Väikeriik maailmaturul: Eesti väliskaubandus 1918 - 1940
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Estonian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Tallinn
Argo
2004
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T: A small country in the World market : Estonian foreign trade |
| Beschreibung: | 406 S., [8] Bl. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9949415179 |
Internformat
MARC
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| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T: A small country in the World market : Estonian foreign trade | ||
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| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 1918-1940 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Economics | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Estonia | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Foreign trade | |
| 650 | 4 | |a History | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Geschichte | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Wirtschaft | |
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Außenhandel |0 (DE-588)4003832-4 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 651 | 4 | |a Estonia |x Foreign economic relations |x History |y 20th century | |
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| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016508011&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Abstract |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1814344167450476544 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
Sisukord
SlSSEJUHATUS
.5
1.
PEATÜKK
Eesti
tööstuse ja
põllumajanduse
arengu
üldjooned aastail
1918-1940.20
1.1. Tööstuse rekonstrueerimine ja areng.20
1.2.
Põllumajanduse areng
.38
2. PEATÜKK
Majanduslik integratsioon Euroopas kahe
maailmasõja
vahelisel perioodil.57
2.1. Rahvasteliit Euroopa kaubanduspoliitika kujundaja
rollis.57
2.2. Regionaalne majanduslik integratsioon.73
2.2.1. Oslo lepinguriigid.73
2.2.2.
Balti
riikide püüdlused majanduslikuks
integratsiooniks.78
3. PEATÜKK
Eesti väliskaubanduspoliitika.93
3.1. Lepinguliste suhete areng.93
3.2. Tollipoliitika.108
3.3. Litsentsisüsteem. Väliskaubanduse monopoli-
seerimine riigi kätte.125
3.4. Eksporttoodangu kvaliteedisüsteemi väljaarendamine.l38
3.5. Näitused Eesti kaupade reklaamijana.152
4.
PEATÜKK
Uute
võtete
kujunemine riiklikus kaubanduspoliitikas
1930.
aastail
.159
4.1.
Eksporditehingute
riiklik garanteerimise süsteem
.159
4.2.
Ekspordi riiklik subsideerimine
.166
4.3.
Eksportkaubanduse tsentraliseerimine
.181
5. PEATÜKK
Eesti
väliskaubandus
1918-1940.195
5.1.
Väliskaubanduse käive
.195
5.2.
Väliskaubanduse struktuur
.200
5.2.1.
Eksport
.200
5.2.2.
Import
.211
5.3.
Eesti
väliskaubandus riikide
kaupa
.218
5.4.
Transiitkaubandus
.225
6. PEATÜKK
Eesti kaubandussuhted
tähtsamate partnerriikidega
1918-1940.236
6.1.
Eesti-Saksa kaubandussuhted
.236
6.2.
Eesti ja Suurbritannia kaubanduspartneritena
.268
6.3.
Eesti
kaubanduslikud huvid Ameerika Ühendriikides 292
6.4.
Eesti kaubandussuhted Noukogude Liiduga
.311
6.5.
Eesti-Rootsi
kaubavahetus
.335
6.6.
Eesti kaubad
põhjanaaber Soome
turul
.351
Kokkuvõte
.
¡
.379
Summary
.387
alxikad
ja
kasutatud kirjandus
.393
isikunimede register
.405
Summary
A Small Country in the World Market:
Estonian Foreign Trade,
1918-1940
Maie Pihlamägi
After gaining independence in
1918,
Estonia did not merely have to adopt a
constitution and organise its administrative and legal system, but also had
to rebuild its economic structure and establish trade relations with other
countries. Estonia had no foreign trade treaties, no trade representatives,
and no foreign trade to speak of.
Before World War I as economically an integral part of the Russian Empire,
Estonian industry and agriculture had enjoyed the benefits of guaranteed
markets, a plentiful supply of raw materials and a highly favoured position
in the flow of trade between Russia and Western Europe. Estonia's major
ports of Paldiski, Tallinn and Narva were favoured by location and climate
as excellent access and exit points to and from Russia. They handled a
flourishing Russian export trade in flax, timber, hides, rye, oat and wheat
and imported products such as cotton, steel, coal, fertilisers, industrial
equipment and machinery. Part of these imports was converted by Estonian
industries into finished and semi-finished products for the Russian Empire.
The large-scale industries (textile, paper and pulp, metal and woodworking
industries) in Estonia were entirely dependent upon the imperial market.
St. Petersburg aside, Estonian cities were the major markets for surplus of
the Estonian agricultural products: butter, meat and milk.
