EU +?-: odnos građana Hrvatske prema pridruživanju Republike Hrvatske Europskoj Uniji
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| Main Authors: | , , |
|---|---|
| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Croatian |
| Published: |
Zagreb
Filozofski Fak. : Grupa za Ženska Ljudska Prava B.a.B.e.
2007
|
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Physical Description: | 223 S. graph. Darst. |
| ISBN: | 9789531753043 |
Staff View
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Record in the Search Index
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| adam_text |
SADRŽAJ
Predgovor.
.7
1.
UVOD
.11
1.1
Pozadina istraživanja: eurointegracijski procesi
u teorijskim modelima i istraživanjima
.11
1.1.1
Neka određenja eurodispozicijskih pojmova
.11
1.1.2
Eurodispozicije i eurosentimenti u tranzicijskom kontekstu
.13
1.1.3
Polazišni modeli u istraživanjima EU-tematike
.14
1.2
Pozadina istraživanja: ljudska prava i rodna jednakost
u kontekstu eurointegracija
.17
1.2.1
Skica hrvatskog eurointegracijskog puta
.17
1.2.2
Ljudska prava i rodna jednakost kao
temeljne vrijednosti Europske unije
.19
1.2.3
(Ženska) ljudska prava i spolna ravnopravnost u Hrvatskoj:
formalna i provedbena razina
.22
1.3
Specifičnosti i distinktivnost projektnog istraživanja
.26
2.
METODOLOGIJA ISTRAŽIVANJA
.29
2.1
Konceptualna struktura anketnog upitnika
.29
2.2
Opis anketnih instrumenata
.31
2.2.1
Stavovi prema Europskoj uniji
.31
2.2.2
"Nezavisni sklop"
-
¡nformiranost
о
EU, vrijednosno-stavovska
i sociodemografska obilježja
.32
2.3
Pretestiranje anketnih instrumenata
.35
2.4
Provedba anketnog istraživanja
.37
2.4.1
Uzorak i način odabira ispitanika
/са
.
37
2.4.2
Realizacija uzorka
.39
2.4.3
Provedba ispitivanja
.40
2.4.4
Odaziv ispitanika/ca
.40
2.5
Kontekstualni utjecaji u vrijeme provođenja terenskog istraživanja
.43
3.
REZULTATI
.45
3.1
Opći vrijednosni i
stavovskí
odnos građana prema Europskoj uniji
.46
3.1.1
Deskriptivna razina analize
.46
3.1.2
Multivarijatna razina analize
.53
3.2
Evaluacija učinkovitosti i vrijednosti Europske unije
.58
3.2.1
Utjecaj Europske unije na stanje u zemljama članicama
.58
3.2.2
Vrijednosti Europske unije: usporedba stanja u Europskoj uniji
i Republici Hrvatskoj
.65
3.2.3
Prava ranjivih grupa: zaštita u Europskoj uniji i Republici Hrvatskoj
. 71
3.3
Uvjeti/kriteriji pridruživanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji
.74
3.4
Informiranost hrvatskih građana
о
Europskoj uniji
.82
3.5
Posljedice pridruživanja i članstva Hrvatske (u) Europskoj uniji
.90
3.6
Temeljne vrijednosne i
stavovské
strukture
.102
3.6.1
Politički stavovi
.102
3.6.2
Nacionalni ponos
.111
3.6.3
Seksizam
.115
3.7
Čimbenici stava
о
ulasku Republike Hrvatske u Europsku uniju
.119
3.8
Ljudska i građanska prava žena i položaj žena u Hrvatskoj
.122
3.8.1
Percepcija promjena u području radnog prava
zbog pridruživanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji
.122
3.8.2
Procjena stanja u tradicionalnim područjima diskriminacije žena
.126
3.8.3
Iskustva diskriminacije po spolu/rodu na radnom mjestu
.130
3.8.4
Kredibilitet ustanova za zaštitu u slučaju
kršenja prava zbog spolne/rodne pripadnosti
.135
3.8.5
Obitelj kao mjesto generiranja i perpetuiranje rodnih nejednakosti.
139
3.8.6
Rodne nejednakosti u trokutu posao-obitelj-djeca
.145
3.8.7
Rodne neravnopravnosti u brizi za djecu
.150
4.
ZAKLJUČAK
.155
4.1
Europska unija i eurointegracijski procesi
.156
4.2
Vrijednosne i
stavovské
strukture
.164
4.3
Prava i položaj žena u hrvatskom društvu
.166
4.4
Povezanost osobnog stava
о
ulasku Hrvatske u EU
sa svim istraživanim tematskim sklopovima
.169
5.
BIBLIOGRAFIJA
.171
Summary.
.177
Prilog: anketni upitnik
s
pregledom rezultata
.193
Bilješka
о
autorima
.223
CULIG
·
KUFRIN
·
LANDRIPET
Summary
The quantitative survey "Attitude of Croatian citizens towards Croatia's mem¬
bership in the
EU", on
which this publication is based on, was designed as
a national study of informedness, attitudes and beliefs of Croatian citizens
related to the
EU,
Croatia's accession to the
EU
and its membership in this
supranational political and economic community. Special emphasis was put on
certain aspects of the effects of accession and membership, particularly on
the legal and implementory harmonization with the
EU
standards in the area of
protection of human rights and gender equality. The study was conducted for
the purposes of the project "Exploring unknown sites of the European Union
-
guided tour through labyrinth of regulations that matter and influence our
lives", carried out by the B.a.B.e. Women's Human Right Group and financed
by the EC Delegation in the Republic of Croatia from
PHARE
program. The
Office for Gender Equality of the Croatian Government financially contributed
to the project research.
