Patriotyzm w myśli konfederatów barskich:
Saved in:
| Main Author: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Polish |
| Published: |
Lublin
Tow. Naukowe Katolickiego Uniw. Lubelskiego
2005
|
| Series: | Źródła i monografie / Towarzystwo Naukowe Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego
287 |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Patriotism according to the Confederates of Bar |
| Physical Description: | 189 s., [3] s. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 8373062483 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Patriotyzm w myśli konfederatów barskich |c Arkadiusz Michał Stasiak |
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| 490 | 1 | |a Źródła i monografie / Towarzystwo Naukowe Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego |v 287 | |
| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Patriotism according to the Confederates of Bar | ||
| 505 | 0 | |a Bibliogr. s. 165-178. Indeks | |
| 610 | 2 | 4 | |a Barska konfederacja |
| 648 | 4 | |a Geschichte 1700-1800 | |
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| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Schlachta |0 (DE-588)4179647-0 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 651 | 7 | |a Polska / 1768-1772 (Konfederacja barska) |2 jhpk | |
| 651 | 4 | |a Polen | |
| 651 | 4 | |a Poland |x History |y Partition period, 1763-1796 | |
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Record in the Search Index
| _version_ | 1804137327262433280 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | SPIS TREŚCI
Wstęp
Rozdział I
Wartości dobra publicznego i miłości ojczyzny w piśmiennictwie politycznym
XVIII
wieku po okres konfederacji barskiej
.................... 19
1.
Dobro publiczne a dobro prywatne
........................... 20
2.
Źródła patriotyzmu w myśli przedbarskiej
..................... 25
3.
Ksenofobia i kosmopolityzm
............................... 31
4.
Jedność i jednomyślność
................................. 35
5.
Dobra rada
-
antidotum uniwersalne
......................... 37
6.
Czyn i ofiara
......................................... 38
Rozdział
II
Źródła patriotyzmu
.......................................... 43
1.
Transcendencja
-
przyczyna absolutna
........................ 43
2.
Genealogia znamienitych i równych
.......................... 44
3.
Elitarność
........................................... 48
4.
Świadomość sprawowania władzy
........................... 51
5.
Nagroda i kara
........................................ 53
Rozdział III
Patriotyzm jako poświęcenie
................................... 63
1.
Horyzont prywaty
...................................... 63
2.
Wymiar ofiary w wyobrażeniach społecznych
.................... 68
a) Przywódcy barscy wobec mas szlacheckich
................... 68
b) Literatura barska
-
głos mas szlacheckich
.................... 71
c) Poglądy indywidualne
................,................ 78
3.
Mity przeszłości i przyszłości
.............................. 81
Rozdział
IV
Koncepcje sprzeciwu wobec wyobrażeń tradycjonalistycznych
........... 87
1.
Jedność istnienia i postrzegania
-
propozycja umiarkowana
.......... 87
2.
Patrioci podzieleni
..................................... 96
3.
Rywalizacja równych dla dobra wszystkich
-
propozycja radykalna
..... 103
4.
Republikanie wobec tradycjonalistów
-
relacja jednostronna
.......... 111
a) Pokolenia i wykształcenie
............................... 112
b) Władza
........................................... 114
c) Strach twórczych jednostek
.............................. 117
d) Inspirująca rola barier społecznych
......................... 120
Rozdział
V
Barska idea miłości ojczyzny w kontekście przestrzeni politycznej i kultu¬
rowej
................................................ 125
1.
Patriotyzm obozu monarszego
.............................. 125
a) Konsekwentny atak bez nowej idei
......................... 126
b) Chaotyczny atak bez nowej idei
.......................... 131
c) Obrona majestatu, czyli narodziny patriotyzmu monarchistycznego
.... 138
2.