After becoming independent it was natural that in common with other
Europeans, the Estonians expected to return to economic normalcy by
reconstructing the base of their pre-war prosperity. Estonians hoped for a
restoration of the previous economic relations with Russia. At the beginning
of the
1920s,
the idea of Estonia's role as a future business mediator between
the West and the East spread widely in Estonian political and business
circles. Also the world's principal trading powers, notably Great Britain,
Germany, France and the United States, the former major trade partners of
Tsarist Russia, saw the future of Estonia linked to the east-west transit
trade. The assumption that Russia's needs would be virtually limitless
fostered a widespread illusion that Russia was an "Eldorado" for Western
trade.
After the conclusion of the peace treaty between Soviet Russia and
Estonia in Tartu in February
1920,
Estonia for the next three years, in
1920-1922,
acted as an agent and intermediary in Soviet Russia's trade with
the West because of the lack of established diplomatic and commercial
relations between Soviet Russia and the Western powers. In a few years it
became evident that the opportunities for Western participation in the
Soviet economy were limited. Since purchasing power in Russia was very
387
low and foreign trade was kept under strict state control, the actual levels
of trade and transit through Estonia remained deeply disappointing for
Western and Estonian businessmen alike.
For Estonia, the virtual closing of the Russian market represented an
important turning point, prompting a restructuring of the Estonian economy
to meet the needs of the small home market and the world market. Estonia
was thrown back on her own resources which, while largely agricultural,
also included potentially valuable reserves of flax, timber and oil shale. In
developing these assets, Estonia created profitable trading relations with
the industrial powers in the West. Estonian agriculture concentrated on
dairy farming and cattle breeding. In the reconstruction process industry
was modernised and new types of production were introduced. Some
tsarist industries, such as metal and chemical industries, were not able to
adapt to the new circumstances and were shut down. The textile and
paper industries adapted best to the new economic conditions.
Specialisation in textile, paper, timber and oil shale production made it
possible for Estonians to switch to the international division of labour and
contribute to international trade. Despite the domination of agricultural
products (butter, eggs, bacon and flax) and timber in the structure of
exports, the share of industrial goods (textiles, paper and pulp and plywood)
in exports was remarkable. The success of Estonian products in the world
market changed the Western countries' attitude toward Estonia. Western
countries came to accept the Estonian market as an independent and
attractive market for selling their industrial products while buying raw
materials and foodstuffs from it.
The Republic of Estonia was born in the period when international trade
was hampered by high tariffs and restrictions due to the shortage of
consumer goods and raw materials caused by World War I. In the
1920s,
the League of Nations actively promoted interaction between government
and business leaders with the objective of improving the state of the world
economy, including the stabilisation of the currency system and the
liberalisation of trade. The League of Nations pursued these aims by
organising high-level economic conferences that focused on ways to further
liberalise trade and strengthen bilateral and multilateral co-operation.
Countries recognised the most favoured nation treatment as the basis for
international trade relationships among nations, and this led to the creation
of the system of long-term trade agreements.
The movement in the direction of long-term commercial agreements
and the consolidation of custom duties remained short-lived. Under the
circumstances of the world economic depression, the vast majority of
countries shifted towards autarky, self-sufficiency and isolation. The integrity
of the world market was broken. Still, the League of Nations' efforts to
improve the state of international trade encouraged the Scandinavian
countries and Finland to take steps towards trade liberalisation and stronger
regional economic integration during the
1930s.
Also the three Baltic
countries Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania took steps to create a customs union
and to strengthen economic ties among themselves. However, the progressive
idea about an economic union was never realised. Despite measures
designed at conferences of government and economic leaders, disagreements
on the distribution of customs incomes and rivalry on foreign markets
proved to be insuperable for the three Baltic states.
388
Since the first months of independence, Estonia actively sought foreign
export markets, because the success of Estonian economic development
was dependent on exports. One of the most important subjects of
government trade policy was promoting long-standing relations through
trade agreements. All the treaties concluded in the
1920s
were based on the
most favoured nation treatment. Some of the treaties included also
preferential tariffs.
Like most nations of the world, Estonia paid much attention to the
neighbouring countries. Special preferences for the nearest neighbours
Finland, Latvia, Lithuania and Russia in the form of the Baltic Clause
were stipulated in all the trade agreements concluded by Estonia. Nevert¬
heless, the similarities of Estonia's economic structure with neighbouring
countries led the country to look for other markets for its agricultural and
industrial products. In the first instance, Estonian producers were interested
in access to the attractive British, German and American markets. The
trade agreements concluded with these countries in the
1920s
opened
large markets for Estonian exports, especially agricultural products. At the
same time Estonia actively sought markets in the Balkans and other agrarian
regions for selling its industrial products.
In the
1920s,
two trade powers Germany and Great Britain
overwhelmingly dominated Estonian foreign trade, making the Estonian
economy much too dependent on these two markets. This became very
much evident during the world economic depression, when the rise of
custom tariffs and the establishment of quotas in both these countries
sharply reduced Estonia's most important exports
-
butter, eggs, timber
and textiles
-
to these markets. At the same time, the depression also
demonstrated that Estonian exports depended on only two or three
products. In the second half of the
1930s,
the Estonian government took
energetic measures to diversify export commodities and to expand the
geography of export markets in order to disperse the risks caused by the
high concentration of commodities and markets.
