Niemcy wobec pierwszej monarchii piastowskiej (963 - 1034): narodziny stereotypu : postrzeganie i cywilizacyjna klasyfikacja władców Polski i ich kraju
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Lublin
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
2008
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract Rezension |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The German attitude towards the first Polish state (963-1034) |
| Beschreibung: | 375 Seiten Illustrationen 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788322728260 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804137946806222848 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Spis
tresei
Wstęp
.......................................................... 7
1.
Dorobek historiografii a problematyka niniejszej rozprawy
........... 8
2.
Zakres analizy i jej struktura oraz podziały
....................... 10
Część
1
Pojawienie się państwa piastowskiego w zasięgu obserwacji elit Rzeszy
... 13
1.1.
Mieszko Król Północy
-
rex
barbarorum........................
13
1.1.1.
Widukind o wydarzeniach roku
963...................... 14
1.1.2.
Przekaz Ibrahima ibn Jakuba o kraju Mieszka
............... 17
1.1.3.
Archetyp „dzikiego Słowianina
-
mieszkańca Północy
....... 27
1.1.4.
Sclavus
-
captivus, servus
................................ 38
1.2.
Amicus imperatoris
......................................... 43
1.2.1.
Relacja o starciu Mieszka I z Wieletami i z Wichmanem
w roku
967.......................................... 43
1.2.2.
Znaczenie terminu
„amiciţia
w kronice Widukinda
...........53
1.2.3.
Mieszko I a Rzesza w ujęciu Widukinda z Korbei oraz
Thietmara z Merseburga
............................... 64
1.3.
Określenia charakteru władzy Mieszka I
........................ 71
1.3.1.
Quidam
dux
Wandalorum,
Mišico
nomine
.................. 72
1.3.2.
Misicho
comes
et Sclavus
................................. 82
1.3.3.
Misicho
marchio
....................................... 91
1.3.4.
Znaczenie tytułów określających status Mieszka I
............ 98
Część
2
Integracja władztwa Piastów z imperium Ludolfingów
-
opinie elit
Rzeszy na temat Polski Bolesława Chrobrego
....................... 107
2.1.
Władca polski i jego kraj w źródłach niemieckich około roku
1000 .. 107
2.1.1.
Vuípes
callida
-
rywalizacja o władzę w Polsce po śmierci
Mieszka I
.......................................... 108
2.1.2.
Amicus
familiáris
-
Bolesław Chrobry a margrabia Ekkehard
.. 118
2.1.3.
Dominus
[Sclaviniae]
-
źródła niemieckie o wydarzeniach
roku
1000.......................................... 124
2.1.4.
Geneza nazwy ludu
Poieni/
Poláni
i kraju
Polenia/
Polonia
___ 138
2.2.
Opinie Brunona z Kwerfurtu i Thietmara z Merseburga
o władcy polskim
......................................... 148
2.2.1.
Dei servorum
mater
-
monarcha piastowski opiekunem
Kościoła i organizatorem chrystianizacji
.................. 150
¿
Spis treści
2.2.2.
Dux infaustus
-
Bolesław Chrobry jako zły władca i fałszywy
chrześcijanin
.........................................163
2.3.
Zjazd w Merseburgu, lipiec
1002
roku
..........................184
2.3.1.
Podłoże zjazdu, jego przebieg i udział Bolesława Chrobrego
... 186
2.3.2.
Zamach na Bolesława Chrobrego w strukturze narracji
Thietmara
.......................................... 193
2.3.3.
Przyczyny zerwania sojuszu Henryka
Π ζ
Bolesławem
Chrobrym a domniemani inspiratorzy napaści na orszak
piastowski
.......................................... 199
2.3.4.
Henryk
Π
wobec elit saskich; miejsce Bolesława Chrobrego
w strukturze politycznej regionu
........................ 218
Część
3
Polaryzacja poglądów na państwo polskie i zwycięstwo w Rzeszy
opinii niechętnych monarchii piastowskiej
.......................... 225
3.1.
Mieszko
Π
-
Miles regis:
oceny Thietmara
...................... 225
3.1.1.
Pochodzenie rodziny matki Mieszka
Π
................... 226
3.1.2.
Zjazd merseburski
1013
roku
........................... 232
3.1.3.
Mieszko
Π
-
książę „cywilizowany
..................... 247
3.2.
Rex invictissimus
-
Mieszko
Π
w Kodeksie Matyldy
............... 253
3.2.1.
Archanioł Michał
-
wódz hufca niebiańskiego i przeciwnik
Lucyfera
........................................... 255
3.2.2.
Święty Sebastian
-
asceta i rycerz Chrystusowy
............ 261
3.2.3.
Miniatura dedykacyjna
................................ 271
3.3.
Misako
ipse
suique,
immo
diaboli
satellites
-
Mieszko
Π
sługą diabła
... 282
3.3.1.
Koronacje piastowskie z roku
1025
w oglądzie ówczesnej
historiografii niemieckiej
.............................. 283
3.3.2.
Koronacje piastowskie
1025
roku w kontekście materiału
porównawczego
......................................291
3.3.3.
Status króla i jego zmiany w średniowieczu
................297
3.3.4.
Monarcha Rzeszy a tytuł królewski władców Polski
.........304
Zakończenie
................................................... 319
Summary
......................................................327
Skróty stosowane w przypisach i bibliografii
......................... 335
Bibliografia
................................................... 337
Spis ilustracji
................................................... 355
Indeks osobowy
................................................ 357
The German attitude towards the first Polish state
(963-1034):
The Origin of a Stereotype.
(Perception and classification of the
Piast
rulers
and their country in cultural and political terms)
Summary
The oldest sources concerning Poland deal with the state of affairs in the early sixties of
the tenth century. This sparse information precedes an account of the baptism of the first
Polish ruler in Polish history, Mieszko,
(966)
by only three years. This event meant inclusion
of the new monarchy into an older stable civilization and political system that was formed
by the Frankish empire over the centuries and then carried on in Central Europe by its
successor state, the German Reich.
The aim of this book is to study in what way Poland was conceived, described and evaluated
by the observers who belonged to the sphere of an older Christian civilization. Especially so
as at that time of the beginning of history in this part of Europe the Germans were the only
neighbours bordering the region from whom we have written records of Poles
-
hence the
main problem and title of this publication.
The chronological framework of the investigation is the period of the First
Piast
Monarchy , meaning the time between the oldest written account of the Polish state in
963,
and the year of Mieszko II s death in
1034,
that started a period of internal turbulence and
pagan revolution in Poland. Sources are mostly from German texts coming directly from the
époque
that interests us. In exceptional cases newer material has been considered, but always
when it has incorporated older issues dating from the period that forms the subject of our
investigation.
The work is generally divided along lines following the reigns of the three rulers of the so
called First
Piast
Monarchy: Part
1:
Appearance of the Polish state within eyesight of the
Reich s elite, refers to the time of Mieszko I
(963-992);
similarly Part
2:
Integration of the
Piast
state with the
Ottonian
Empíre
-
The Reich elite s opinions about Poland under
the rule of
Bolesław Chrobry
(992-1025);
but Part
3:
Polarization among the German
elite s views and victory of the Reich standpoint, one that was hostile towards the idea
of an individual Polish monarchy, necessarily contains also analysis of the oldest information
on the political activity of Mieszko II in
1013, 1015,
and then some facts of his own reign
(1025-1034).
The first to write about Poland was the Saxon chronicler Widukind of Corvei. In
963
he
labelled the people of Mieszko barbarians like other Slavs and pagan inhabitants of the region
(Chapter
1.1.1:
Widukind of Corvei on affairs in
963).
Another text to emerge around
that time was the Relation or Account of Ibrahim
ibn]aqub.*
It s author was a Spanish Jew,
*
In fact we haven t an original text of Ibrahim but only some copies of around hundred years later.
Summary
who, as an envoy of the Caliph of Cordoba, visited Germany and Bohemia around
965.
Ibrahim, who had received information about Poland mainly during his stay with Emperor
Otto I in Magdeburg, described Mieszko I as the King of the North (ch.