The field part of the survey was conducted through the method of face-to-
face survey during the second half of May
2007
on a representative sample
of
1005
citizens of both sexes of legal age
(18
years of age and older; general
population), designed in accordance with the parameters of the
2001
census.
This sample of respondents enables interpretation for the target population
with the maximal sample error of
±3.1%
(with the
95%
confidence level). The
sample was construed as a multiphase probabilistic sample with the random
selection of respondents within households according to the Troldahl-Carter
method. The number of respondents in specific regions was determined through
an attempt to minimize the sample error and increase the possibility of deduc¬
tion at the level of region, so that the percentage of respondents from various
regions in the sample is not proportional to the share of the region's residents
in the total population. The real percentages are attained by the means of
weighting.
The concluding chapter includes a summary of results and findings of the
project research "Attitude of citizens towards Croatia's membership in the Eu¬
ropean Union". Independently of the status of individual instruments within
the research concept, they are presented here within three distinct groups: a)
measures directly related to the European Union and integration processes,
b) basic value and attitude structures and c) human and civil.rights of women
and their position in Croatian society. In the final part of this chapter we will
discuss the degree to which personal attitude towards Croatia's accession to
the
EU
could be explained by all analyzed aspects of the first two theme groups
stated above.
177
EU+?-
_
We believe that stakeholders from various public spheres will be able to
recognize the multiple recommendations from the research findings, which will
help achieve their goals. However, since their goals are diverse and based on'
different value assumptions, we will not make any explicit recommendations of
this kind.
I The European Union and European integration processes
The majority of Croatian citizens is affectively indifferent or has a positive at¬
titude towards the European Union, whereas only a small minority, about one
fourth, expresses negative sentiments towards the
EU.
There are slightly more
indifferent women than men, as well as a slightly less of those with negative
attitudes. In terms of regions, the most positive attitudes are expressed by
citizens from the Zagreb areas and the coastal regions. The greatest number of
negative attitudes can be found among citizens in the coastal regions. Age as
a differentiation factor has an unexpected effect: older citizens are more prone
to positive attitudes, and vice versa.
A relative majority estimates that so far the process of integration brought
as many benefits and costs to Croatia, and around one fourth of respondents
stresses mainly positive or negative effects. However, regarding the projec¬
tion of effects of (future) membership in the
EU,
almost
40%
consider that
benefits will outweigh the costs (a third expresses moderate, estimates, and
one fourth insists on the damaging effects of this scenario). Women are slightly
more optimistic than men, and the positive expectations increase proportion¬
ately with the level of education.
The current support to Croatia's membership in the
EU
amounts to
43%
and approximately one third of Croatian citizens-are currently indecisive. Wo¬
men are again slightly more reserved and more prone to taking a neutral posi¬
tion, whereas there are much more men among the die hard opponents and
supporters of membership in the
EU.
The support to membership increases
proportionately with the level of education. Nearly half of the population of the
Zagreb region expressed an affirmative attitude, whereas the most visible dis¬
sent is found in coastal areas and
Slavonia
(around
30%).
The highest number
of indecisive respondents is found in the region of Northern Croatia,-and the
lowest in coastal areas. Finally, citizens under
26
are least supportive of
EU
membership
(33%),
in contrast to those above
66 (45%);
at the same time, the
yopngest citizens are most prone to withhold support
(40%),
and the oldest
respondents are least prone to this
(21 %).
Religious attitudes in no way affect
the attitudes towards
EU
membership, which cannot be said about party and
political preferences. Only a relative majority of the Social Democratic Party's
178
CULIG
-
KUFRIN
·
LANDRIPET
voters support Croatia's accession to the
EU
(43%),
whereas voters of other
left-wing to center parties and the Croatian Democratic Union that support
accession make up an absolute majority within their subgroups
(55-60%).
The
largest number of indecisive citizens is found among those not interested in
politics and not supportive of any political party
(36%
and
38%,
respectively).
This group of respondents, along with the supporters of the right-wing and
right to center parties, also expresses the highest resistance to
EU
member¬
ship (around
40%).
Regarding the dynamic of European integrations, a relative majority of
Croatian citizens is satisfied with the current speed of Croatia's accession
process
(35%),
and the percentage of those who think that the process needs
to be slowed down or speeded up is corresponding and revolves around one
fourth. Women are more disposed to a "status quo" and slowing down, where¬
as men are more prone to advocate speedier negotiations.
A significant majority of citizens, almost
80%
of them, express a consist¬
ent and unchanged attitude about Croatia's accession to the
EU in
the last
year, whereas
10%
of them are less prone, and
10%
more prone to support
membership. The most consistent in their attitude are citizens older than
50,
who are also most prone to support membership. The least consistent are citi¬
zens of
Lika, Pokuplje
and
Banovina
(approximately
65%
have a consistent
attitude), and here we can also found more new eurosceptics
(21%)
than eu-
rooptimists
(15%).