The world economic depression substantially changed the basic
principles of international trade relations. The openness of markets and
equality of trade partners were forgotten. The pressures from Great Britain
and especially from Germany became stronger on trade partners, including
Estonia, to obtain more favourable marketing conditions for their goods.
Toward the end of the
1930s
also the Soviet Union took action to increase
its share in Estonian foreign trade.
After the world economic depression, trade came to be regulated by
short-term agreements based on compensatory deals. In the conditions of a
narrowing world market, secret treaties and protocols regulating commodity
exchanges were rather widespread. In addition, clearing agreements were
widely used by these countries where the government controlled foreign
trade through exchange controls. With the clearing agreements, the
principle of balanced trade was introduced which guaranteed that the
money received from the sale of commodities in a certain market would be
used for purchasing commodities from the very same market. The creation
of direct connections between exports and imports restricted the freedom
of trade, but provided some reliability and stability in trade relations
among the nations.
Estonian government trade policy came to be related to other public
389
aims: to guarantee full employment, to provide political and economic
stability, and to ensure a high living standard for the people in Estonia.
These policies were to be realised through the customs policy. The customs
policy reflected the aims of economic circles, as well as the preferences of
political leaders. Customs incomes constituted an important revenue
source for the state budget. The government's main economic aim was to
encourage exports, guarantee the protection of domestic market, and provide
national security.
Beside trade agreements, customs policy was an important part of trade
policy. In the first years of independence the government had a firm
intention to design a state with relatively liberal trade, like Great Britain
before World War I. However, the international economic environment
and pressures from farmers and industrialists on the government to protect
the home market did not allow the latter to realise the principles of free
trade. The relaxation of customs duties commenced in
1933,
caused by a
reduction of tariffs on French, British and Finnish commodities according
to trade agreements concluded in
1933-1934,
the devaluation of the Estonian
kroon
in June
1933,
changes in the import structure, and favourable prices
in the world market. The protection of the domestic market continued
during the
1930s,
and made the domestic market function more rationally.
At the same time the low customs tariffs on imported raw materials,
agricultural machinery, and industrial equipment provided considerable
support for the agricultural and industrial producers promoting export
trade. Estonia also introduced export tariffs on some articles of agricultural
products and raw material (flax, tow, timber, potatoes, hide, furs and scrap).
The list of such items was short and export duties low, because the
competition in the foreign markets was strong, and Estonia could not place
a heavy burden on its commodities and thus reduce their competitiveness.
One of the major steps taken by the government was the establishment
and development of the quality control system. This system enabled
Estonian export goods to compete with the established producers in the
world market. The system of quality control was introduced in
1921,
when
quality requirements were imposed on export butter, cheese and eggs. The
increasing competition in the world market for Estonian agricultural
products necessitated an improvement of the quality of export products, a
more effective quality control, and extension of controls to new export
articles. In
1925
the government introduced quality control for vegetables
and fruits. In the
1930s
the quality control system was extended to flax,
rawhides, furs, condensed milk, cream and raw milk.
The most problematic quality control issue involved the export of meat,
meat products and livestock, because Western countries like Sweden,
Germany, the United States, and others did not deem the Estonian public
veterinary supervision and quality control particularly reliable. The export
of meat, meat production and live animals did not start until the veterinary
regulations were toughened, the slaughter-houses were modernised, and
veterinary supervision and quality control made more effective in the
second half of the
1920s.
Unlike the agricultural producers, the industrial producers had to take
responsibility for the quality of industrial export commodities upon
themselves.
The Estonian exporters widely relied on the assistance of Estonian
390
diplomatie
representatives while entering foreign markets. The latter
provided information on the business environment in the target market for
exporters. Secondly, they promoted contacts between Estonian and foreign
businessmen. Most of the Estonian producers used foreign mediators for
marketing Estonian commodities. In the second half of the
1930s,
as the
result of the centralisation of the agricultural commodities marketing
system, the role of mediators diminished.
International exhibitions and fairs played an important role in Estonia's
expansion into new markets. They enabled the Estonian exporters to
introduce their export potential and learn about competitors. The first
time that newly independent Estonia took part in an industrial exhibition
was in Helsinki in
1921.
Estonian agricultural producers had their first
experience at the London Food Fair in
1922.
Since then Estonia tried to take
part in all major international exhibitions and fairs. The Estonian
government, being responsible for foreign trade promotion and development,
covered the participation costs.