1.1.2).*
The first chapter of the initial part of this book
(1.1:
Mieszko I
-
The King of the
North, King of the barbarians) tries to demonstrate that both Ibrahim ibn Jaqub and
Widukind formed their opinions on the region and its inhabitants using the same pattern of
geography already created by the ancient Greeks who had believed that all tribes living north
of their homeland were wild, cruel, and primitive and had other characteristic features of
barbarians . We know that this model of conceiving the North was adopted by the Romans
and then by medieval intellectuals. There, in the work of German writers, e.g. Widukind of
Corvei, Thietmar of Merseburg, Adam of Bremen and others, can we read that Slavs,
Scandinavians and Baltic nations had the same features as the Thracians and Scythians had
had for the Greeks. And of course they called all these tribes peoples of the North , even
though the Slavs were eastern neighbours of the Germans, not northern.
The problem was not only the name and false geographical positioning. The old stereotype
linked with the tribes of the North had features that formed western opinions on Central
and Eastern Europe over long periods of time, sometimes even also in modern times.
**
The
most important characteristics, apart from the obvious cold climate, included the primeval
virginity of the land, and also, at the same time, paradoxically, its abundance of food and
people. These people were wild, cruel and warlike and at the same time could not conform to
any state order and therefore ought not to be too difficult to conquer
(1.1.3:
An archetype
of an uncivilized Slav
-
an inhabitant of the North). Moreover, civilized people were
obliged in some way to introduce order to an uncultured land. This concept was supported
through the ideology of the Christian mission.
The consequences of these ideas outlined briefly above, were, in the earlier Middle Ages,
very important for the new Slavic states, because also the Frankish and then the German
Reich elite did not respect their existence and desired to conquer them or at very least
subordinate them and impose on them an obligation of paying the tribute purportedly due
to representatives of a higher civilization
(1.1.4:
Sclavus
-
captivas,
servus:
The Slav
-
the
slave, the serf).
When the Piasts introduced Christianity to their country they removed some danger to
their authority coming from the powerful Reich; but not all. The question arose as to what
form their relations towards the hierarchy of the empire would take.
The political situation was of help to the Polish rulers. The relatively militarily strong,
pagan Baltic Slavs, the Weleti/Liutizi, were fierce opponents of the
Ottonian
Empire, especially
after
962,
since the Saxon rulers were embroiled in Italy trying to bring Rome under their
control. The Reich had difficulties on two distant frontiers and needed an alliance. On the
Baltic coast a natural ally was the Piasts, as the Weleti/Liutizi were also their bitter rivals.
The alliance between Mieszko I and Emperor Otto I proved fortuitous, when in
967,
the
Christian Polish ruler defeated the combined army of pagan Baltic Slavs and the Saxon magnate,
*
The full title after the number of the chapter and capital will be cited only when the text of the summary
doesn t explain it.
**
The stereotype of the
Vild
men from the North not only concerned the Slavs or nations from
Central and Eastern Europe. A 16th century English wood cut showing a Pict (pi.
1 -
p.
29) -
a naked warrior
with the attributes of his barbarity
-
documents that all scarcely known people could be depicted as Amazonian
Indians. The nudity, despite the cold of the climate, was one important feature of the men from the North.
The German attitude towards the first Polish state
(963-1034):
The Origin of a Stereotype...
329
Wichman, a rebel against Otto
I s
authority. The sword of Wichman, who was killed in
battle, was sent to the court of the emperor
(1.2.1:
Widukind s account of the struggle of
Mieszko I against the Weleti and Wichman).
The meaning of the title amicus
imperatoru
given to the
Piast
by the chronicler Widukind
(looked at in chapter:
1.2.2)
shows that Mieszko in fact become then a member of a set of
local potentates forming a power structure at the head of which was the emperor. The
confederation with the Reich, although not without problems and conflicts, lasted until the
duke s death
(992).
But only two German historians left in their work a brief sign of the
essence of this cooperation
(1.2.3:
The relation of Mieszko I to the Reich according
Widukind of Corvei and Thietmar of Merseburg). Widukind had written that Mieszko
was an amicus of the emperor. The so called friendship consisted then of the reciprocal
supplying of military service from both sides of the agreement and appearing at court meetings
organized by the stronger of the two parties. This phenomenon is reminiscent of the feudal
connection that later existed. But Thietmar, who wrote about twenty years after Mieszko s
death, considered the
Piast
as subordinate to the emperor, as a tribute payer, a position less
highly esteemed and deemed much lower than an
amiciţia.
It appears that these two contrasting opinions reveal the differences of the German elite s
position on including Poland into the system of authority later called
Imperium
Christianům.
For Mieszko I, cooperation with the Reich was beneficial, but of course the conditions
mentioned by Widukind were for him the best. We have some accounts suggesting that the
Piast
was aware that if he wanted be treated not only as a ruler but at least as an equal to the
members of the German aristocracy, then he had to behave in a particular way and have the
appropriate accessories specifying the assumed social position. An especially religious zeal
was important in trying to counter-balance the aforesaid prejudices and general impression
of foreignness and not belonging. Mieszko therefore bestowed the cloister in
Fulda,
the most
respectable in Germany, while the chapter in Augsburg, a centre of the cult of St.
Ulrich -
very fashionable at that time
-
was richly gifted. Finally, at the end of his life, he gave the
whole of his state to the special protection of St. Peter in Rome.
We have only scant information about the German reactions to these gestures of the
Piast
in the form of short qualifications about him, that even when looked at in a historical and
cultural context, can only with great difficulty tell us something about how the duke s status
was perceived. But comparing these and other contrasting writings illustrates quite clearly
the rising position of Mieszko in the eyes of German observers
(1.3:
Definitions of Mieszko s
status). When he bestowed the chapter in Augsburg shortly before
985
he was called some
unknown duke of the Vandals
(1.3.1).
But some years later when Mieszko was recorded in
an obituary book of the cloister in
Fulda,
his position was referred to as comes; but to this
designation the word Sclavomm was added (perhaps some time later) and we don t know if
the correct meaning of the whole sentence is neutral: the count of the Slavs or slightly
contemptuous: the count, but of the Slavs 1
(1.3.2).
In another version of this obituary
notice that is preserved in a manuscript about thirty years later, another title was added to
the name Mieszko
-
marchio
-
the margrave
(1.3.3).
For us it is of no real consequence what
the precise meanings of these definitions were, but all together, they document the
phenomenon of a cultural familiarization of the Piasts. In this context we should interpret
*
See plate no.
2 -
p.
84
showing a card from the obituary book of
Fulda
which possesses a note with the
name of Mieszko I. Below is shown an enlargement of the record.
Summary
the sentence which was recorded in the annals of
Quedlinburg
describing the court meeting
in
991.
There it was written that Mieszko, Hugo of
Toscana
and other lords of Europe
came to Saxony in order to visit the young emperor, Otto HI. The transformation from
some unknown duke of the Vandals to a lord is of great significance
(1.3.4:
The meaning
of the titles describing the Polish ruler).
But at the beginning of the reign of Mieszko s successor,
Bolesław Chrobry
(the Brave),
we observe something that could be interpreted as an indication of a change for the worse in
Polish-German relations
(2.1:
The Polish ruler and his land in German sources
с
1000).
In December
995
the emperor drew up a document for the bishop of Meissen that granted
him half of the then Polish Silesia. There was no chance of realizing the endowment, even in
a situation when the bishop was supported by the mighty margrave, Ekkehard, but the text
probably expressed the discontent at the expulsion from Poland of
Oda,
Mieszko
I s
widow,
with her sons. She was a distant relative of the emperor s family
(2.1.1:
Л
cunning fox
-
the
struggle for power in Poland after Mieszko
I s
death).
The conflict was suppressed from the start because each side was under threat from the
powerful Baltic Slavs who had been able a few years before to capture Hamburg and burn it
with all the east part of Saxony. A compromise was reached. The emperor overlooked the
matter of the mistreated widow but
Bolesław
was subordinated to margrave, Ekkehard
-
instead of directly to the emperor
-
which entailed a degradation of the state s status. But the
Polish ruler s
amiciţia
with the mighty lord of Meissen was
-
as the chronicler Thietmar
noted
-
quite different from the position of the Czech duke who was obliged to pay a tribute
to the margrave
(2.1.2.:
A close friend
-
Bolesław Chrobry
and the margrave, Ekkehard).
The Polish-German alliance had occasion to consolidate after the martyrdom of Adalbert,
the bishop of Prague, killed in Prussia as a missionary supported by
Bolesław Chrobry.
He
was a distant relative of the imperial family, but at that time such ties had great meaning.
