common Avar series and resembled those
from the »Sauromatian
-
Sarmatian period«
(700
ВС
- 200
ВС),
i.e. indicated their origin as being in the
steppes of western Kazakhstan and, partly, in the
Lower Volga region and the southern Ural. Popula¬
tions like the one in
Čik,
who arrived in the Carpa¬
thian basin at the time of Avar supremacy, did not
represent large masses of the population
(Éry
1990:
35, 36).
In more recent literature, authors have mainly
insisted on the multi-layered character of the ethno-
genesis of early medieval populations, in the sense
that, by reason of the policy of conquest and/or de¬
fence against others, multilingual conglomerates of
members of various ethnicities, including defeated
tribes and slaves, assembled around a core
-
a group
of warriors. Such conglomerates continued to fun¬
ction under the leadership of the mentioned warrior
core
-
gens
-
who were the bearers of tradition and
name. In this context, the ethnogenesis of the
Lombards and the Bavarians has been well described
(Bowlus
1995: 149, 152-158),
and the rapid increase
in the numbers of the European Huns, as well as
their demise, was explained by their acceptance of
various newcomers. The medieval nomadic tribes of
Eurasia, most often formed because of external mili¬
tary threats, represented political organisms that were
open to anyone who would accept the domination of
the leader and share the interests of the members of
the tribe (Lindner
1982: 698-701, 703).
Thus, historians have gradually accepted the idea
according to which the subjective factor is crucial
for the existence of ethnicity
-
belief in belonging to
a group of common origin, encouraged by small
groups of high status-the bearers of tradition
(Pohl
1998: 20-21)
and accepted by the rest on the basis
of common interests (Lindner
1982: 700),
who, in
essence, contribute to the tradition by doing military
service (Geary
2007: 90).
It is believed that flexible
categories, such as the aforesaid belief, are more sig¬
nificant for the formation of social groups than the
factors which social studies previously valued more
-
culture, language, race, geographical determination
(Brather
2000: 175-176;
Geary
2007: 90).
F. Daim
also placed the »we« consciousness above other cri¬
teria
-
endogamy, settlements, religion and/or cult,
homogeneous material culture
-
each of which have
different expressional values in the matter of deter¬
mining an ethnicity
(Daim
1982: 63-64).
As for objects of material culture, even of clearly
determined origin, they should not be automatically
attributed exclusively to members of one ethnic
structure. In this connection it has been written
that the archaeological Avar culture cannot be
viewed one-sidedly, as an expression of Avar ethnic
identity
(Pohl 2003: 589).
A telling remark is that
finds of an Avar belt and weapons in a grave,
especially in the peripheral areas of the Khaganate,
could easily have belonged to a person who spoke a
Slavic language and considered himself a Bulgarian
(Pohl 1998: 42).
Another consideration may be that
only ensembles of objects and customs can be the
basis for ethnic determination, but not individual
objects, which as such can only testify to the »ethnic
practice« that gave them context and meaning
(Pohl
1991: 47).
The ethnic interpretation of remnants of
the culture of a population is even considered imper¬
missible, if this population cannot, even indirectly,
be shown to possess an awareness of belonging to a
tribe that is handed down only through written or
oral traditions
(Daim
1982: 58-59).
Such an inter¬
pretation of finds of material culture would be
practically impossible if one accepted the stand that
the ethnic »self-identity« of early medieval popula¬
tions is actually impossible to determine (Geary
2007: 104).
The said view, it seems, is too exclusive,
bearing in mind the mechanisms of the ethnic auto-
perception described in the previous paragraphs.
In the light of all that has been said, one should
point out that
Čik,
as well as other cemeteries in
Bačka
from the epoch of Avar domination, were largely
Avar in the cultural sense. What is emphasised here,
therefore, is a cultural rather than an ethnic Avar
identification, precisely because it is obvious that
the ethnogenesis of the Avars was multi-layered and
misty, and that their Khaganate embraced populati¬
ons of various origin. Likewise, the Avar settlements
are viewed in a chronological rather than an ethnic
context
(Kory
2002: 613).
One cemetery that differs from the rest is the
early one in Vajska (Brukner
1982),
an archaeologi¬
cal site with a completely different, Roman funerary
154
IVAN BUGARSKI
tradition.
In the other cases, the cemeteries contained
skeletally buried deceased, interred in uniform
fashion, mainly in Avar dress and with objects of
material culture that were more or less of distinctly
Avar origin, with occasional finds of objects of
foreign, mainly Byzantine origin, and frequent finds
of items whose ethnic attribution cannot not even
remotely be defined.