The value assessment of the European Union is operationalized through
an assessment of the role of the
EU in
the situation in member states regarding
21
aspects of public, political and economic life. Croatian citizens experience
the influence of
EU as
predominantly positive in the majority of areas, and de¬
scribe them as negative in only a few areas that are not easily dealt with even
on the global level (trafficking in humans, illegal immigration and terrorism). It
is important to note that around one fourth of citizens on all variables claim that
they cannot assess the influence of the
EU.
The established differences among
the sexes show a greater tendency among women to restrain from assessment,
and the most visible pattern of differences between the regions is the lowest
level of restraint among citizens of the Zagreb area and the highest level of
reservation and wariness among citizens of
Slavonia
and Northern Croatia.
Factor analysis of the instrument distinguishes between three dimensions
that differ in content, but are correlated. The first encompasses culture, envi¬
ronment protection, science and democracy, the second refers to protection of
general and personal safety, whereas the third factor includes the measures of
citizens' standard of living. In general, citizens assess the
EU as
successful or
very successful in all three dimensions.
179
EU
+?-_
The comparison between the situation in Croatia and the developed
EU
member states, in terms of the degree to which the fundamental values in the
area of human and civil rights and liberties, civil society and rule of law are
exercised, is operationalized through
15
variables. Citizens have assessed the
situation in Croatia as much worse than in
EU
member states. An absolute ma¬
jority of the population believes that only for several of the above mentioned is¬
sues there are no differences between the Croatian and
EU
practice or that our
situation-is better than in the
EU,
whereas only the status of religious freedoms
is evaluated as more favorable in Croatia. Women and men are equally critical,
and there is no correlation between age and the assessment of most variables
in this instrument. As far as differences in assessment based on differences in
the level of education are concerned, a higher level of education in most cases
entails a more critical view of Croatian reality.
Factor analysis showed three latent dimensions of comparison. The first
contained elements related to civil rights, followed by individual liberties and
the demand for environment protection. More precisely, this is an assessment
of the efficacy of the state apparatus in granting these rights and liberties to
citizens, so we named this factor General efficacy of the state. The oldest re¬
spondents and religious believers, but also those critical of Church dogma, are
most prone to thinking that the general efficacy of the state is better in Croatia
than in the
EU.
The idea of justice and fairness is the predominant element of the second
factor: fair wages, equality before the law, rule of law. That is why this dimen¬
sion can be summarized under Justice and equality of all citizens. For older
female respondents, the situation in Croatia is better than in the
EU.
Citizens
of Zagreb and Zagreb County are more prone to thinking that the situation
in Croatia is worse and are, in this respect, very_different from other regions
except
Lika, Banovina
and
Pokuplje.
More religious respondents are also more
prone not to put Croatia before the
EU in
this area.
The freedom of expression, religious freedom and gender equality are key
elements of the factor of Democratic liberties. Supporters of the Croatian
Democratic Union, most of them from Zagreb and Zagreb County, are most
prone to thinking that Croatian citizens enjoy greater democratic freedom that
EU
citizens. These regions also greatly differ from Northern Croatia and
Dal¬
maţia,
which show lowest results on this factor. Religious believers and citizens
criticalfof the Church dogma are more prone to rule in favor of Croatia. The
youngest respondents are most critical and differ greatly from respondents in
the
46-55
age group, which score highest on this factor.
The comparison between the rights of vulnerable individuals and groups
(women, children, homosexuals, disabled people etc.) is operationalized on the
180
CUUG
·
KUFRIN
·
LANDRIPET
level of legislature and the level of practical exercise of rights. In general, the
distributions of the respondents' assessments are very similar and are, apart
from few exceptions, asymmetrically to the left, which means that the exercise
of rights in Croatia is assessed as "much poorer" or "somewhat poorer" than
in the
EU.
Around two thirds of all citizens have this perception about the ex¬
ercise of rights of disabled people, various women's rights, some social and
judicial rights and rights related to protection from violence (the opinion that
the situation in these areas is much or slightly better in Croatia is expressed
by less than
10 %
of all citizens). The highest averages (means around
2.8
on a
five degree scale) are found for rights of small religious communities, national
and ethnic minorities and children's rights to quality education and expressing
their own opinion and the right to safe and healthy environment. The position
of disabled people in the area of working conditions, position of women in the
area of protection from violence and sexual exploitation and the economic sta¬
tus of pensioners are assessed as very poor (mean below
2.0)
in comparison
with the situation in the
EU.
We can assume that women are slightly more criti¬
cal than men towards the situation of all women's rights in Croatia, children's
right to protection from violence in the family and rights of persons of alterna¬
tive sexual orientations.
Generally speaking, the conditions that Croatia must meet to be granted
full membership are in absolute majority of cases
(70%)
assessed as more
strict than conditions set for the "new" member states. Women evaluate con¬
ditions set for Croatia as more corresponding to conditions set for other coun¬
tries in transition. Regarding the degree to which concrete conditions are be¬
ing fulfilled
(16
recognizable general and specific conditions from the political,
economic, legal and administrative sphere are specified), most citizens believe
that currently Croatia is fulfilling these conditions partially, mostly or fully.