Otto
Ш
visited the grave of new saint in
Gniezno,
then the capital city of Poland. The
emperor received something that at that time was a premium: the right hand of St. Adalbert.
The gift of
Bolesław
had a symbolic meaning: it was a guarantee of loyalty and subordination.
Otto
Ш,
in order to strengthen his ally, established an archbishopric in
Gniezno
and wished
to make
Bolesław
a king
(2.1.3:
The ruler ofSclavinia
-
The Germans on the meeting in
Gniezno).
It is interesting that German sources contain extraordinarily sparse information about
the meeting in
Gniezno,
limited, practically, to religious affairs. Presumably this expressed
disapproval. Only Thietmar wrote a little more, but he qualified his whole account with a
reproach concerning Otto
Ш:
May God forgive the emperor for making a lord out of a tributary
and raising him so high. However the chronicler did not explain what is meant by
Bolesław
becoming a lord . Thietmar was, moreover, insincere in calling
Bolesław
a tributary because
the
Piast
served the Reich only with military service.
A gap in German opinions about the meaning of the meeting in
Gniezno
is partially
bridged by some miniatures from books created around
1000
in a cloister (or cloisters) in
contact with the imperial court. In the illustrations (pi.
3.
and
4. -
p.
135)
we can see the
enthroned Reich s ruler (Otto
Π
or
Heinrich
Π
as other historians maintain), and to him four
women are approaching
-
the personification of countries. Among them is Sclavinia (the
land of the Slavs) as well. She is presented in the same way as the other personifications; this
signifies that for the authors of their program, the Slavs should be treated the same as the
other peoples of the
Imperium
Christianum: inhabitants of
Germania, Francia/Gdia
or Ithdia/
The German attitude towards the first Polish state
(963-1034):
The Origin of a Stereotype...
331
Roma. This is in contrast to the words of Leon of Vercelli, written a few years later. He was
an Italian bishop who sought the approbation of Henry II (whose reign started in
1002)
and
composed a poem in which all countries of the empire come to adore their ruler but the
Slav has received his yoke due to him again in his shame in order to serve [the Reich s ruler] with
a tribute...
It is worth noticing that around the time of the meeting in
Gniezno
the name of the
Piast s subjects in the form
Poláni/
Poieni
and the country
Polenu
or
Polonia
began to appear
in sources*
(2.1.4).
This coincidence implies that the event had something to do with the
origin of the name. So it seems that as a result of the meeting in
Gniezno
the appellation of
the land was propagated. And with this name the Christian rulers of Poland wished to be
distinguished from the still pagan Baltic Slavs.
The second chapter of this work, devoted to
Bolesław Chrobry,
looks at two extreme
German views of the
Piast
rulers
(2.2).
The author of the first was the Saxon missionary and
religious actively, Bruno of
Querfurt,
who painted
Bolesław
in a positive light. A diametrically
opposite portrait of the
Piast
has been left in the work of the chronicler, Thietmar.
For the former, the most important fact was that the Polish ruler should be like a warrior
of the Christian empire, fighting the pagans living along the Baltic coast. Thanks to him
these people would return to the German rule and pay tribute
(2.2.1:
The mother of God s
servants
-
The protector of the church and mission).
Meanwhile the chronicler from Merseburg considered
Bolesław
an enemy, not only of
the Germans, but also the Christian faith. The
Piast
had been a bad Christian
(malus
christianus), a false man, who, instead of being subordinate to the ruler of the Reich and its
nobles, was fighting with them. * In this way the bishop and chronicler considered
Bolesław
as trying to rise above his natural status
(2.2.2:
A fatal duke
-
the bad ruler and the false
Christian). But in contrast to the old historiography it seems that the origin of Thietmar s
view is not a horrid German nationalism as Polish historians maintained or patriotism as
German scholars even forty years ago thought, but a particular vision of the world order that
had already been created in Carolingian times.
To encapsulate the problem: both Bruno and Thietmar believed that God entrusted to
the emperor and his subjects the particular task of ruling over Christianity. But the former
represented that some of the German elite wanted to extend this mission to other people, not
just to keep it inside their own ethnos; the latter expressed more exclusive opinions.
The last chapter of this work, dealing with the period of
Bolesław
Chrobry s reign,
describes the significant meeting in Merseburg in July
1002
that was organized in order to
establish the reign of Henry II over Saxony and the whole eastern part of the Ottoman state
(2.3).
At the beginning of this event the Polish ruler was a member of the elite of the empire
because he supported Henry IPs aspirations, as Thietmar confirms
(2.3.1:
The groundwork
of the meeting, the course of events and
Bolesław
Chrobry s place within it). But it
quickly became evident that for some people surrounding the new ruler, and perhaps for
*
The word
Polonia,
the first time it was written on a coin of
Bolesław
minted shortly after
1000
(pi.
6 -
p.
145)
was in the phrase Princes Poloniae
-
the first in Poland. Some numismatics pointed at the coincidence
with the money of dukes of the Italian
Benevent
(the inscription Princes Benebenti )
-
pi.
5,
but this is not
correct.
**
Thietmar called
Bolesław Chrobry
the venomous snake and the roaring lion with a trailing tail
-
biblical
metaphors that originally described sins or even the devil
-
illustrated for example in a German miniature
made in the second part of the
10*
century
-
see pi.
7,
p.
169.
ooo
Summary
him as well, the Piast s high position in the hierarchy of power in the region was not acceptable.
We can observe in the narration of the chronicler, Thietmar, the process of the gradual
exclusion of
Bolesław
from the circle of the empire elite (2.3.2.). It was contrived in
a ceremonial and ritualistic way and finally lead to open conflict in the form of an attempt on
the Polish duke s life and his entourage while leaving Merseburg. Only with the help of the
Saxon duke,
Bernhard Billung,
and margrave, Henry of
Schweinfurt,
was
Bolesław
saved.
The incident could be portrayed as simply a part of the struggle between the old and the new
Reich s elite, not a particular event intrinsically concerning Polish-German relations
(2.3.3:
The reason for the break away from an agreement between Henry II and
Bolesław
Chrobry
and the supposed instigators of the attempt on the Piast s entourage). The war
that broke out after the meeting in Merseburg and lasted, with short interludes, almost
16
years, was the struggle for prestige and position in the hierarchy of power in the region, not
a fight for independence as older historiography maintained. And
Bolesław,
during this conflict,
was being supported almost constantly by his open or secret allies in Germany
(2.3.4:
Henry
II and the Saxon elite. The place of
Bolesław Chrobry
in the political structure of the
region).
The abovementioned division among the Reich s elite towards the eastern politics of the
state had its consequences in the differences between written German accounts concerning
the last Polish ruler considered in this paper: Mieszko
П,
the son and successor of
Bolesław
Chrobry.
It is surprising that the chronicler, Thietmar, who mercilessly attacked the father,
had a quite different attitude towards the son
(З.1.:
Mieszko II: A knight of the king
-
Thietmar s opinon on the young
Piast).
Grounds for the positive point of view of the
chronicler may have stemmed from the descent of Mieszko s mother, Emnild, who was a
daughter of the duke, Dobromir. He is not known from any other account but the man must
have been one of the
Lusatian
dukes who collaborated with some of the Saxon aristocrats and
was related to them
(3.1.1).
Additionally, in
1013,
Mieszko
Π
married Richeza, a granddaughter of Otto
Π,
the emperor
(973-983)
and at the meeting in Merseburg in
1013
he became a knight of the Reich s monarch;
we don t know exactly what this entailed
(3.1.2),
but all the blood and personal ties with the
Reich s elite meant that Thietmar presented the young duke in a positive light
(3.1.3:
Mieszko
II
-
the civilized prince).
A splendid presentation of the majesty of Mieszko II is conveyed in the so-called Codex
of Mathilda that was sent to the Polish ruler after his coronation in
1025
as a gift from the
Lorraine princess, Mathilda. The monarchic portrait of the Polish king contained in the
book was similar to other presentations of authorities who belonged to the sphere that earlier
had been under Carolingian power
(3.2.
The invincible king
-
Mieszko II in the Codex of
Mathilda). An important component of the presentation of authority was an ideological
base.
The codex opens with a hymn sang on the feast day of St Michael. The archangel was
considered to be commander-in-chief of the heavenly army
(3.2.1).