The world economic depression adversely affected Estonian export-
oriented industries by low prices, high customs tariffs, trade quotas,
exchange controls, licencing systems, and bilateral trade agreements. In
order to recover and to reduce unemployment, nations replaced the
principle of producing only the commodities which were cheaper compared
to imported products with import restrictions and self-sufficiency. The same
trend characterised Estonian foreign trade policy.
After the licencing system prompted by a shortage of food and raw
materials, was abolished in
1921,
and until the world economic depression,
Estonian foreign trade was regulated through the customs policy and trade
agreements. In
1930
the government introduced a monopoly in grain trade,
and in
1931
an licencing system was re-introduced to cut imports. Estonian
agricultural and industrial producers were responsible for extending
licences to an increasing number of import articles. Since expected
relaxation in the international trade after the world economic depression did
not occur, protectionism became stronger. Due to the international economic
environment, the Estonian government further extended the licencing
system to imports. The strongest control was exerted on foodstuff imports
(over
70%
of articles), followed by semi-manufactured products and raw
materials. In the group of finished products,
40%
of the imported
commodities needed to obtain licences. In connection with the tense
political situation in Europe and the outbreak of World War II, the Estonian
.government, like many other European countries, imposed export licences
to all the commodities and expanded import licences to new commodities
in September
1939
in order to reduce the import of luxuries and secondary
consumer goods. Licences were obtained from the central bank, the Bank of
Estonia, when there were sufficient reserves of foreign exchange to cover
the purchases. Preference was given to trade partners who paid for purchases
in cash. Cash was urgently needed to make payments for raw materials,
which were not available through clearing payments. In the
1930s
the
government used import licences as a mechanism to control the type and
value of goods being imported into Estonia, and simultaneously the amount
of foreign exchange leaving Estonia to pay for them. Through the import
licences the government controlled the outflow of foreign exchange and
directed purchases to certain countries.
391
An additoinal important measure for promoting exports was the
introduction of the public guarantee system in
1931.
Like other countries,
Estonia practised this system mostly for goods exported to the USSR, that
is into a market with high political and economic risks. The Estonian
government committed itself to cover
75%
of the cost of the export
transaction. A public guarantee for exports was efficient method to promote
Estonian agricultural and industrial producers in the foreign market.
The price depreciation of primary goods in the world market and the
need to continue agricultural production and exports under the changed
economic environment led to the introduction of special state assistance
through subsidised price increases (export premiums). Subsidies were
granted to the most important agricultural export articles
-
bacon
(1930),
butter and eggs
(1933).
Although the subsidies were expected to remain
but a temporary measure until the improvement of the economic situation
on the world market, the subsidisation of butter and eggs continued
throughout the
1930s
and in the beginning of
1940.
These export premiums
encouraged the producers to increase production and improve the quality
of products.
In the second half of the
1930s,
the existing agricultural marketing
system was replaced with a centralised marketing system, the purpose of
which was to reduce the organisational costs, avoid competition among
Estonian companies in the foreign market, and facilitate a more effective
operation in the foreign market. The pressure for a centralisation of the
marketing system came from abroad, namely from Finland. The Finns
were dissatisfied with the strong competition in the Finnish market caused
by numerous Estonian companies, that led to a decrease in prices. In
1936,
the Estonian government decided to centralise the marketing of Estonian
export butter, in
1937
followed eggs and live animals, meat and meat
production, and lastly, rawhides in
1939.
Foreign trade was one of the most important parameters that indicated
Estonia's economic integration into the European and world economy. The
volume of foreign trade, especially the permanent increase in export
volumes and the variety of commodities, and the expanding geography of
export markets, gave evidence of the good competitiveness of Estonian
agricultural and industrial products. It meant that more money came to
Estonia, new jobs were created, and the purchasing power and living
standard of Estonians rose. |
| adam_txt |
Sisukord
SlSSEJUHATUS
.5
1.
PEATÜKK
Eesti
tööstuse ja
põllumajanduse
arengu
üldjooned aastail
1918-1940.20
1.1. Tööstuse rekonstrueerimine ja areng.20
1.2.
Põllumajanduse areng
.38
2. PEATÜKK
Majanduslik integratsioon Euroopas kahe
maailmasõja
vahelisel perioodil.57
2.1. Rahvasteliit Euroopa kaubanduspoliitika kujundaja
rollis.57
2.2. Regionaalne majanduslik integratsioon.73
2.2.1. Oslo lepinguriigid.73
2.2.2.
Balti
riikide püüdlused majanduslikuks
integratsiooniks.78
3. PEATÜKK
Eesti väliskaubanduspoliitika.93
3.1. Lepinguliste suhete areng.93
3.2. Tollipoliitika.108
3.3. Litsentsisüsteem. Väliskaubanduse monopoli-
seerimine riigi kätte.125
3.4. Eksporttoodangu kvaliteedisüsteemi väljaarendamine.l38
3.5. Näitused Eesti kaupade reklaamijana.152
4.