The people buried at these cemeteries were Avars
(in the broader sense) and, alongside of them, most
probably members of other ethnic and anthropolo¬
gical structures. These would primarily have had to
be Slavs or Germans, as well as members of other
originally nomadic groups, principally
Bulgars.
The
question is whether some Rhomaioi lived
-
and were
buried, even in their dress
-
with the Avars, which
might be expected primarily in the peripheral areas
of the Khaganate, such as Srem, which had once
been controlled by Byzantium.
The minorities and ethnic groups subordinated
to the Avars were not entirely assimilated, but they
were not untouched by those processes
(Pohl 2003:
581).
Still, it is impossible to prove the assumption
that members of other ethnic groups were buried in
Čik.
Nevertheless, one should reckon with Slavs,
who were buried skeletally, because the number of
attested funerals of cremated deceased in these
regions is symbolic, although one should remember
that such burials are more difficult to recognize in
the field than skeletal ones. A long time ago scholars
wrote about the early Southern Slavs having known
and practiced skeletal burials simultaneously with
cremating their deceased. Certainly, the spread of
Christianity largely contributed to this custom dying
out, but that factor should not be overrated. Even
before the Christian influence strengthened, the
Slavs may well have copied the funerary practice of
the Avars, Germans, Rhomaioi...
(Гарашанин, Кова-
чевић
1950: 198;
Филиповић
1959: 121).
Also, it would be illogical and incorrect to assume
that the Germans disappeared from the region in
568
AD. Some of the defeated Gepids went to Italy
with the Lombards, others fled to Byzantium, while
the majority remained, and lived in their villages
under Avar authority. Some of these Gepids made up
a significant military force under Avar command,
while others lived a peaceful village life
(Pohl 2003:
579-580).
Their burials, just like those of the Slavs,
are probably hidden in the numerous, and as we have
stressed, in the cultural sense, Avar cemeteries.
Irrespective of the heterogeneous ethnic compo¬
sition of the Khaganate and the existing tradition of
a nomadic society, this was a population that settled in
Pannonia
at an early date. It must be said once again
that the newly arrived Early Avar population
-
sub¬
sequently the deceased in
Čik
-
respected the natural,
geomorphological rules of populating a terrain.
In that context, one could mention sites in
Bačka
of a corresponding chronological determination, with¬
out describing them here and elaborating on their
geographic/geomorphological conditions, since this
has already been done
(Bugarski
2008).
The Early
Avar localities in
Bačka
were also treated separately
in a review presented by M.
Takács (Takács
2000:
459-462).
In addition to
Čik,
a group of the earliest
localities in
Bačka,
which can be more or less reli¬
ably connected with the Avars, includes
Subotica,
Lovćenac, Gunaroš, Kula, Stapar, Kupusina, Prigrevi-
ca,
Sonta,
Kolut, Bački
Monostor,
Apatin,
Bečej and
Bačko Gradište.
Traces
of settlements exist in
Gunaroš
(Анђелић2003),
Kolut
(Трифуновић
1997: 117-119)
and Apatin
(Јанковић
1998).
In the main, all of these
places clearly rely on the geomorphological conditi¬
ons and are distributed along three main lines: the
Danube and
Tisza
rivers, and across the central part
of
Bačka,
in the valley of the Krivaja River.
It has been concluded that the Early Avar popu¬
lation stationed itself in places which were sustainable
for permanent settling in the geomorphological sense,
creating communication lines. The establishment of
such lines was characteristic of the expansion of a
certain population in a new territory. In general,
according to the model offered, one could impose a
settlement character on all the localities on the seams
of different geomorphological units, regardless of
whether they have only been partially explored and,
as such, have sometimes been inadequately expressed
in the archaeological sense. The cemeteries positi¬
oned along these lines would represent settlement
cemeteries
(Bugarski
2008: 450-451).