Croatia received negative assessments for only two conditions, which are ob¬
viously pressing social problems
-
the amount of foreign debt and fighting cor¬
ruption and organized crime. For approximately half of the conditions, women
are slightly more wary, that is, more critical in their assessment of the degree
to which conditions are being met
-
more women than men believe that Croatia
is only partially complying or not complying at all with the
EU
standards. The
level of education affects the assessment of a small number of criteria, and
the critical attitude towards Croatia's readiness for
EU
membership increases
proportionately with the level of education.
This part contains three factors. We named the first dimension Effects of
the war conflict and relations with neighboring countries. Urban population of
the larger cities is most prone to it, with the exception of Zagreb, whose citi¬
zens score lowest on this factor. Furthermore, religious believers and respond-
181
EU
+?-_
^
_
ents
with the lowest level of education are significantly most prone to this fac¬
tor. Party preferences show that
CDU
supporters are statistically significantly
more prone to this factor than others, with the exception of supporters of right
wing parties. To be prone here, of course, means to believe that Croatia meets
the criteria contained in the factor.
The second dimension covers the following topics: agricultural policy, the
legal system and production standards and economic policy, in short, Compli¬
ance with
EU
(economic) standards. Rural population is more prone to "this
factor than population of smaller cities and Zagreb, but not more prone than
the population of larger cities, which scores lowest on this factor. More reli¬
gious respondents, especially those that fully adhere to Church dogma, believe
that Croatia meets the criteria for accession to the
EU.
This attitude is most
frequent among
CDU
supporters, and least frequent among
SDP
supporters.
Respondents from
Lika, Pokuplje
and
Banovina
most often believe that Croatia
does not really meet the criteria, for accession.
The third dimension, Compliance with democratic standards, has three key
components (protection of human and civil rights, protection of ethnic and na¬
tional minority rights and respect for
EU
democratic standards). The oldest
respondents are significantly more prone to an affirmative attitude about the
compliance with democratic standards than the
26-45
age group. Religious
believers fully adhering to the Church dogma score highest on this factor,
whereas those more critical of it score lowest. Moreover, the far highest scores
are found among respondents with the lowest level of education, which distin¬
guishes them greatly from all other respondents, with the exception of those
with the highest level of education.
CDU
supporters again have much higher scores than supporters of most
other parties, except for supporters of right wing parties and respondents not
supportive of any political party. The population,of Northern Croatia scores
lowest on this factor and differs significantly from respondents from other re¬
gions, with the exception of
Lika, Pokuplje
and
Banovina.
Positive and negative effects of membership are covered by a larger
number of important effects that Croatia might experience in the political, so¬
cial and economic sphere after being·granted full membership in the
EU.
We
put special emphasis on those integration aspects that were a topic of a series
of public deba.tes, received greatest media coverage and were a subject of re¬
cent political decision-making. In general, Croatian population largely believes
that integration into the
EU will
have positive effects. They assess that there
will be negative consequences, but only in specific areas. Unfortunately, these
include key economic and political effects, in relation to which the positive
effects can hardly keep the balance.
182
CULÍG
·
KUFRIN
·
LANDRIPET
This instrument involves five latent dimensions, two of which are utopian-
optimistic, and three of which are pessimistic-catastrophic. The majority of ele¬
ments in the first factor refer to the sphere of labor and employment, particu¬
larly labor laws and the diversity of the labor force, including the possibility of
finding employment abroad. The increased number of specific services and ef¬
ficacy of the state administration bodies, particularly the emphasis on respect
for women's rights, are also determinants of this factor. That is why we named
it General positive expectations. They are most characteristic of the citizens
of Zagreb and Zagreb County, and least present among citizens of
Dalmaţia
and coastal regions. The working and active population in the
26-45
age group
is most prone to expressing them, which distinguishes them significantly from
both older age groups. Most of these respondents are people with the level of
education of primary school, and respondents with secondary education score
lowest on this dimension.
The synopsis of the second factor is a typical anti-utopia
-
attractive real
estate and Croatian companies in foreign ownership, a head-spinning brain
drain and cheap labor force overflowing the country, in short, Croatia in foreign
ownership. The greatest concern is expressed by residents of smaller cities
(population of
10,001-50,000),
which are statistically significantly different
from rural population and residents of larger cities (with the exception of Za¬
greb), whereas other demographic characteristics do not result in any differ¬
ences.
The third factor, The loss of sovereignty and cultural identity, refers to threats
to the loss of Croatian language, traditions and sovereignty. The population of
Dalmaţia
is most prone to this opinion and differs significantly from residents
of all other regions, especially those of urban centers. Potential "opponents"
of these social ideas are citizens of Zagreb. Regarding age groups, the highest
scores are found among the youngest respondents and those in the
26-45
age
group.
The fourth factor is more optimistic than the first one. Economic and so¬
cial prosperity, the increased standard of living as a result of positive changes
and increased quality of life, are basic features of this optimism. If we add to
this the belief in reaching the highest democratic standards, we get an idyl¬
lic harmony we named Political.and economic prosperity of Croatia. The fifth
latent dimension, The threat of terrorism and crime, mostly contains the fears
expressed in the title and doubts about the possibility of achieving the goals
contained in the previous factor.
These last two factors contain a series of polarized elements. The high¬
est scores on both factors can be found among the population of
Slavonia.