PEATÜKK
Uute
võtete
kujunemine riiklikus kaubanduspoliitikas
1930.
aastail
.159
4.1.
Eksporditehingute
riiklik garanteerimise süsteem
.159
4.2.
Ekspordi riiklik subsideerimine
.166
4.3.
Eksportkaubanduse tsentraliseerimine
.181
5. PEATÜKK
Eesti
väliskaubandus
1918-1940.195
5.1.
Väliskaubanduse käive
.195
5.2.
Väliskaubanduse struktuur
.200
5.2.1.
Eksport
.200
5.2.2.
Import
.211
5.3.
Eesti
väliskaubandus riikide
kaupa
.218
5.4.
Transiitkaubandus
.225
6. PEATÜKK
Eesti kaubandussuhted
tähtsamate partnerriikidega
1918-1940.236
6.1.
Eesti-Saksa kaubandussuhted
.236
6.2.
Eesti ja Suurbritannia kaubanduspartneritena
.268
6.3.
Eesti
kaubanduslikud huvid Ameerika Ühendriikides 292
6.4.
Eesti kaubandussuhted Noukogude Liiduga
.311
6.5.
Eesti-Rootsi
kaubavahetus
.335
6.6.
Eesti kaubad
põhjanaaber Soome
turul
.351
Kokkuvõte
.
¡
.379
Summary
.387
alxikad
ja
kasutatud kirjandus
.393
isikunimede register
.405
Summary
A Small Country in the World Market:
Estonian Foreign Trade,
1918-1940
Maie Pihlamägi
After gaining independence in
1918,
Estonia did not merely have to adopt a
constitution and organise its administrative and legal system, but also had
to rebuild its economic structure and establish trade relations with other
countries. Estonia had no foreign trade treaties, no trade representatives,
and no foreign trade to speak of.
Before World War I as economically an integral part of the Russian Empire,
Estonian industry and agriculture had enjoyed the benefits of guaranteed
markets, a plentiful supply of raw materials and a highly favoured position
in the flow of trade between Russia and Western Europe. Estonia's major
ports of Paldiski, Tallinn and Narva were favoured by location and climate
as excellent access and exit points to and from Russia. They handled a
flourishing Russian export trade in flax, timber, hides, rye, oat and wheat
and imported products such as cotton, steel, coal, fertilisers, industrial
equipment and machinery. Part of these imports was converted by Estonian
industries into finished and semi-finished products for the Russian Empire.
The large-scale industries (textile, paper and pulp, metal and woodworking
industries) in Estonia were entirely dependent upon the imperial market.
St. Petersburg aside, Estonian cities were the major markets for surplus of
the Estonian agricultural products: butter, meat and milk.
After becoming independent it was natural that in common with other
Europeans, the Estonians expected to return to economic normalcy by
reconstructing the base of their pre-war prosperity. Estonians hoped for a
restoration of the previous economic relations with Russia. At the beginning
of the
1920s,
the idea of Estonia's role as a future business mediator between
the West and the East spread widely in Estonian political and business
circles. Also the world's principal trading powers, notably Great Britain,
Germany, France and the United States, the former major trade partners of
Tsarist Russia, saw the future of Estonia linked to the east-west transit
trade. The assumption that Russia's needs would be virtually limitless
fostered a widespread illusion that Russia was an "Eldorado" for Western
trade.
After the conclusion of the peace treaty between Soviet Russia and
Estonia in Tartu in February
1920,
Estonia for the next three years, in
1920-1922,
acted as an agent and intermediary in Soviet Russia's trade with
the West because of the lack of established diplomatic and commercial
relations between Soviet Russia and the Western powers. In a few years it
became evident that the opportunities for Western participation in the
Soviet economy were limited. Since purchasing power in Russia was very
387
low and foreign trade was kept under strict state control, the actual levels
of trade and transit through Estonia remained deeply disappointing for
Western and Estonian businessmen alike.
For Estonia, the virtual closing of the Russian market represented an
important turning point, prompting a restructuring of the Estonian economy
to meet the needs of the small home market and the world market. Estonia
was thrown back on her own resources which, while largely agricultural,
also included potentially valuable reserves of flax, timber and oil shale. In
developing these assets, Estonia created profitable trading relations with
the industrial powers in the West. Estonian agriculture concentrated on
dairy farming and cattle breeding. In the reconstruction process industry
was modernised and new types of production were introduced. Some
tsarist industries, such as metal and chemical industries, were not able to
adapt to the new circumstances and were shut down. The textile and
paper industries adapted best to the new economic conditions.