The comparison of Mieszko
with some kind of military leader is repeated in the second part of the scheme created by the
codex, in the so called letter of Mathilda ; but in fact the text was a dedication or introduction
to the main liturgical piece of the book. This time the Polish ruler was compared with St.
Sebastian who had fulfilled the role of commander of the guard of the Roman ruler, Diocletian.
A true Christian had been unfairly oppressed by a cruel emperor; thus, the
Piast,
also a pious
man, (athleta
Christî)
had been unjustly treated by the present-day emperor. This association
______
The German attitude towards the first Polish state
(963-1034):
The Origin of a Stereotype...
333
must have sprang to the minds of everyone who knew the story of St. Sebastian and was
aware of the conflict between Conrad
Π
and Mieszko
Π
3.2.2.
(St. Sebastian
-
the ascetic
and the knight of Jesus Christ).
But one more thing must be taken into consideration. It seems that those surrounding
princess Mathilda envisaged the same place for Mieszko
Π
in the power structure of the
Reich as Bruno of
Querfurt
had earlier sought for Polish rulers. The new king had to fight
against pagans as a commander of the imperial army. Therefore the splendid royal majesty of
Mieszko
Π
presented in the codex and especially in the miniature that once accompanied the
introduction (now lost), had nothing to do with the
Piast
pursuing the independence of his
state (3.2.3).5S- This situation was possible, because, at that time, a crown and royal title were
not yet connected with the idea of sovereignty but signified only closeness to sanctity and of
they course increased the prestige of persons enjoying these attributes.
The abovementioned problem is linked to the meaning of the
Piast
coronations in
1025
and the question of the determined protest of the German court against it (3.3.: Mieszko
himself and his people
-
genuine servants of the devil)
.
A review of the accounts of German
sources written by authors connected with the emperor and telling of the coronation of the
Polish rulers shows they were convinced that the main reproach against the Piasts concerned
the usurpation or doing harm against the Reich s monarch
(3.3.1.).
In the past historians
thought that there existed at this time a special rule belonging to the pope or the emperor
that regulated the wearing of a crown and bestowing the title of king on someone. But in fact
when we take look clearly at examples of using a royal title and wearing a crown we can state
that during the period in question such rules did not yet exist
(3.3.2).
Inside the space that was once under Carolingian control, rulers that used these royal
accessories for legitimizing their status quoted real or even fictional relationships to
Charlemagne. These monarchs were also anointed, which meant they held a special place in
the Church, similar to bishops. Also the Anglo-Saxon kings wore a crown, had a royal title
and were anointed. But they, like the kings in Germany, France and Italy, did not ask anyone
for consent to their coronation. The tradition legitimized their status. In Scandinavia, the
rulers also used the royal title but usually until the later Middle Ages they were not anointed
and their status, except for the title, had only a few similar features to a real Christian king
(3.3.3).
In the case of the Polish coronation in
1025
the most important fact was that
Bolesław
and Mieszko wished to employ the Carolingian tradition of kingship, and adopting the royal
title and wearing the crown were of secondary importance. Thus, in
1025,
after the coronation
and anointing, the Polish rulers were kings in the Carolingian meaning of royal majesty.
This could be treated in Germany as a violation of the rights of Conrad
Π
because the Reich s
monarch was co-joined practically with the role of Roman emperor, and was treated by his
subjects or perhaps even some outside contemporaries, as the man responsible for order in
the Christian world, the man in whose care was also the Carolingian tradition (3.3.4.: The
Reich s monarch and the royal title of the Polish rulers).
When we heed this fact we can explain why Otto
Ш,
before appointing
Bolesław Chrobry
to a royal status, bestowed on him the trappings of the Frankish rulers: a copy of the holy
spear that was believed to belong to Charlemagne, the throne taken out from the grave of the
great emperors in Aachen, and, finally, the wife for his son, who was considered to have the
*
The miniature is known today thanks only to a copy made in the 19th century
-
see pi.
8,
p.
273.
234
Summary
blood of the Carolingians in her veins. This process, however, was not completed because
the emperor died and his successors held a different point of view regarding eastern politics.
Bolesław Chrobry,
using the weakness of the Reich after the death of Henry
П,
ended the
process started by Otto
ΙΠ,
and his actions were logical in terms of possessing position and
authority. He must have been supported or even inspired by his relatives in Germany as the
Codex of Mathilda confirms. But this act was in vain finally because the
Piast
state became too
weak to wage war for more than twenty years, not only with the Reich, but also with Kiev
Russia, which attacked Mieszko II in
1031.
In this situation the most important issue relative to our debate is that the
Piast
eventually
lost his former significance in the region, his former place as ally of the Reich s monarch
being taken by the Czech dukes. From the point of view of the new Reich s dynasty, the
Saliers, whose centre of power lay in south-west Germany, Poland was a distant land and
completely worthless in their political schemes. But the long military conflict between Conrad
Π
and Mieszko
Π
laid down the negative opinions and views about the land, particularly
when they were combined with the older stereotype of all Slavs.
It seems that history had come full circle and in the end the old concept of the North
described above came to bear. This time the people of the North were not pagans but still
uncivilized. In result, paradoxically, even in the family cloister of Mieszko s II wife in
Brauweiler,
an anonymous monk wrote in the second half of
1
1th century that Richeza could
not have tolerated the barbarian customs of her subjects. But the real proof of the triumph of
this stereotype is that many generations of historians reading this account have taken it not
for opinion or prejudice but as a testimony of truth.
|
| adam_txt |
Spis
tresei
Wstęp
. 7
1.
Dorobek historiografii a problematyka niniejszej rozprawy
. 8
2.
Zakres analizy i jej struktura oraz podziały
. 10
Część
1
Pojawienie się państwa piastowskiego w zasięgu obserwacji elit Rzeszy
. 13
1.1.
Mieszko Król Północy
-
rex
barbarorum.
13
1.1.1.
Widukind o wydarzeniach roku
963. 14
1.1.2.
Przekaz Ibrahima ibn Jakuba o kraju Mieszka
. 17
1.1.3.
Archetyp „dzikiego Słowianina"
-
mieszkańca Północy
. 27
1.1.4.
Sclavus
-
captivus, servus
. 38
1.2.
Amicus imperatoris
. 43
1.2.1.
Relacja o starciu Mieszka I z Wieletami i z Wichmanem
w roku
967. 43
1.2.2.
Znaczenie terminu
„amiciţia"
w kronice Widukinda
.53
1.2.3.
Mieszko I a Rzesza w ujęciu Widukinda z Korbei oraz
Thietmara z Merseburga
. 64
1.3.
Określenia charakteru władzy Mieszka I
. 71
1.3.1.
Quidam
dux
Wandalorum,
Mišico
nomine
. 72
1.3.2.
Misicho
comes
et Sclavus
. 82
1.3.3.
Misicho
marchio
. 91
1.3.4.
Znaczenie tytułów określających status Mieszka I
. 98
Część
2
Integracja władztwa Piastów z imperium Ludolfingów
-
opinie elit
Rzeszy na temat Polski Bolesława Chrobrego
. 107
2.1.
Władca polski i jego kraj w źródłach niemieckich około roku
1000 . 107
2.1.1.
Vuípes
callida
-
rywalizacja o władzę w Polsce po śmierci
Mieszka I
. 108
2.1.2.
Amicus
familiáris
-
Bolesław Chrobry a margrabia Ekkehard
. 118
2.1.3.
Dominus
[Sclaviniae]
-
źródła niemieckie o wydarzeniach
roku
1000. 124
2.1.4.
Geneza nazwy ludu
Poieni/
'Poláni
i kraju
Polenia/
Polonia
_ 138
2.2.
Opinie Brunona z Kwerfurtu i Thietmara z Merseburga
o władcy polskim
. 148
2.2.1.
Dei servorum
mater
-
monarcha piastowski opiekunem
Kościoła i organizatorem chrystianizacji
. 150
¿
Spis treści
2.2.2.
Dux infaustus
-
Bolesław Chrobry jako zły władca i fałszywy
chrześcijanin
.163
2.3.
Zjazd w Merseburgu, lipiec
1002
roku
.184
2.3.1.
Podłoże zjazdu, jego przebieg i udział Bolesława Chrobrego
. 186
2.3.2.
Zamach na Bolesława Chrobrego w strukturze narracji
Thietmara
. 193
2.3.3.
Przyczyny zerwania sojuszu Henryka
Π ζ
Bolesławem
Chrobrym a domniemani inspiratorzy napaści na orszak
piastowski
. 199
2.3.4.