The conclusion is that there are two regional "fractions" in this region. One
183
EU+?-
_
of these groups expects political and economic prosperity and does not take
into consideration the accompanying negative effects, whereas the other is
focused on the fear of crime and terrorism. There are significant differences in
terms of two additional criteria. While the supporters of prosperity show the
significantly highest degree of belief in God and adherence to Church dogma,
these characteristics are not relevant for opponents. Furthermore, those who
perceive themselves as the poorest do not have any illusions that their status
will change, while they score highest on the factor of "fear".
All in all, it seems that the expectations from accession to the
EU
to the
greatest extent depend on more recent historical events in the region, as well
as the social and cultural milieu at the level of the region and regional identity.
Self-assessment of the informedness about the
EU
and Croatia's acces¬
sion covers the reasons for the establishment of the European Union, political
developments and economic relations within the
EU
and the course of negotia¬
tions about Croatia's accession: A relative majority of Croatian citizens, about
40%,
evaluated their informedness as mediocre in all aspects, and at the same
time much more respondents assess it as poor than as good. Self-criticism is.
more visible among women than among men in all five areas. Moreover, the
less educated citizens are, the poorer is their assessment of their informed¬
ness, and it is similar with age: the older they are,' the less informed they con¬
sider themselves.
All five sources of information showed consistency in terms of the factor
analyses. The result was an asymmetric general factor leaning to the right, ac¬
cording to which saturations of all sources of information are almost identical.
We will name this general factor simply Self-assessment of informedness.
There are only three sources of information about the
EU
and European
integration processes to which the majority of citizens give moderate or great¬
er significance for their own informedness. The first is television (around
53%
consider it "very" or "extremely" important), then daily newspapers (around
36%)
and radio (around
22%).
It seems that promotional activities of the Min¬
istry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration, European Union or European
Commission and
NGOs,
which have not been covered in the media, are partic¬
ularly ineffective (approximately two thirds of all citizens give them no signifi¬
cance, and
85%
little or no significance). Factor analysis shows two moderately,
related types of informedness when it comes to assessing their importance.
The first includes publications related to relevant integration institutions and
events, and the second media information. Both factors to a somewhat greater
extent involve Internet and daily and weekly newspapers as sources of informa¬
tion, the key difference between them being the fact that respondents scoring
high on the first factor consider conversations with friends and radio and TV
184
ČULIG
·
KUFfìlN
·
LANDRIPET
as irrelevant sources of information when it comes to following the integration
processes. We named these factors The importance of sources of information
about the
EU:
publications and The importance of sources
ofinformation
about
the
EU:
mass media.
The male population assesses their
införmedness
more positively than
women. Men also give greater importance to media information than women,
which, among other things, means that women more rarely listen and watch
shows and read articles about the topic. The oldest respondents assess them¬
selves as the least informed in terms of all sources of information, and the
youngest respondents give the greatest importance to publications. Respond¬
ents from larger cities (although not Zagreb) score highest for both sources
of information. Respondents who believe in God and fully adhere to Church
dogma score significantly lower. The scale of material status is mirrored on the
scale of self-assessment of
införmedness
(the poorest assess the importance
of
införmedness
for both sources of information as least important). The role
of the level of education is identical
-
the lower their level of education is, the
lower they assess their
införmedness
and the importance of both sources of
information.
The lowest results for
införmedness
can be found among
CDU
support¬
ers, which differ significantly from supporters of SDR left to center parties
and "right-wing parties". In general, voters of left to center parties (with the
exception of
SDP)
assess themselves most positively on average, but also
significantly differ only from
CDU
supporters and respondents not interested
in politics. The latter also score lowest on the assessment scale, so it seems
that they are not interested in current events in Croatian society. The highest
scores in terms of assessing the importance of publications can be found
-
in
addition to supporters of right wing parties
-
among citizens in favor of left to
center, parties (not including
SDP).
The highest scores in terms of the impor¬
tance of media information can be found among supporters of right-wing par¬
ties, and the lowest among
CDU
supporters. In the context of regional identity,
the population of
Dalmaţia
assesses itself as best informed, and more in favor
of the importance of media
införmedness,
where they score highest.
II Value and attitude structures
One particularly interesting and important topic in this kind of research is the
association between political preferences and the opinion about the integra¬
tion into the
EU,
since the assessment of the (un)desirability of Croatia's in¬
tegration into the
EU
is necessarily based on one's own view of politics and
value-based determinants. Our starting point for this research was an empin-
185
EU+7-
_
cally
based assumption that, within the Croatian population, we can detect
six political attitude structures. In accordance with the findings, their working
titles are as follows: Rigid ethnocentrism (Nationalism), Clericalism, Socialism,
Expertocracy, Europeism and Multiculturalism. The application of factor analy¬
sis showed that these are six relatively independent dimensions of political
attitudes (only two dimensions show a somewhat greater degree of correla¬
tion). Citizens are as a rule extremely indisposed to all extreme or right-wing
political orientations, are moderately prone to "modern" political orientations
(Europeism, multiculturalism) and positively and most consistently in favor of
political ideas that affirm expertise in general and therefore probably political
competency (expertocracy). We should stress that respondents are somewhat
divided in their assessment of some socialist ideas, which could be attributed
to objective political circumstances in the last
15
years, that is, in the process
of transition that in all newly founded states resulted in very similar politi¬
cal layering and differentiation. Specifically, three most acceptable statements
refer to multiculturalism and are formulated in such a way that every rational
person should agree with them. But, it can be assumed that it is easy to agree
with such views because they are not binding. When citizens are put in a situ¬
ation to choose (for example, parliamentary elections), they will vote for either
left-wing or right-wing parties, and not for parties whose program is based on
the ideas of civil society and multiculturalism.