Specialisation in textile, paper, timber and oil shale production made it
possible for Estonians to switch to the international division of labour and
contribute to international trade. Despite the domination of agricultural
products (butter, eggs, bacon and flax) and timber in the structure of
exports, the share of industrial goods (textiles, paper and pulp and plywood)
in exports was remarkable. The success of Estonian products in the world
market changed the Western countries' attitude toward Estonia. Western
countries came to accept the Estonian market as an independent and
attractive market for selling their industrial products while buying raw
materials and foodstuffs from it.
The Republic of Estonia was born in the period when international trade
was hampered by high tariffs and restrictions due to the shortage of
consumer goods and raw materials caused by World War I. In the
1920s,
the League of Nations actively promoted interaction between government
and business leaders with the objective of improving the state of the world
economy, including the stabilisation of the currency system and the
liberalisation of trade. The League of Nations pursued these aims by
organising high-level economic conferences that focused on ways to further
liberalise trade and strengthen bilateral and multilateral co-operation.
Countries recognised the most favoured nation treatment as the basis for
international trade relationships among nations, and this led to the creation
of the system of long-term trade agreements.
The movement in the direction of long-term commercial agreements
and the consolidation of custom duties remained short-lived. Under the
circumstances of the world economic depression, the vast majority of
countries shifted towards autarky, self-sufficiency and isolation. The integrity
of the world market was broken. Still, the League of Nations' efforts to
improve the state of international trade encouraged the Scandinavian
countries and Finland to take steps towards trade liberalisation and stronger
regional economic integration during the
1930s.
Also the three Baltic
countries Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania took steps to create a customs union
and to strengthen economic ties among themselves. However, the progressive
idea about an economic union was never realised. Despite measures
designed at conferences of government and economic leaders, disagreements
on the distribution of customs incomes and rivalry on foreign markets
proved to be insuperable for the three Baltic states.
388
Since the first months of independence, Estonia actively sought foreign
export markets, because the success of Estonian economic development
was dependent on exports. One of the most important subjects of
government trade policy was promoting long-standing relations through
trade agreements. All the treaties concluded in the
1920s
were based on the
most favoured nation treatment. Some of the treaties included also
preferential tariffs.
Like most nations of the world, Estonia paid much attention to the
neighbouring countries. Special preferences for the nearest neighbours
Finland, Latvia, Lithuania and Russia in the form of the Baltic Clause
were stipulated in all the trade agreements concluded by Estonia. Nevert¬
heless, the similarities of Estonia's economic structure with neighbouring
countries led the country to look for other markets for its agricultural and
industrial products. In the first instance, Estonian producers were interested
in access to the attractive British, German and American markets. The
trade agreements concluded with these countries in the
1920s
opened
large markets for Estonian exports, especially agricultural products. At the
same time Estonia actively sought markets in the Balkans and other agrarian
regions for selling its industrial products.
In the
1920s,
two trade powers Germany and Great Britain
overwhelmingly dominated Estonian foreign trade, making the Estonian
economy much too dependent on these two markets. This became very
much evident during the world economic depression, when the rise of
custom tariffs and the establishment of quotas in both these countries
sharply reduced Estonia's most important exports
-
butter, eggs, timber
and textiles
-
to these markets. At the same time, the depression also
demonstrated that Estonian exports depended on only two or three
products. In the second half of the
1930s,
the Estonian government took
energetic measures to diversify export commodities and to expand the
geography of export markets in order to disperse the risks caused by the
high concentration of commodities and markets.
The world economic depression substantially changed the basic
principles of international trade relations. The openness of markets and
equality of trade partners were forgotten. The pressures from Great Britain
and especially from Germany became stronger on trade partners, including
Estonia, to obtain more favourable marketing conditions for their goods.
Toward the end of the
1930s
also the Soviet Union took action to increase
its share in Estonian foreign trade.
After the world economic depression, trade came to be regulated by
short-term agreements based on compensatory deals. In the conditions of a
narrowing world market, secret treaties and protocols regulating commodity
exchanges were rather widespread. In addition, clearing agreements were
widely used by these countries where the government controlled foreign
trade through exchange controls. With the clearing agreements, the
principle of balanced trade was introduced which guaranteed that the
money received from the sale of commodities in a certain market would be
used for purchasing commodities from the very same market. The creation
of direct connections between exports and imports restricted the freedom
of trade, but provided some reliability and stability in trade relations
among the nations.
Estonian government trade policy came to be related to other public
389
aims: to guarantee full employment, to provide political and economic
stability, and to ensure a high living standard for the people in Estonia.
These policies were to be realised through the customs policy. The customs
policy reflected the aims of economic circles, as well as the preferences of
political leaders. Customs incomes constituted an important revenue
source for the state budget. The government's main economic aim was to
encourage exports, guarantee the protection of domestic market, and provide
national security.