Henryk
Π
wobec elit saskich; miejsce Bolesława Chrobrego
w strukturze politycznej regionu
. 218
Część
3
Polaryzacja poglądów na państwo polskie i zwycięstwo w Rzeszy
opinii niechętnych monarchii piastowskiej
. 225
3.1.
Mieszko
Π
-
Miles regis:
oceny Thietmara
. 225
3.1.1.
Pochodzenie rodziny matki Mieszka
Π
. 226
3.1.2.
Zjazd merseburski
1013
roku
. 232
3.1.3.
Mieszko
Π
-
książę „cywilizowany"
. 247
3.2.
Rex invictissimus
-
Mieszko
Π
w Kodeksie Matyldy
. 253
3.2.1.
Archanioł Michał
-
wódz hufca niebiańskiego i przeciwnik
Lucyfera
. 255
3.2.2.
Święty Sebastian
-
asceta i rycerz Chrystusowy
. 261
3.2.3.
Miniatura dedykacyjna
. 271
3.3.
Misako
ipse
suique,
immo
diaboli
satellites
-
Mieszko
Π
sługą diabła
. 282
3.3.1.
Koronacje piastowskie z roku
1025
w oglądzie ówczesnej
historiografii niemieckiej
. 283
3.3.2.
Koronacje piastowskie
1025
roku w kontekście materiału
porównawczego
.291
3.3.3.
Status króla i jego zmiany w średniowieczu
.297
3.3.4.
Monarcha Rzeszy a tytuł królewski władców Polski
.304
Zakończenie
. 319
Summary
.327
Skróty stosowane w przypisach i bibliografii
. 335
Bibliografia
. 337
Spis ilustracji
. 355
Indeks osobowy
. 357
The German attitude towards the first Polish state
(963-1034):
The Origin of a Stereotype.
(Perception and classification of the
Piast
rulers
and their country in cultural and political terms)
Summary
The oldest sources concerning Poland deal with the state of affairs in the early sixties of
the tenth century. This sparse information precedes an account of the baptism of the first
Polish ruler in Polish history, Mieszko,
(966)
by only three years. This event meant inclusion
of the new monarchy into an older stable civilization and political system that was formed
by the Frankish empire over the centuries and then carried on in Central Europe by its
successor state, the German Reich.
The aim of this book is to study in what way Poland was conceived, described and evaluated
by the observers who belonged to the sphere of an older Christian civilization. Especially so
as at that time of the beginning of history in this part of Europe the Germans were the only
neighbours bordering the region from whom we have written records of Poles
-
hence the
main problem and title of this publication.
The chronological framework of the investigation is the period of the "First
Piast
Monarchy", meaning the time between the oldest written account of the Polish state in
963,
and the year of Mieszko II's death in
1034,
that started a period of internal turbulence and
pagan revolution in Poland. Sources are mostly from German texts coming directly from the
époque
that interests us. In exceptional cases newer material has been considered, but always
when it has incorporated older issues dating from the period that forms the subject of our
investigation.
The work is generally divided along lines following the reigns of the three rulers of the so
called First
Piast
Monarchy: Part
1:
Appearance of the Polish state within eyesight of the
Reich's elite, refers to the time of Mieszko I
(963-992);
similarly Part
2:
Integration of the
Piast
state with the
Ottonian
Empíre
-
The Reich elite's opinions about Poland under
the rule of
Bolesław Chrobry
(992-1025);
but Part
3:
Polarization among the German
elite's views and victory of the Reich standpoint, one that was hostile towards the idea
of an individual Polish monarchy, necessarily contains also analysis of the oldest information
on the political activity of Mieszko II in
1013, 1015,
and then some facts of his own reign
(1025-1034).
The first to write about Poland was the Saxon chronicler Widukind of Corvei. In
963
he
labelled the people of Mieszko barbarians like other Slavs and pagan inhabitants of the region
(Chapter
1.1.1:
Widukind of Corvei on affairs in
963).
Another text to emerge around
that time was the Relation or Account of Ibrahim
ibn]aqub.*
It's author was a Spanish Jew,
*
In fact we haven't an original text of Ibrahim but only some copies of around hundred years later.
Summary
who, as an envoy of the Caliph of Cordoba, visited Germany and Bohemia around
965.
Ibrahim, who had received information about Poland mainly during his stay with Emperor
Otto I in Magdeburg, described Mieszko I as 'the King of the North" (ch.
1.1.2).*
The first chapter of the initial part of this book
(1.1:
Mieszko I
-
The King of the
North, King of the barbarians) tries to demonstrate that both Ibrahim ibn Jaqub and
Widukind formed their opinions on the region and its inhabitants using the same pattern of
geography already created by the ancient Greeks who had believed that all tribes living north
of their homeland were wild, cruel, and primitive and had other characteristic features of
"barbarians". We know that this model of conceiving "the North" was adopted by the Romans
and then by medieval intellectuals. There, in the work of German writers, e.g. Widukind of
Corvei, Thietmar of Merseburg, Adam of Bremen and others, can we read that Slavs,
Scandinavians and Baltic nations had the same features as the Thracians and Scythians had
had for the Greeks. And of course they called all these tribes "peoples of the North", even
though the Slavs were eastern neighbours of the Germans, not northern.
The problem was not only the name and false geographical positioning. The old stereotype
linked with the "tribes of the North" had features that formed western opinions on Central
and Eastern Europe over long periods of time, sometimes even also in modern times.
**
The
most important characteristics, apart from the obvious cold climate, included the primeval
virginity of the land, and also, at the same time, paradoxically, its abundance of food and
people. These people were wild, cruel and warlike and at the same time could not conform to
any state order and therefore ought not to be too difficult to conquer
(1.1.3:
An archetype
of an uncivilized Slav
-
an inhabitant of the North). Moreover, civilized people were
obliged in some way to introduce order to an uncultured land. This concept was supported
through the ideology of the Christian mission.
The consequences of these ideas outlined briefly above, were, in the earlier Middle Ages,
very important for the new Slavic states, because also the Frankish and then the German
Reich elite did not respect their existence and desired to conquer them or at very least
subordinate them and impose on them an obligation of paying the tribute purportedly due
to representatives of a higher civilization
(1.1.4:
Sclavus
-
captivas,
servus:
The Slav
-
the
slave, the serf).
When the Piasts introduced Christianity to their country they removed some danger to
their authority coming from the powerful Reich; but not all. The question arose as to what
form their relations towards the hierarchy of the empire would take.
The political situation was of help to the Polish rulers. The relatively militarily strong,
pagan Baltic Slavs, the Weleti/Liutizi, were fierce opponents of the
Ottonian
Empire, especially
after
962,
since the Saxon rulers were embroiled in Italy trying to bring Rome under their
control. The Reich had difficulties on two distant frontiers and needed an alliance. On the
Baltic coast a natural ally was the Piasts, as the Weleti/Liutizi were also their bitter rivals.
The alliance between Mieszko I and Emperor Otto I proved fortuitous, when in
967,
the
Christian Polish ruler defeated the combined army of pagan Baltic Slavs and the Saxon magnate,
*
The full title after the number of the chapter and capital will be cited only when the text of the summary
doesn't explain it.
**
The stereotype of the
Vild
men from the North" not only concerned the Slavs or nations from
Central and Eastern Europe. A 16th century English wood cut showing a Pict (pi.
1 -
p.
29) -
a naked warrior
with the attributes of his barbarity
-
documents that all scarcely known people could be depicted as Amazonian
Indians. The nudity, despite the cold of the climate, was one important feature of "the men from the North."
The German attitude towards the first Polish state
(963-1034):
The Origin of a Stereotype.
329
Wichman, a rebel against Otto
I's
authority. The sword of Wichman, who was killed in
battle, was sent to the court of the emperor
(1.2.1:
Widukind's account of the struggle of
Mieszko I against the Weleti and Wichman).
The meaning of the title amicus
imperatoru
given to the
Piast
by the chronicler Widukind
(looked at in chapter:
1.2.2)
shows that Mieszko in fact become then a member of a set of
local potentates forming a power structure at the head of which was the emperor. The
confederation with the Reich, although not without problems and conflicts, lasted until the
duke's death
(992).