Ideały epoki przejściowej. Pomiędzy sarmatyzmem a Oświeceniem
...... 148
Zakończenie
............................................... 159
Bibliografia
............................................... 165
Summary
................................................. 179
Indeks osób
............................................... 183
PATRIOTISM
ACCORDING
TO THE CONFEDERATES OF BAR
Summary
The idea of patriotism and the way we view our homeland seem to be the key issues
for the Polish political philosophy of the second half of the 18th century. In general, the
project sought to present the individual and collective understanding of patriotism in the
times of the Confederation of Bar and, in particular, how it was perceived by the
Confederates themselves. Furthermore, attempts were made to specify some reasons why
such notions as patriotism were created, what changes it underwent, and why there were
ideas that negated the concepts of love for one s homeland. My objective was to provide
a broad context of ideas that referred to our homeland in the period under consideration.
The comparative chapter (i.e.
5)
depicts the views on patriotism held by those authors
who supported King
Stanislaw
August Poniatowski. This is to compare and complete the
spectrum of the ideas and notions connected with patriotism in the times of the
Confederation of Bar.
My studies sought to show how the value of patriotism was viewed during the civil
war of
1768-1772.
The issue of secondary importance was to explain the cultural-social
principles of how the Confederation of Bar functioned and how it affected political
trends. I think that one should start dating the so-called Bar period not from the moment
the act of confederation was proclaimed and military actions were initiated (the turn of
February and March
1768),
but from the time when Polish senators were abducted on
the orders of
Nikolaj Repnin,
the Russian ambassador in Warsaw. This event of October
1767
popularised thinking in terms of a threat (which is important for my considerations
here). In August
1772
the partition treaty was signed and
Częstochowa
surrendered, the
last military bastion of the Confederation of Bar. The news about these events reached
the Confederation leaders in exile in mid-September
1772.
This time can be treated as
the end of the Bar movement.
There were two trends among the Confederates of Bar that characterised their love
for their homeland: traditional and republican. The traditionalists advocated stability as
opposed to the republicans who advocated change in the times of the Confederation. A
similar division can be observed in the Saxon era.
The group of the traditionalists was an overwhelming majority among those who
joined the ranks of the Confederation of Bar. I think that the Confederates who held
traditional views identified the homeland, above all, with a fellowship, and they placed
the interest of the fellowship (the nobility society) above the interest of the state. The
traditionalists saw the sources of the love for one s homeland in the heritage of one s
ancestors; they viewed patriotism as an inherited value. Now Divine Providence was a
source of patriotism superior to heritage. The idea that patriotism is of transcendental
origin appears to be the one common level (for the considerations on the love to one s
180
summary
homeland) for the traditionalists and the republicans, but also for a group of intellectuals
gathered around King
Stanisław
August Poniatowski.
The traditionalists held that the essence of patriotism was to sacrifice blood, life, and
wealth for the country. According to this model, one could prove one s patriotism mainly
during wartime. In the eyes of the nobility, this chance for sacrifice was a fulfilment of
class equality. However, it appears that a wide social perception (among the nobility) of
the model of patriotism as a sacrifice was an imitation of the elite s behaviour. The links
between the nobility and the elite could be expressed in terms of the political elite s
hegemony. The traditionalists key concept of patriotism was their belief that all the
members of the community shared this view. Consequently, the individual had to
conform to the community ready to sacrifice their lives, and was in fact socially
controlled. I suppose that the traditional vision of patriotism was a concept that had not
emerged at that time, depended on group ideas, was not analysed thoroughly, and was
supported by the stereotype. Presumably, such a set of ideas contributed to social
behaviour and (in the state of civil war) restored political status quo.
The republicans revised the hitherto relations to their homeland. This process was
complex and it bore fruit of the ideas and images of patriotism among the members of
the republicans. A part of the confederates-republicans adhered to the elitist conception
of the sources of patriotism, i.e. the one held by the senate as an institution. The other
of the main conceptions saw the sources of patriotism in rewarding and punishing the
equal and free citizens. In this view, the decisions to reward and punish were under the
nation with complete and exclusive political rights. The representatives gathered around
King
Stanisław
August Poniatowski thought education and the law of nature as the
sources of patriotism. The advocates of the monarch criticised the traditionalists
conception of the sources of the love for one s homeland (the genealogical conception),
but they particularly criticised the radical republican vision of competition.