In accordance with numerous previous surveys in other countries and
Croatia, for this part of the research we used an instrument in which the gen¬
eral pattern of national pride is partly specified for contents and institutions
present in Croatia, whereas the remaining elements of the instrument con¬
tain the usual items. Almost all aspects of national pride on average were
evaluated higher than "mediocre": the highest mean, around
4.4,
is related to
achievements of Croatian athletes, followed by Croatian history, Homeland
war, accomplishments in Croatian arts and literature and Croatian scientific
and technological successes
(3.72).
The lowest degree of pride is related to
the achieved level of democracy in Croatia
(2.98)
followed by education of
Croatian population and the achieved level of tolerance
(3.13).
Other elements
of national pride receive an average of around
3.5.
The application of factor
analysis produced three distinct dimensions of national pride: national pride
¡n the context of creation of the national state, pride in current social achieve¬
ments and pride in different cultural achievements.
Since women are one of particularly vulnerable social groups, we devoted
special attention to the topic we consider as a potential intervening variable in
the interpretation of the real position of women in society. The instrument used
was intended for measuring sexism, both traditional or rigid and modern or
covert, and for logical reasons the interpretation included only male respond-
186
CULIG
·
KUFRIN
·
LANDRIPET
ents.
For most statements, we can distinguish between two groups of men: the
larger group of men who mostly or always disagree with sexist remarks, and
the other group of men who "generally" or "fully" agree with them (the percent¬
age of agreement for most statements is around
30%).
The consistency of the
statements of sexist tendency was verified through factor analysis. Two dimen¬
sions of sexism are expectedly closely related, but it is also clear that their con¬
tent is separable. The dimension of traditional sexism is mostly saturated with
the traditional role of women as mothers and housewives, then the statement
that men are not made for household chores, and that the quality of obedience
is primarily characteristic of girls, that is, future mothers and housewives. The
content of the second factor, which we call modern sexism, relies primarily on
the view that today too much attention is paid to women's rights, that women
experience male (sexual) allusions too dramatically (meaning, unnecessarily)
as harassment, and finally, that women are partially to blame for their own
rape. It can be said that this factor subtly reduces gender and sexual issues to
undeniable male domination according to which men are allowed everything,
and women practically nothing.
Ill Rights and position of women in Croatian society
The perception of rights and position of women in Croatian society was sur¬
veyed by a series of instruments with the aim to assess to which extent are
work and family the areas that generate and perpetuate gender inequalities
and stereotypes and whether there are differences between women and men
in terms of difficulties in reconciling obligations in these two spheres.
The general attitude of the surveyed population towards the achieved
level of gender equality in Croatia was examined through an assessment of
situation in traditional areas of discrimination against women. Three fourths of
respondents or more showed a relatively high degree of criticism towards the
current position of women in Croatia, agreeing that women are more exposed
to violence in the family, have a greater workload, are inappropriately repre¬
sented in the media, overrepresented in lower-paid jobs, less paid than men
for the same jobs and as
à
rule have a smaller share in the ownership of family
real estate than men. However, the results cannot be taken without a grain
of salt for indicators of the absolute degree of gender inequality. They can be
viewed more optimistically, as an expression of the raised awareness of gender
inequality. In any case, gender inequality is much greater than the achieved
level of intolerance towards its manifestations.
In cases of violations of their rights on the grounds of sex/gender, citi¬
zens of both sexes expect protection primarily from the police, then lawyers
187
EU
+?-_
and judiciary. To a certain extent they trust centers for social welfare, the Gen¬
der Equality
Ombudsperson
and
NGOs.
To a lesser extent they expect protec¬
tion from state institutions, which are primarily focused on "producing general¬
ity" rather than on help and protection in concrete cases of rights' violation:
only
2%
of respondents would first contact the Office for Gender Equality of
the Republic of Croatia, County Committee for Gender Equality, Ministry of
Family, Veterans' Affairs and Intergenerational Solidarity or the Parliamentary
Committee for Gender Equality.
In laws regulating social policy and labor law, Croatia will have to intro¬
duce a series of changes to harmonize them with the legislation of the Euro¬
pean Union. These include provisions that do not comply with the general norm
of equality between men and women (for example, prohibition of night work for
women, prohibition of work for women in especially difficult conditions, pro¬
tection of mothers from overtime work, the father's right to a parenting leave
regardless of whether the mother used it and for which period, the duration of
maternity leave and retirement age) and will influence the position of women
on the labor market. The majority of surveyed population supports restrictions
on overtime work for mothers and fathers with children younger than
3
years
of age and a parenting leave for fathers, but opposes cutting down the dura¬
tion of the parenting leave, enabling work of women in all conditions, leveling
the retirement age for women and men and allowing night work to women. In
short, they accept those provisions that affirm existing rights and oppose those
that reduce them, even if their aim is greater equality between women and
men. Although none of these changes are very likely to take place, they are
viewed rather pessimistically: most citizens oppose changes they perceive as
more likely to happen, and changes supported by the majority are perceived as
less likely to take place. This constellation of attitudes and assessments surely
represents an undeniable basis for generating Europessimism.