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Bugarski, Ivan 1975- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1052976786 |
| author_facet | Bugarski, Ivan 1975- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Bugarski, Ivan 1975- |
| author_variant | i b ib |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV035840109 |
| callnumber-first | D - World History |
| callnumber-label | DR2093 |
| callnumber-raw | DR2093 |
| callnumber-search | DR2093 |
| callnumber-sort | DR 42093 |
| callnumber-subject | DR - Balkan Peninsula |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)424880002 (DE-599)BVBBV035840109 |
| era | Geschichte 580-700 gnd Geschichte 100-500 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 580-700 Geschichte 100-500 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Vojvodina (Serbia) Antiquities Bečej (DE-588)4242408-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Vojvodina (Serbia) Antiquities Bečej |
| id | DE-604.BV035840109 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T22:05:51Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788680093673 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-018698452 |
| oclc_num | 424880002 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 183 S. Ill. 2 Tafeln |
| publishDate | 2009 |
| publishDateSearch | 2009 |
| publishDateSort | 2009 |
| publisher | Arheološki Inst. [u.a.] |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Posebna izdanja / Arheološki Institut |
| spelling | Bugarski, Ivan 1975- Verfasser (DE-588)1052976786 aut Nekropole iz doba antike i ranog srednjeg veka na lokalitetu Čik = Cemeteries from antiquity and early Middle Ages at Čik Ivan Bugarski Cemeteries from antiquity and early Middle Ages at Čik Beograd Arheološki Inst. [u.a.] 2009 183 S. Ill. 2 Tafeln txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Posebna izdanja / Arheološki Institut 46 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 580-700 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 100-500 gnd rswk-swf Funde Archaeology, Medieval Serbia Vojvodina Burial Serbia Vojvodina Civilization, Ancient Serbia Vojvodina Excavations (Archaeology) Serbia Vojvodina Awaren (DE-588)4004021-5 gnd rswk-swf Sarmaten (DE-588)4105355-2 gnd rswk-swf Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd rswk-swf Gräberfeld (DE-588)4071980-7 gnd rswk-swf Vojvodina (Serbia) Antiquities Bečej (DE-588)4242408-2 gnd rswk-swf Bečej (DE-588)4242408-2 g Gräberfeld (DE-588)4071980-7 s Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 s Sarmaten (DE-588)4105355-2 s Geschichte 100-500 z DE-604 Awaren (DE-588)4004021-5 s Geschichte 580-700 z Arheološki Institut Posebna izdanja 46 (DE-604)BV039717423 46 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018698452&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018698452&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Bugarski, Ivan 1975- Nekropole iz doba antike i ranog srednjeg veka na lokalitetu Čik = Cemeteries from antiquity and early Middle Ages at Čik Funde Archaeology, Medieval Serbia Vojvodina Burial Serbia Vojvodina Civilization, Ancient Serbia Vojvodina Excavations (Archaeology) Serbia Vojvodina Awaren (DE-588)4004021-5 gnd Sarmaten (DE-588)4105355-2 gnd Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd Gräberfeld (DE-588)4071980-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4004021-5 (DE-588)4105355-2 (DE-588)4071507-3 (DE-588)4071980-7 (DE-588)4242408-2 |
| title | Nekropole iz doba antike i ranog srednjeg veka na lokalitetu Čik = Cemeteries from antiquity and early Middle Ages at Čik |
| title_alt | Cemeteries from antiquity and early Middle Ages at Čik |
| title_auth | Nekropole iz doba antike i ranog srednjeg veka na lokalitetu Čik = Cemeteries from antiquity and early Middle Ages at Čik |
| title_exact_search | Nekropole iz doba antike i ranog srednjeg veka na lokalitetu Čik = Cemeteries from antiquity and early Middle Ages at Čik |
| title_full | Nekropole iz doba antike i ranog srednjeg veka na lokalitetu Čik = Cemeteries from antiquity and early Middle Ages at Čik Ivan Bugarski |
| title_fullStr | Nekropole iz doba antike i ranog srednjeg veka na lokalitetu Čik = Cemeteries from antiquity and early Middle Ages at Čik Ivan Bugarski |
| title_full_unstemmed | Nekropole iz doba antike i ranog srednjeg veka na lokalitetu Čik = Cemeteries from antiquity and early Middle Ages at Čik Ivan Bugarski |
| title_short | Nekropole iz doba antike i ranog srednjeg veka na lokalitetu Čik |
| title_sort | nekropole iz doba antike i ranog srednjeg veka na lokalitetu cik cemeteries from antiquity and early middle ages at cik |
| title_sub | = Cemeteries from antiquity and early Middle Ages at Čik |
| topic | Funde Archaeology, Medieval Serbia Vojvodina Burial Serbia Vojvodina Civilization, Ancient Serbia Vojvodina Excavations (Archaeology) Serbia Vojvodina Awaren (DE-588)4004021-5 gnd Sarmaten (DE-588)4105355-2 gnd Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd Gräberfeld (DE-588)4071980-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Funde Archaeology, Medieval Serbia Vojvodina Burial Serbia Vojvodina Civilization, Ancient Serbia Vojvodina Excavations (Archaeology) Serbia Vojvodina Awaren Sarmaten Gräberfeld Vojvodina (Serbia) Antiquities Bečej |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018698452&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018698452&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV039717423 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT bugarskiivan nekropoleizdobaantikeiranogsrednjegvekanalokalitetucikcemeteriesfromantiquityandearlymiddleagesatcik AT bugarskiivan cemeteriesfromantiquityandearlymiddleagesatcik |