Beside trade agreements, customs policy was an important part of trade
policy. In the first years of independence the government had a firm
intention to design a state with relatively liberal trade, like Great Britain
before World War I. However, the international economic environment
and pressures from farmers and industrialists on the government to protect
the home market did not allow the latter to realise the principles of free
trade. The relaxation of customs duties commenced in
1933,
caused by a
reduction of tariffs on French, British and Finnish commodities according
to trade agreements concluded in
1933-1934,
the devaluation of the Estonian
kroon
in June
1933,
changes in the import structure, and favourable prices
in the world market. The protection of the domestic market continued
during the
1930s,
and made the domestic market function more rationally.
At the same time the low customs tariffs on imported raw materials,
agricultural machinery, and industrial equipment provided considerable
support for the agricultural and industrial producers promoting export
trade. Estonia also introduced export tariffs on some articles of agricultural
products and raw material (flax, tow, timber, potatoes, hide, furs and scrap).
The list of such items was short and export duties low, because the
competition in the foreign markets was strong, and Estonia could not place
a heavy burden on its commodities and thus reduce their competitiveness.
One of the major steps taken by the government was the establishment
and development of the quality control system. This system enabled
Estonian export goods to compete with the established producers in the
world market. The system of quality control was introduced in
1921,
when
quality requirements were imposed on export butter, cheese and eggs. The
increasing competition in the world market for Estonian agricultural
products necessitated an improvement of the quality of export products, a
more effective quality control, and extension of controls to new export
articles. In
1925
the government introduced quality control for vegetables
and fruits. In the
1930s
the quality control system was extended to flax,
rawhides, furs, condensed milk, cream and raw milk.
The most problematic quality control issue involved the export of meat,
meat products and livestock, because Western countries like Sweden,
Germany, the United States, and others did not deem the Estonian public
veterinary supervision and quality control particularly reliable. The export
of meat, meat production and live animals did not start until the veterinary
regulations were toughened, the slaughter-houses were modernised, and
veterinary supervision and quality control made more effective in the
second half of the
1920s.
Unlike the agricultural producers, the industrial producers had to take
responsibility for the quality of industrial export commodities upon
themselves.
The Estonian exporters widely relied on the assistance of Estonian
390
diplomatie
representatives while entering foreign markets. The latter
provided information on the business environment in the target market for
exporters. Secondly, they promoted contacts between Estonian and foreign
businessmen. Most of the Estonian producers used foreign mediators for
marketing Estonian commodities. In the second half of the
1930s,
as the
result of the centralisation of the agricultural commodities marketing
system, the role of mediators diminished.
International exhibitions and fairs played an important role in Estonia's
expansion into new markets. They enabled the Estonian exporters to
introduce their export potential and learn about competitors. The first
time that newly independent Estonia took part in an industrial exhibition
was in Helsinki in
1921.
Estonian agricultural producers had their first
experience at the London Food Fair in
1922.
Since then Estonia tried to take
part in all major international exhibitions and fairs. The Estonian
government, being responsible for foreign trade promotion and development,
covered the participation costs.
The world economic depression adversely affected Estonian export-
oriented industries by low prices, high customs tariffs, trade quotas,
exchange controls, licencing systems, and bilateral trade agreements. In
order to recover and to reduce unemployment, nations replaced the
principle of producing only the commodities which were cheaper compared
to imported products with import restrictions and self-sufficiency. The same
trend characterised Estonian foreign trade policy.
After the licencing system prompted by a shortage of food and raw
materials, was abolished in
1921,
and until the world economic depression,
Estonian foreign trade was regulated through the customs policy and trade
agreements. In
1930
the government introduced a monopoly in grain trade,
and in
1931
an licencing system was re-introduced to cut imports. Estonian
agricultural and industrial producers were responsible for extending
licences to an increasing number of import articles. Since expected
relaxation in the international trade after the world economic depression did
not occur, protectionism became stronger. Due to the international economic
environment, the Estonian government further extended the licencing
system to imports. The strongest control was exerted on foodstuff imports
(over
70%
of articles), followed by semi-manufactured products and raw
materials. In the group of finished products,
40%
of the imported
commodities needed to obtain licences. In connection with the tense
political situation in Europe and the outbreak of World War II, the Estonian
.government, like many other European countries, imposed export licences
to all the commodities and expanded import licences to new commodities
in September
1939
in order to reduce the import of luxuries and secondary
consumer goods. Licences were obtained from the central bank, the Bank of
Estonia, when there were sufficient reserves of foreign exchange to cover
the purchases. Preference was given to trade partners who paid for purchases
in cash. Cash was urgently needed to make payments for raw materials,
which were not available through clearing payments. In the
1930s
the
government used import licences as a mechanism to control the type and
value of goods being imported into Estonia, and simultaneously the amount
of foreign exchange leaving Estonia to pay for them. Through the import
licences the government controlled the outflow of foreign exchange and
directed purchases to certain countries.
391
An additoinal important measure for promoting exports was the
introduction of the public guarantee system in
1931.