But only two German historians left in their work a brief sign of the
essence of this cooperation
(1.2.3:
The relation of Mieszko I to the Reich according
Widukind of Corvei and Thietmar of Merseburg). Widukind had written that Mieszko
was an amicus of the emperor. The so called 'friendship' consisted then of the reciprocal
supplying of military service from both sides of the agreement and appearing at court meetings
organized by the stronger of the two parties. This phenomenon is reminiscent of the feudal
connection that later existed. But Thietmar, who wrote about twenty years after Mieszko's
death, considered the
Piast
as subordinate to the emperor, as a tribute payer, a position less
highly esteemed and deemed much lower than an
amiciţia.
It appears that these two contrasting opinions reveal the differences of the German elite's
position on including Poland into the system of authority later called
Imperium
Christianům.
For Mieszko I, cooperation with the Reich was beneficial, but of course the conditions
mentioned by Widukind were for him the best. We have some accounts suggesting that the
Piast
was aware that if he wanted be treated not only as a ruler but at least as an equal to the
members of the German aristocracy, then he had to behave in a particular way and have the
appropriate accessories specifying the assumed social position. An especially religious zeal
was important in trying to counter-balance the aforesaid prejudices and general impression
of foreignness and not belonging. Mieszko therefore bestowed the cloister in
Fulda,
the most
respectable in Germany, while the chapter in Augsburg, a centre of the cult of St.
Ulrich -
very fashionable at that time
-
was richly gifted. Finally, at the end of his life, he gave the
whole of his state to the special protection of St. Peter in Rome.
We have only scant information about the German reactions to these gestures of the
Piast
in the form of short qualifications about him, that even when looked at in a historical and
cultural context, can only with great difficulty tell us something about how the duke's status
was perceived. But comparing these and other contrasting writings illustrates quite clearly
the rising position of Mieszko in the eyes of German observers
(1.3:
Definitions of Mieszko's
status). When he bestowed the chapter in Augsburg shortly before
985
he was called "some
unknown duke of the Vandals"
(1.3.1).
But some years later when Mieszko was recorded in
an obituary book of the cloister in
Fulda,
his position was referred to as comes; but to this
designation the word Sclavomm was added (perhaps some time later) and we don't know if
the correct meaning of the whole sentence is neutral: "the count of the Slavs" or slightly
contemptuous: "the count, but of the Slavs'"1''
(1.3.2).
In another version of this obituary
notice that is preserved in a manuscript about thirty years later, another title was added to
the name Mieszko
-
marchio
-
the margrave
(1.3.3).
For us it is of no real consequence what
the precise meanings of these definitions were, but all together, they document the
phenomenon of a cultural familiarization of the Piasts. In this context we should interpret
*
See plate no.
2 -
p.
84
showing a card from the obituary book of
Fulda
which possesses a note with the
name of Mieszko I. Below is shown an enlargement of the record.
Summary
the sentence which was recorded in the annals of
Quedlinburg
describing the court meeting
in
991.
There it was written that Mieszko, Hugo of
Toscana
and "other lords of Europe"
came to Saxony in order to visit the young emperor, Otto HI. The transformation from
"some unknown duke of the Vandals" to a lord is of great significance
(1.3.4:
The meaning
of the titles describing the Polish ruler).
But at the beginning of the reign of Mieszko's successor,
Bolesław Chrobry
(the Brave),
we observe something that could be interpreted as an indication of a change for the worse in
Polish-German relations
(2.1:
The Polish ruler and his land in German sources
с
1000).
In December
995
the emperor drew up a document for the bishop of Meissen that granted
him half of the then Polish Silesia. There was no chance of realizing the endowment, even in
a situation when the bishop was supported by the mighty margrave, Ekkehard, but the text
probably expressed the discontent at the expulsion from Poland of
Oda,
Mieszko
I's
widow,
with her sons. She was a distant relative of the emperor's family
(2.1.1:
Л
cunning fox
-
the
struggle for power in Poland after Mieszko
I's
death).
The conflict was suppressed from the start because each side was under threat from the
powerful Baltic Slavs who had been able a few years before to capture Hamburg and burn it
with all the east part of Saxony. A compromise was reached. The emperor overlooked the
matter of the mistreated widow but
Bolesław
was subordinated to margrave, Ekkehard
-
instead of directly to the emperor
-
which entailed a degradation of the state's status. But the
Polish ruler's
amiciţia
with the mighty lord of Meissen was
-
as the chronicler Thietmar
noted
-
quite different from the position of the Czech duke who was obliged to pay a tribute
to the margrave
(2.1.2.:
A close friend
-
Bolesław Chrobry
and the margrave, Ekkehard).
The Polish-German alliance had occasion to consolidate after the martyrdom of Adalbert,
the bishop of Prague, killed in Prussia as a missionary supported by
Bolesław Chrobry.
He
was a distant relative of the imperial family, but at that time such ties had great meaning.
Otto
Ш
visited the grave of new saint in
Gniezno,
then the capital city of Poland. The
emperor received something that at that time was a premium: the right hand of St. Adalbert.
The gift of
Bolesław
had a symbolic meaning: it was a guarantee of loyalty and subordination.
Otto
Ш,
in order to strengthen his ally, established an archbishopric in
Gniezno
and wished
to make
Bolesław
a king
(2.1.3:
The ruler ofSclavinia
-
The Germans on the meeting in
Gniezno).
It is interesting that German sources contain extraordinarily sparse information about
the meeting in
Gniezno,
limited, practically, to religious affairs. Presumably this expressed
disapproval. Only Thietmar wrote a little more, but he qualified his whole account with a
reproach concerning Otto
Ш:
May God forgive the emperor for making a lord out of a tributary
and raising him so high. However the chronicler did not explain what is meant by
Bolesław
becoming "a lord". Thietmar was, moreover, insincere in calling
Bolesław
a tributary because
the
Piast
served the Reich only with military service.
A gap in German opinions about the meaning of the meeting in
Gniezno
is partially
bridged by some miniatures from books created around
1000
in a cloister (or cloisters) in
contact with the imperial court. In the illustrations (pi.
3.
and
4. -
p.
135)
we can see the
enthroned Reich's ruler (Otto
Π
or
Heinrich
Π
as other historians maintain), and to him four
women are approaching
-
the personification of countries. Among them is Sclavinia (the
land of the Slavs) as well. She is presented in the same way as the other personifications; this
signifies that for the authors of their program, the Slavs should be treated the same as the
other peoples of the
Imperium
Christianum: inhabitants of
Germania, Francia/Gdia
or Ithdia/
The German attitude towards the first Polish state
(963-1034):
The Origin of a Stereotype.
331
Roma. This is in contrast to the words of Leon of Vercelli, written a few years later. He was
an Italian bishop who sought the approbation of Henry II (whose reign started in
1002)
and
composed a poem in which all countries of the empire "come" to adore their ruler but the
Slav has received his yoke due to him again in his shame in order to serve [the Reich's ruler] with
a tribute.
It is worth noticing that around the time of the meeting in
Gniezno
the name of the
Piast's subjects in the form
Poláni/
Poieni
and the country
Polenu
or
Polonia
began to appear
in sources*
(2.1.4).
This coincidence implies that the event had something to do with the
origin of the name. So it seems that as a result of the meeting in
Gniezno
the appellation of
the land was propagated. And with this name the Christian rulers of Poland wished to be
distinguished from the still pagan Baltic Slavs.
The second chapter of this work, devoted to
Bolesław Chrobry,
looks at two extreme
German views of the
Piast
rulers
(2.2).
The author of the first was the Saxon missionary and
religious actively, Bruno of
Querfurt,
who painted
Bolesław
in a positive light. A diametrically
opposite portrait of the
Piast
has been left in the work of the chronicler, Thietmar.
For the former, the most important fact was that the Polish ruler should be like a warrior
of the Christian empire, fighting the pagans living along the Baltic coast. Thanks to him
these people would return to the German rule and pay tribute
(2.2.1:
The mother of God's
servants
-
The protector of the church and mission).
Meanwhile the chronicler from Merseburg considered
Bolesław
an enemy, not only of
the Germans, but also the Christian faith. The
Piast
had been a bad Christian
(malus
christianus), a false man, who, instead of being subordinate to the ruler of the Reich and its
nobles, was fighting with them."'* In this way the bishop and chronicler considered
Bolesław
as trying to rise above his natural status
(2.2.2:
A fatal duke
-
the bad ruler and the false
Christian). But in contrast to the old historiography it seems that the origin of Thietmar's
view is not a "horrid German nationalism" as Polish historians maintained or "patriotism" as
German scholars even forty years ago thought, but a particular vision of the world order that
had already been created in Carolingian times.