Although the experience of various forms of gender/sex-based discrimi¬
nation in the sphere of labor and employment is not particularly common (eve¬
ry 8th person claims they were asked questions about family planning, number
and age of their children etc. in job interviews, and every 4th person claims they
experienced other inappropriate behaviors on the part of the employer that can
be considered as sexist), the situation is much more unfavorable for women,
who are
2.5
to
4.7
times more exposed to these forms of discrimination than
men.
The family appears to be a very significant locus of gender inequality.
Division of household chores between the spouses/partners in Croatian
families is in close accordance with the stereotyped gender roles. Predomi¬
nantly women's chores in at least two thirds of all families are: laundry wash-
188
CULIG
·
KUFRIN
-
LANDRIPET
ing, ironing, dish-washing, cleaning the house and clearing the table after
meals. Mostly women's chores are everyday shopping for groceries, whereas
predominantly men's household chores are minor repairs, and house and car
maintenance.
Child care is also primarily a woman's job. None of the activities related
to child care are performed by men more often than by women. This perception
is slightly alleviated by the fact that the largest majority of activities related
to child care in at least two fifths of all families are done equally frequently by
both partners/spouses. When these duties are not equally divided among the
spouses (that is, in most families!), the woman takes on a much greater work¬
load. We should add that it is unusual for fathers to use their right to parenting
leave or for both spouses/partners to use them at different times.
The influence on making key family decisions is more in accordance with
the norm on the equality of women and men: around three fourths of respond¬
ents, regardless of their sex, claim that the influence of both spouses/partners
is equal and that these decisions are made jointly. In other cases, the influence
of men is slightly greater- these decisions are twice as often made by men.
The conflict between professional and family obligations does not seem
especially striking: around two fifths of men and one third of women claim that
they do not feel this conflict, and the same percentage of men and women
(around two fifths) claim that these obligations are somewhat conflicting. How¬
ever, among those that feel such a conflict, the percentage of women is twice
as large. When this conflict exists, both men and women more often give prior¬
ity to the family. This is to a larger extent true for women, whereas men more
frequently give preference to professional obligations.
A relatively small number of respondents stressed the need to change the
attitude towards professional work due to child care
-
less than
10%
of them
had to stop working, change job, work shorter hours, slow down or give up their
career. However, women were forced to make such changes more often than
men. Child care had a much larger influence when it comes to the need to find
additional sources of income (for one third of respondents) and work under
greater stress (more than half of women in comparison with only one third of
men).
Although the issue of gender equality was more elaborately examined in
this research than in all surveys conducted in Croatia so far, some findings
"should be
-
due to a small sample of respondents answering specific questions
-
taken primarily as hypotheses rather than as scientifically verified facts. To
get further, scientifically grounded and more comprehensive insights, a similar
research on a more adequate sample of respondents is necessary.
189
EU+7-
_
IV The correlation between personal attitude towards Croatia's
accession to the
EU
and all examined thematic structures
On the basis of factor analysis and insights into appropriate distribution of
frequencies, we concluded that the question "What is your attitude towards
Croatia's accession to the
EU?" (qO3
in the survey questionnaire) adequately
covers all five basic aspects related to the personal opinion about the final
outcome of
EU
integration. In the final part of the research, we examined the
relation between this question and the segments of the research related to the
so-called predictive structure composing of two parts:
a) Determinants related to
EU
integration: assessment of the success of
the
EU,
comparison between Croatia and the
EU,
compliance with the
criteria for accession to the
EU,
informedness about the processes of
EU
integration and assessment of effects of accession.
b)
Psychosocial
and
sociocultural
determinants: national pride, sexism, po¬
litical attitudes.
All previously interpreted dimensions
(28
of them) were taken as predictors
in a multiple regression analysis in which the dependent variable was personal
attitude towards Croatia's accession to the
EU.
The main purpose of this final
analysis was to find out which of these conceptual factors were real and re¬
levant indicators of the positive/negative attitude towards Croatia's accession
to the
EU,
that is, which aspects of each segment adequately distinguish be¬
tween their specific features. The results show that
12
out of
28
latent dimen¬
sions are significantly correlated with the attitude towards Croatia's accession
to the
EU.
First, let us single out the two segments with almost all of their dimensions
entering the final solution. The first refers to the assessment of how successful
the
EU
is in solving various social issues, and the second to possible effects of
Croatia's accession to the
EU. All
three factors of success of the
EU in
solving
social issues and four factors of the effects of accession are equally adequate
for interpreting the personal attitudes towards accession. Or, more specifically,
respondents who believe that the
EU
is successful in solving any of the three
groups of problems are to a greater extent willing to support accession to the
EU.
Respondents who are more prone to any of the three negatively colored
factors on the instrument of benefits/losses to a greater extent oppose ac¬
cession. Of course, the respondents scoring high on the factor of Political and
economic prosperity of Croatia are more willing to support accession.