The Polish republicans defined homeland, above all, in terms of a state. The
advocates of
Stanisław
August did something similar. This idea was in contradiction to
the traditional conception of homeland as a fellowship. The republicans regarded peace
as a very important element in the process of patriotic consolidation. This peace resulted
from a social concord (it was also a postulate of the royal group). The introduction of
reforms called for power, then, paradoxically speaking, civil war was supposed to lead
to the taking over of power. Exposing the image of a state homeland, the republicans
regarded the good of the state as the highest right, the one that was above the interest
of local and social groups.
The moderate republicans assumed that the essence of patriotism was unity.
According to Adam
Stanisław Krasiński,
this unity was expressed in the love of
homeland in all its dimensions: communal, territorial, and institutional.
Teodor
Wessel
also made the sign of equality between unity and patriotism. Contrary to Bishop
Krasiński
(for whom fellowship meant the nobility nation), the Treasure limited
fellowship to the group of the Confederation of Bar. Moreover, Krasinski s elitist vision
was in contradiction to the egalitarian conception of Wessel s equal noble nation.
Contrary to the above differences, the two ideas of patriotism as unity were based on the
image of homeland in the communal-institutional dimension.
The radical republicans expressed their attitude towards homeland in terms of
competition. Those who advocated this idea, in Poland mainly
Michał Wielhorski
and
Franciszek Rostworowski,
were inspired by John Locke s liberal-democratic theory of
state. The concept assumed that a state founded through a social agreement is used to
achieve utilitarian aims only and the state welfare is the sum of individual interests.
SUMMARY
J g J
According to this principle, a criterion for the usefulness of the authority was that it was
supposed to protect life, freedom, and the citizens properties. Thus, the radical
republicans objection to readiness for sacrificing all the mentioned above, the essence
of the traditionalists concept of patriotism is understandable. Contrary to the traditions
of political thought of the First Republic, the radical republicans did not build their
conceptions of patriotism on Cicero s philosophy. The fact that a part of Bar
confederates and the royal camp rejected the Ciceronian vision of homeland seems to be
a turning point for the history of ideas and the view of patriotism in Poland. The radical
republicans preferred the Lockean idea of patriotism to the conceptions of the French
philosophers of the Enlightenment, whom they criticised.
I presume that it was the radical republicans-Bar confederates who introduced in
Poland republican vitality and civic commitment. These values were inherited from the
English republican thought of the Enlightenment period, and not
-
as it has been claimed
so far
-
from the French conceptions of the age of light. Those intellectuals who
supported the king s visions and ideas, and who founded monarchist patriotism (despite
their alleged cosmopolitanism) at the end of the Confederation of Bar, introduced much
fewer innovations to Polish political thought than the radical republicans-Bar
confederates. In the end of
1771,
after the king had been abducted and released, the
monarchist camp fiercely attacked radical republicanism and its conception of patriotism.
The main argument was the objection that the confederates did not abide by the law,
which was deemed unpatriotic.
I believe that republican views did not belong to one, concrete generation. A thorough
and enlightened education was an important factor in the process of the formation of
such views. I may have been
s
source of disapproval towards non-reflective
traditionalism. Enlightenment education was neither a necessary nor determining element
for the choice of the republican ideas of patriotism.
Among the confederates of Bar the republicans constituted a creative minority. I
presume that they feared that their view might be made known. They never criticised
traditional concepts, nor dared to openly manifest their own ideas contrary to traditional
thought. Probably, they thought that the difference between their view of patriotism and
that of the community would be disapproved by the group of traditionalists, i.e. the
dominating group.
I think that the social position fuelled by (socio-political) ambitions and an attempt
to change it decided about the republicans views, including their conception of
patriotism and their hidden objection to traditionalist thought. The republicans tended to
change the status quo and take over power. It seems that the main factor that made the
traditionalist visions different from the republican ideas was a collective view of the
former contrary to the individualistic view of the latter. Moreover, the traditional view
of patriotism as sacrifice contained a series of Sarmatian characteristics.