To encapsulate the problem: both Bruno and Thietmar believed that God entrusted to
the emperor and his subjects the particular task of ruling over Christianity. But the former
represented that some of the German elite wanted to extend this mission to other people, not
just to keep it inside their own ethnos; the latter expressed more exclusive opinions.
The last chapter of this work, dealing with the period of
Bolesław
Chrobry's reign,
describes the significant meeting in Merseburg in July
1002
that was organized in order to
establish the reign of Henry II over Saxony and the whole eastern part of the Ottoman state
(2.3).
At the beginning of this event the Polish ruler was a member of the elite of the empire
because he supported Henry IPs aspirations, as Thietmar confirms
(2.3.1:
The groundwork
of the meeting, the course of events and
Bolesław
Chrobry's place within it). But it
quickly became evident that for some people surrounding the new ruler, and perhaps for
*
The word
Polonia,
the first time it was written on a coin of
Bolesław
minted shortly after
1000
(pi.
6 -
p.
145)
was in the phrase "Princes Poloniae"
-
"the first in Poland." Some numismatics pointed at the coincidence
with the money of dukes of the Italian
Benevent
(the inscription "Princes Benebenti")
-
pi.
5,
but this is not
correct.
**
Thietmar called
Bolesław Chrobry
the venomous snake and the roaring lion with a trailing tail
-
biblical
metaphors that originally described sins or even the devil
-
illustrated for example in a German miniature
made in the second part of the
10*
century
-
see pi.
7,
p.
169.
ooo
Summary
him as well, the Piast's high position in the hierarchy of power in the region was not acceptable.
We can observe in the narration of the chronicler, Thietmar, the process of the gradual
exclusion of
Bolesław
from the circle of the empire elite (2.3.2.). It was contrived in
a ceremonial and ritualistic way and finally lead to open conflict in the form of an attempt on
the Polish duke's life and his entourage while leaving Merseburg. Only with the help of the
Saxon duke,
Bernhard Billung,
and margrave, Henry of
Schweinfurt,
was
Bolesław
saved.
The incident could be portrayed as simply a part of the struggle between the old and the new
Reich's elite, not a particular event intrinsically concerning Polish-German relations
(2.3.3:
The reason for the break away from an agreement between Henry II and
Bolesław
Chrobry
and the supposed instigators of the attempt on the Piast's entourage). The war
that broke out after the meeting in Merseburg and lasted, with short interludes, almost
16
years, was the struggle for prestige and position in the hierarchy of power in the region, not
a fight for independence as older historiography maintained. And
Bolesław,
during this conflict,
was being supported almost constantly by his open or secret allies in Germany
(2.3.4:
Henry
II and the Saxon elite. The place of
Bolesław Chrobry
in the political structure of the
region).
The abovementioned division among the Reich's elite towards the eastern politics of the
state had its consequences in the differences between written German accounts concerning
the last Polish ruler considered in this paper: Mieszko
П,
the son and successor of
Bolesław
Chrobry.
It is surprising that the chronicler, Thietmar, who mercilessly attacked the father,
had a quite different attitude towards the son
(З.1.:
Mieszko II: A knight of the king
-
Thietmar's opinon on the young
Piast).
Grounds for the positive point of view of the
chronicler may have stemmed from the descent of Mieszko's mother, Emnild, who was a
daughter of the duke, Dobromir. He is not known from any other account but the man must
have been one of the
Lusatian
dukes who collaborated with some of the Saxon aristocrats and
was related to them
(3.1.1).
Additionally, in
1013,
Mieszko
Π
married Richeza, a granddaughter of Otto
Π,
the emperor
(973-983)
and at the meeting in Merseburg in
1013
he became a knight of the Reich's monarch;
we don't know exactly what this entailed
(3.1.2),
but all the blood and personal ties with the
Reich's elite meant that Thietmar presented the young duke in a positive light
(3.1.3:
Mieszko
II
-
the civilized prince).
A splendid presentation of the majesty of Mieszko II is conveyed in the so-called 'Codex
of Mathilda' that was sent to the Polish ruler after his coronation in
1025
as a gift from the
Lorraine princess, Mathilda. The monarchic portrait of the Polish king contained in the
book was similar to other presentations of authorities who belonged to the sphere that earlier
had been under Carolingian power
(3.2.
The invincible king
-
Mieszko II in the Codex of
Mathilda). An important component of the presentation of authority was an ideological
base.
The codex opens with a hymn sang on the feast day of St Michael. The archangel was
considered to be commander-in-chief of the heavenly army
(3.2.1).
The comparison of Mieszko
with some kind of military leader is repeated in the second part of the scheme created by the
codex, in the so called 'letter of Mathilda'; but in fact the text was a dedication or introduction
to the main liturgical piece of the book. This time the Polish ruler was compared with St.
Sebastian who had fulfilled the role of commander of the guard of the Roman ruler, Diocletian.
A true Christian had been unfairly oppressed by a cruel emperor; thus, the
Piast,
also a pious
man, (athleta
Christî)
had been unjustly treated by the present-day emperor. This association
_
The German attitude towards the first Polish state
(963-1034):
The Origin of a Stereotype.
333
must have sprang to the minds of everyone who knew the story of St. Sebastian and was
aware of the conflict between Conrad
Π
and Mieszko
Π
3.2.2.
(St. Sebastian
-
the ascetic
and the knight of Jesus Christ).
But one more thing must be taken into consideration. It seems that those surrounding
princess Mathilda envisaged the same place for Mieszko
Π
in the power structure of the
Reich as Bruno of
Querfurt
had earlier sought for Polish rulers. The new king had to fight
against pagans as a commander of the imperial army. Therefore the splendid royal majesty of
Mieszko
Π
presented in the codex and especially in the miniature that once accompanied the
introduction (now lost), had nothing to do with the
Piast
pursuing the independence of his
state (3.2.3).5S- This situation was possible, because, at that time, a crown and royal title were
not yet connected with the idea of sovereignty but signified only closeness to sanctity and of
they course increased the prestige of persons enjoying these attributes.
The abovementioned problem is linked to the meaning of the
Piast
coronations in
1025
and the question of the determined protest of the German court against it (3.3.: Mieszko
himself and his people
-
genuine servants of the devil)
.
A review of the accounts of German
sources written by authors connected with the emperor and telling of the coronation of the
Polish rulers shows they were convinced that the main reproach against the Piasts concerned
the usurpation or doing harm against the Reich's monarch
(3.3.1.).
In the past historians
thought that there existed at this time a special rule belonging to the pope or the emperor
that regulated the wearing of a crown and bestowing the title of king on someone. But in fact
when we take look clearly at examples of using a royal title and wearing a crown we can state
that during the period in question such rules did not yet exist
(3.3.2).
Inside the space that was once under Carolingian control, rulers that used these royal
accessories for legitimizing their status quoted real or even fictional relationships to
Charlemagne. These monarchs were also anointed, which meant they held a special place in
the Church, similar to bishops. Also the Anglo-Saxon kings wore a crown, had a royal title
and were anointed. But they, like the kings in Germany, France and Italy, did not ask anyone
for consent to their coronation. The tradition legitimized their status. In Scandinavia, the
rulers also used the royal title but usually until the later Middle Ages they were not anointed
and their status, except for the title, had only a few similar features to a real Christian king
(3.3.3).
In the case of the Polish coronation in
1025
the most important fact was that
Bolesław
and Mieszko wished to employ the Carolingian tradition of kingship, and adopting the royal
title and wearing the crown were of secondary importance. Thus, in
1025,
after the coronation
and anointing, the Polish rulers were kings in the Carolingian meaning of royal majesty.
This could be treated in Germany as a violation of the rights of Conrad
Π
because the Reich's
monarch was co-joined practically with the role of Roman emperor, and was treated by his
subjects or perhaps even some outside contemporaries, as the man responsible for order in
the Christian world, the man in whose care was also the Carolingian tradition (3.3.4.: The
Reich's monarch and the royal title of the Polish rulers).