Like other countries,
Estonia practised this system mostly for goods exported to the USSR, that
is into a market with high political and economic risks. The Estonian
government committed itself to cover
75%
of the cost of the export
transaction. A public guarantee for exports was efficient method to promote
Estonian agricultural and industrial producers in the foreign market.
The price depreciation of primary goods in the world market and the
need to continue agricultural production and exports under the changed
economic environment led to the introduction of special state assistance
through subsidised price increases (export premiums). Subsidies were
granted to the most important agricultural export articles
-
bacon
(1930),
butter and eggs
(1933).
Although the subsidies were expected to remain
but a temporary measure until the improvement of the economic situation
on the world market, the subsidisation of butter and eggs continued
throughout the
1930s
and in the beginning of
1940.
These export premiums
encouraged the producers to increase production and improve the quality
of products.
In the second half of the
1930s,
the existing agricultural marketing
system was replaced with a centralised marketing system, the purpose of
which was to reduce the organisational costs, avoid competition among
Estonian companies in the foreign market, and facilitate a more effective
operation in the foreign market. The pressure for a centralisation of the
marketing system came from abroad, namely from Finland. The Finns
were dissatisfied with the strong competition in the Finnish market caused
by numerous Estonian companies, that led to a decrease in prices. In
1936,
the Estonian government decided to centralise the marketing of Estonian
export butter, in
1937
followed eggs and live animals, meat and meat
production, and lastly, rawhides in
1939.
Foreign trade was one of the most important parameters that indicated
Estonia's economic integration into the European and world economy. The
volume of foreign trade, especially the permanent increase in export
volumes and the variety of commodities, and the expanding geography of
export markets, gave evidence of the good competitiveness of Estonian
agricultural and industrial products. It meant that more money came to
Estonia, new jobs were created, and the purchasing power and living
standard of Estonians rose. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
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| author | Pihlamägi, Maie |
| author_facet | Pihlamägi, Maie |
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| callnumber-sort | HF 41558.8 |
| callnumber-subject | HF - Commerce |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)61408267 (DE-599)BVBBV023323964 |
| era | Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1918-1940 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1918-1940 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Estonia Foreign economic relations History 20th century Estland (DE-588)4015587-0 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Estonia Foreign economic relations History 20th century Estland |
| id | DE-604.BV023323964 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T20:54:47Z |
| indexdate | 2024-10-30T13:03:53Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9949415179 |
| language | Estonian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016508011 |
| oclc_num | 61408267 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 406 S., [8] Bl. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2004 |
| publishDateSearch | 2004 |
| publishDateSort | 2004 |
| publisher | Argo |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Pihlamägi, Maie Verfasser aut Väikeriik maailmaturul Eesti väliskaubandus 1918 - 1940 Maie Pihlamägi Tallinn Argo 2004 406 S., [8] Bl. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T: A small country in the World market : Estonian foreign trade Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1918-1940 gnd rswk-swf Economics Estonia Foreign trade History Geschichte Wirtschaft Außenhandel (DE-588)4003832-4 gnd rswk-swf Estonia Foreign economic relations History 20th century Estland (DE-588)4015587-0 gnd rswk-swf Estland (DE-588)4015587-0 g Außenhandel (DE-588)4003832-4 s Geschichte 1918-1940 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016508011&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016508011&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Pihlamägi, Maie Väikeriik maailmaturul Eesti väliskaubandus 1918 - 1940 Economics Estonia Foreign trade History Geschichte Wirtschaft Außenhandel (DE-588)4003832-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4003832-4 (DE-588)4015587-0 |
| title | Väikeriik maailmaturul Eesti väliskaubandus 1918 - 1940 |
| title_auth | Väikeriik maailmaturul Eesti väliskaubandus 1918 - 1940 |
| title_exact_search | Väikeriik maailmaturul Eesti väliskaubandus 1918 - 1940 |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Väikeriik maailmaturul Eesti väliskaubandus 1918 - 1940 |
| title_full | Väikeriik maailmaturul Eesti väliskaubandus 1918 - 1940 Maie Pihlamägi |
| title_fullStr | Väikeriik maailmaturul Eesti väliskaubandus 1918 - 1940 Maie Pihlamägi |
| title_full_unstemmed | Väikeriik maailmaturul Eesti väliskaubandus 1918 - 1940 Maie Pihlamägi |
| title_short | Väikeriik maailmaturul |
| title_sort | vaikeriik maailmaturul eesti valiskaubandus 1918 1940 |
| title_sub | Eesti väliskaubandus 1918 - 1940 |
| topic | Economics Estonia Foreign trade History Geschichte Wirtschaft Außenhandel (DE-588)4003832-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Economics Estonia Foreign trade History Geschichte Wirtschaft Außenhandel Estonia Foreign economic relations History 20th century Estland |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016508011&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016508011&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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