So, the motivations of respondents more prone to supporting accession to
the
EU
are related to the need for Croatia to improve the personal and general
190
ČUL/G
·
KUFRIN
·
LANDfílPET
safety of its citizens. This is also true for the citizens' expectation that their
standard of living will improve as a result of accession to the
EU.
It is also clear that the respondents favoring clericalism and pride in the
Church, the Homeland War and Croatian history are not willing to support
Croatia's accession to the
EU.
Significant political attitude structures (con¬
cepts), apart from clericalism, are multiculturalism and Europeism, the latter
having the greatest positive beta-weight. The factor of Democratic liberties is
the only relevant predictor from the comparison between Croatia and the
EU,
with positive results.
It is important to note that none of the predictors related to the extent to
which Croatia already meets the criteria for accession set by the
EU
entered
the regression as relevant. It seems that the majority of citizens believe that
everything is "already decided" and that it is solely up to Croatia to decide
whether it will enter the
EU
or not. Therefore, Croatian citizens should evaluate
the possible losses and benefits from accession.
■
In this context, the absence of the factor of informedness is also indica¬
tive. It would be logical to assume that respondents more supportive of ac¬
cession and those showing more opposition to it are more and better informed
about what they assess than others. As we have seen in the previous part of
analysis, the greatest majority of respondents assess themselves as insuffi¬
ciently informed. Only a small percentage consider themselves as extremely
well-informed, and only
15%
of respondents are well-informed. The fact that
¡nformedness is not a relevant predictor implies that both groups assessed its
contents similarly. Since the percentage of uninformed respondents is much
larger, it is doubtful whether respondents have an objective picture about the
integration processes and whether they are really political subjects capable of
making the right decision about the accession to the
EU.
191 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Čulig, Benjamin Kufrin, Krešimir Landripet, Ivan |
| author_facet | Čulig, Benjamin Kufrin, Krešimir Landripet, Ivan |
| author_role | aut aut aut |
| author_sort | Čulig, Benjamin |
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| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV035372514 |
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| publisher | Filozofski Fak. : Grupa za Ženska Ljudska Prava B.a.B.e. |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Čulig, Benjamin Verfasser aut EU +?- odnos građana Hrvatske prema pridruživanju Republike Hrvatske Europskoj Uniji Benjamin Čulig ; Krešimir Kufrin ; Ivan Landripet Zagreb Filozofski Fak. : Grupa za Ženska Ljudska Prava B.a.B.e. 2007 223 S. graph. Darst. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Europäische Union (DE-588)5098525-5 gnd rswk-swf Beitritt (DE-588)4120988-6 gnd rswk-swf Europäische Integration (DE-588)4071013-0 gnd rswk-swf Öffentliche Meinung (DE-588)4043152-6 gnd rswk-swf Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 gnd rswk-swf Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 g Öffentliche Meinung (DE-588)4043152-6 s Europäische Integration (DE-588)4071013-0 s DE-604 Beitritt (DE-588)4120988-6 s Europäische Union (DE-588)5098525-5 b Kufrin, Krešimir Verfasser aut Landripet, Ivan Verfasser aut Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017176871&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017176871&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Čulig, Benjamin Kufrin, Krešimir Landripet, Ivan EU +?- odnos građana Hrvatske prema pridruživanju Republike Hrvatske Europskoj Uniji Europäische Union (DE-588)5098525-5 gnd Beitritt (DE-588)4120988-6 gnd Europäische Integration (DE-588)4071013-0 gnd Öffentliche Meinung (DE-588)4043152-6 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)5098525-5 (DE-588)4120988-6 (DE-588)4071013-0 (DE-588)4043152-6 (DE-588)4073841-3 |
| title | EU +?- odnos građana Hrvatske prema pridruživanju Republike Hrvatske Europskoj Uniji |
| title_auth | EU +?- odnos građana Hrvatske prema pridruživanju Republike Hrvatske Europskoj Uniji |
| title_exact_search | EU +?- odnos građana Hrvatske prema pridruživanju Republike Hrvatske Europskoj Uniji |
| title_full | EU +?- odnos građana Hrvatske prema pridruživanju Republike Hrvatske Europskoj Uniji Benjamin Čulig ; Krešimir Kufrin ; Ivan Landripet |
| title_fullStr | EU +?- odnos građana Hrvatske prema pridruživanju Republike Hrvatske Europskoj Uniji Benjamin Čulig ; Krešimir Kufrin ; Ivan Landripet |
| title_full_unstemmed | EU +?- odnos građana Hrvatske prema pridruživanju Republike Hrvatske Europskoj Uniji Benjamin Čulig ; Krešimir Kufrin ; Ivan Landripet |
| title_short | EU +?- |
| title_sort | eu odnos gradana hrvatske prema pridruzivanju republike hrvatske europskoj uniji |
| title_sub | odnos građana Hrvatske prema pridruživanju Republike Hrvatske Europskoj Uniji |
| topic | Europäische Union (DE-588)5098525-5 gnd Beitritt (DE-588)4120988-6 gnd Europäische Integration (DE-588)4071013-0 gnd Öffentliche Meinung (DE-588)4043152-6 gnd |
| topic_facet | Europäische Union Beitritt Europäische Integration Öffentliche Meinung Kroatien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017176871&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017176871&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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