I believe that the Enlightenment as a cultural formation contained some contradictory
trends: republicanism and monarchism and the ideas of patriotism superimposed on the
two: republican and monarchist. The patriotic conceptions of the republicans and the
royal camp may be called Enlightenment patriotism. The ideas of patriotism held by a
part of the Saxon thinkers were also of the Enlightenment character. Contrary to this, the
republican and monarchist ideas of patriotism may be defined as innovative, as such that
introduced new trends to Polish philosophical thought.
Translated by
Jan Kłos
|
| adam_txt |
SPIS TREŚCI
Wstęp
Rozdział I
Wartości dobra publicznego i miłości ojczyzny w piśmiennictwie politycznym
XVIII
wieku po okres konfederacji barskiej
. 19
1.
Dobro publiczne a dobro prywatne
. 20
2.
Źródła patriotyzmu w myśli "przedbarskiej"
. 25
3.
Ksenofobia i kosmopolityzm
. 31
4.
Jedność i jednomyślność
. 35
5.
Dobra rada
-
antidotum uniwersalne
. 37
6.
Czyn i ofiara
. 38
Rozdział
II
Źródła patriotyzmu
. 43
1.
Transcendencja
-
przyczyna absolutna
. 43
2.
Genealogia znamienitych i równych
. 44
3.
Elitarność
. 48
4.
Świadomość sprawowania władzy
. 51
5.
Nagroda i kara
. 53
Rozdział III
Patriotyzm jako poświęcenie
. 63
1.
Horyzont prywaty
. 63
2.
Wymiar ofiary w wyobrażeniach społecznych
. 68
a) Przywódcy barscy wobec mas szlacheckich
. 68
b) Literatura barska
-
głos mas szlacheckich
. 71
c) Poglądy indywidualne
.,. 78
3.
Mity przeszłości i przyszłości
. 81
Rozdział
IV
Koncepcje sprzeciwu wobec wyobrażeń tradycjonalistycznych
. 87
1.
Jedność istnienia i postrzegania
-
propozycja umiarkowana
. 87
2.
Patrioci podzieleni
. 96
3.
Rywalizacja równych dla dobra wszystkich
-
propozycja radykalna
. 103
4.
Republikanie wobec tradycjonalistów
-
relacja jednostronna
. 111
a) Pokolenia i wykształcenie
. 112
b) Władza
. 114
c) Strach twórczych jednostek
. 117
d) Inspirująca rola barier społecznych
. 120
Rozdział
V
Barska idea miłości ojczyzny w kontekście przestrzeni politycznej i kultu¬
rowej
. 125
1.
Patriotyzm obozu monarszego
. 125
a) Konsekwentny atak bez nowej idei
. 126
b) Chaotyczny atak bez nowej idei
. 131
c) Obrona majestatu, czyli narodziny patriotyzmu monarchistycznego
. 138
2.
Ideały epoki przejściowej. Pomiędzy sarmatyzmem a Oświeceniem
. 148
Zakończenie
. 159
Bibliografia
. 165
Summary
. 179
Indeks osób
. 183
PATRIOTISM
ACCORDING
TO THE CONFEDERATES OF BAR
Summary
The idea of patriotism and the way we view our homeland seem to be the key issues
for the Polish political philosophy of the second half of the 18th century. In general, the
project sought to present the individual and collective understanding of patriotism in the
times of the Confederation of Bar and, in particular, how it was perceived by the
Confederates themselves. Furthermore, attempts were made to specify some reasons why
such notions as patriotism were created, what changes it underwent, and why there were
ideas that negated the concepts of love for one's homeland. My objective was to provide
a broad context of ideas that referred to our homeland in the period under consideration.
The comparative chapter (i.e.
5)
depicts the views on patriotism held by those authors
who supported King
Stanislaw
August Poniatowski. This is to compare and complete the
spectrum of the ideas and notions connected with patriotism in the times of the
Confederation of Bar.