When we heed this fact we can explain why Otto
Ш,
before appointing
Bolesław Chrobry
to a royal status, bestowed on him the trappings of the Frankish rulers: a copy of the holy
spear that was believed to belong to Charlemagne, the throne taken out from the grave of the
great emperors in Aachen, and, finally, the wife for his son, who was considered to have the
*
The miniature is known today thanks only to a copy made in the 19th century
-
see pi.
8,
p.
273.
234
Summary
blood of the Carolingians in her veins. This process, however, was not completed because
the emperor died and his successors held a different point of view regarding eastern politics.
Bolesław Chrobry,
using the weakness of the Reich after the death of Henry
П,
ended the
process started by Otto
ΙΠ,
and his actions were logical in terms of possessing position and
authority. He must have been supported or even inspired by his relatives in Germany as the
Codex of Mathilda confirms. But this act was in vain finally because the
Piast
state became too
weak to wage war for more than twenty years, not only with the Reich, but also with Kiev
Russia, which attacked Mieszko II in
1031.
In this situation the most important issue relative to our debate is that the
Piast
eventually
lost his former significance in the region, his former place as ally of the Reich's monarch
being taken by the Czech dukes. From the point of view of the new Reich's dynasty, the
Saliers, whose centre of power lay in south-west Germany, Poland was a distant land and
completely worthless in their political schemes. But the long military conflict between Conrad
Π
and Mieszko
Π
laid down the negative opinions and views about the land, particularly
when they were combined with the older stereotype of all Slavs.
It seems that history had come full circle and in the end the old concept of "the North"
described above came to bear. This time the people of the North were not pagans but still
uncivilized. In result, paradoxically, even in the family cloister of Mieszko's II wife in
Brauweiler,
an anonymous monk wrote in the second half of
1
1th century that Richeza could
not have tolerated the barbarian customs of her subjects. But the real proof of the triumph of
this stereotype is that many generations of historians reading this account have taken it not
for opinion or prejudice but as a testimony of truth. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Pleszczyński, Andrzej 1963- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1041274092 |
| author_facet | Pleszczyński, Andrzej 1963- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Pleszczyński, Andrzej 1963- |
| author_variant | a p ap |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV035020748 |
| classification_rvk | NF 1625 |
| contents | Bibliogr. s. [337]-354. Indeks |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)233508673 (DE-599)BVBBV035020748 |
| discipline | Geschichte |
| discipline_str_mv | Geschichte |
| era | Geschichte 963-1034 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 963-1034 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Niemcy / 843-1273 / historiografia jhpk Niemcy / 843-1273 / źródła jhpk Polska / 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) / historiografia jhpk Polska / 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) / źródła jhpk Polska / 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) / opinia publiczna niemiecka jhpk Niemcy - 843-1273 - historiografia jhpk Niemcy - 843-1273 - źródła jhpk Polska - 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) - historiografia jhpk Polska - 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) - opinia publiczna niemiecka jhpk Polska - 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) - źródła jhpk Deutschland (DE-588)4011882-4 gnd Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Niemcy / 843-1273 / historiografia Niemcy / 843-1273 / źródła Polska / 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) / historiografia Polska / 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) / źródła Polska / 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) / opinia publiczna niemiecka Niemcy - 843-1273 - historiografia Niemcy - 843-1273 - źródła Polska - 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) - historiografia Polska - 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) - opinia publiczna niemiecka Polska - 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) - źródła Deutschland Polen |
| id | DE-604.BV035020748 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T21:46:23Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:20:23Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788322728260 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016689870 |
| oclc_num | 233508673 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-739 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-739 |
| physical | 375 Seiten Illustrationen 24 cm |
| psigel | DHB_JDG_ISBN_1 |
| publishDate | 2008 |
| publishDateSearch | 2008 |
| publishDateSort | 2008 |
| publisher | Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Pleszczyński, Andrzej 1963- Verfasser (DE-588)1041274092 aut Niemcy wobec pierwszej monarchii piastowskiej (963 - 1034) narodziny stereotypu : postrzeganie i cywilizacyjna klasyfikacja władców Polski i ich kraju Andrzej Pleszczyński Lublin Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej 2008 375 Seiten Illustrationen 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The German attitude towards the first Polish state (963-1034) Bibliogr. s. [337]-354. Indeks Geschichte 963-1034 gnd rswk-swf Opinia publiczna / Niemcy / średniowiecze jhpk Opinia publiczna - Niemcy - średniowiecze jhpk Rezeption (DE-588)4049716-1 gnd rswk-swf Niemcy / 843-1273 / historiografia jhpk Niemcy / 843-1273 / źródła jhpk Polska / 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) / historiografia jhpk Polska / 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) / źródła jhpk Polska / 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) / opinia publiczna niemiecka jhpk Niemcy - 843-1273 - historiografia jhpk Niemcy - 843-1273 - źródła jhpk Polska - 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) - historiografia jhpk Polska - 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) - opinia publiczna niemiecka jhpk Polska - 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) - źródła jhpk Deutschland (DE-588)4011882-4 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Deutschland (DE-588)4011882-4 g Rezeption (DE-588)4049716-1 s Geschichte 963-1034 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016689870&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016689870&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract http://digital.bib-bvb.de/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=2022231&custom_att_2=simple_viewer Rezension |
| spellingShingle | Pleszczyński, Andrzej 1963- Niemcy wobec pierwszej monarchii piastowskiej (963 - 1034) narodziny stereotypu : postrzeganie i cywilizacyjna klasyfikacja władców Polski i ich kraju Bibliogr. s. [337]-354. Indeks Opinia publiczna / Niemcy / średniowiecze jhpk Opinia publiczna - Niemcy - średniowiecze jhpk Rezeption (DE-588)4049716-1 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4049716-1 (DE-588)4011882-4 (DE-588)4046496-9 |
| title | Niemcy wobec pierwszej monarchii piastowskiej (963 - 1034) narodziny stereotypu : postrzeganie i cywilizacyjna klasyfikacja władców Polski i ich kraju |
| title_auth | Niemcy wobec pierwszej monarchii piastowskiej (963 - 1034) narodziny stereotypu : postrzeganie i cywilizacyjna klasyfikacja władców Polski i ich kraju |
| title_exact_search | Niemcy wobec pierwszej monarchii piastowskiej (963 - 1034) narodziny stereotypu : postrzeganie i cywilizacyjna klasyfikacja władców Polski i ich kraju |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Niemcy wobec pierwszej monarchii piastowskiej (963 - 1034) narodziny stereotypu : postrzeganie i cywilizacyjna klasyfikacja władców Polski i ich kraju |
| title_full | Niemcy wobec pierwszej monarchii piastowskiej (963 - 1034) narodziny stereotypu : postrzeganie i cywilizacyjna klasyfikacja władców Polski i ich kraju Andrzej Pleszczyński |
| title_fullStr | Niemcy wobec pierwszej monarchii piastowskiej (963 - 1034) narodziny stereotypu : postrzeganie i cywilizacyjna klasyfikacja władców Polski i ich kraju Andrzej Pleszczyński |
| title_full_unstemmed | Niemcy wobec pierwszej monarchii piastowskiej (963 - 1034) narodziny stereotypu : postrzeganie i cywilizacyjna klasyfikacja władców Polski i ich kraju Andrzej Pleszczyński |
| title_short | Niemcy wobec pierwszej monarchii piastowskiej (963 - 1034) |
| title_sort | niemcy wobec pierwszej monarchii piastowskiej 963 1034 narodziny stereotypu postrzeganie i cywilizacyjna klasyfikacja wladcow polski i ich kraju |
| title_sub | narodziny stereotypu : postrzeganie i cywilizacyjna klasyfikacja władców Polski i ich kraju |
| topic | Opinia publiczna / Niemcy / średniowiecze jhpk Opinia publiczna - Niemcy - średniowiecze jhpk Rezeption (DE-588)4049716-1 gnd |
| topic_facet | Opinia publiczna / Niemcy / średniowiecze Opinia publiczna - Niemcy - średniowiecze Rezeption Niemcy / 843-1273 / historiografia Niemcy / 843-1273 / źródła Polska / 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) / historiografia Polska / 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) / źródła Polska / 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) / opinia publiczna niemiecka Niemcy - 843-1273 - historiografia Niemcy - 843-1273 - źródła Polska - 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) - historiografia Polska - 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) - opinia publiczna niemiecka Polska - 960-1370 (Okres Piastów) - źródła Deutschland Polen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016689870&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016689870&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://digital.bib-bvb.de/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=2022231&custom_att_2=simple_viewer |
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