My studies sought to show how the value of patriotism was viewed during the civil
war of
1768-1772.
The issue of secondary importance was to explain the cultural-social
principles of how the Confederation of Bar functioned and how it affected political
trends. I think that one should start dating the so-called Bar period not from the moment
the act of confederation was proclaimed and military actions were initiated (the turn of
February and March
1768),
but from the time when Polish senators were abducted on
the orders of
Nikolaj Repnin,
the Russian ambassador in Warsaw. This event of October
1767
popularised thinking in terms of a threat (which is important for my considerations
here). In August
1772
the partition treaty was signed and
Częstochowa
surrendered, the
last military bastion of the Confederation of Bar. The news about these events reached
the Confederation leaders in exile in mid-September
1772.
This time can be treated as
the end of the Bar movement.
There were two trends among the Confederates of Bar that characterised their love
for their homeland: traditional and republican. The traditionalists advocated stability as
opposed to the republicans who advocated change in the times of the Confederation. A
similar division can be observed in the Saxon era.
The group of the traditionalists was an overwhelming majority among those who
joined the ranks of the Confederation of Bar. I think that the Confederates who held
traditional views identified the homeland, above all, with a fellowship, and they placed
the interest of the fellowship (the nobility society) above the interest of the state. The
traditionalists saw the sources of the love for one's homeland in the heritage of one's
ancestors; they viewed patriotism as an inherited value. Now Divine Providence was a
source of patriotism superior to heritage. The idea that patriotism is of transcendental
origin appears to be the one common level (for the considerations on the love to one's
180
summary
homeland) for the traditionalists and the republicans, but also for a group of intellectuals
gathered around King
Stanisław
August Poniatowski.
The traditionalists held that the essence of patriotism was to sacrifice blood, life, and
wealth for the country. According to this model, one could prove one's patriotism mainly
during wartime. In the eyes of the nobility, this chance for sacrifice was a fulfilment of
class equality. However, it appears that a wide social perception (among the nobility) of
the model of patriotism as a sacrifice was an imitation of the elite's behaviour. The links
between the nobility and the elite could be expressed in terms of the political elite's
hegemony. The traditionalists' key concept of patriotism was their belief that all the
members of the community shared this view. Consequently, the individual had to
conform to the community ready to sacrifice their lives, and was in fact socially
controlled. I suppose that the traditional vision of patriotism was a concept that had not
emerged at that time, depended on group ideas, was not analysed thoroughly, and was
supported by the stereotype. Presumably, such a set of ideas contributed to social
behaviour and (in the state of civil war) restored political status quo.
The republicans revised the hitherto relations to their homeland. This process was
complex and it bore fruit of the ideas and images of patriotism among the members of
the republicans. A part of the confederates-republicans adhered to the elitist conception
of the sources of patriotism, i.e. the one held by the senate as an institution. The other
of the main conceptions saw the sources of patriotism in rewarding and punishing the
equal and free citizens. In this view, the decisions to reward and punish were under the
nation with complete and exclusive political rights. The representatives gathered around
King
Stanisław
August Poniatowski thought education and the law of nature as the
sources of patriotism. The advocates of the monarch criticised the traditionalists'
conception of the sources of the love for one's homeland (the genealogical conception),
but they particularly criticised the radical republican vision of competition.
The Polish republicans defined homeland, above all, in terms of a state. The
advocates of
Stanisław
August did something similar. This idea was in contradiction to
the traditional conception of homeland as a fellowship. The republicans regarded peace
as a very important element in the process of patriotic consolidation. This peace resulted
from a social concord (it was also a postulate of the royal group). The introduction of
reforms called for power, then, paradoxically speaking, civil war was supposed to lead
to the taking over of power. Exposing the image of a state homeland, the republicans
regarded the good of the state as the highest right, the one that was above the interest
of local and social groups.
The moderate republicans assumed that the essence of patriotism was unity.
According to Adam
Stanisław Krasiński,
this unity was expressed in the love of
homeland in all its dimensions: communal, territorial, and institutional.
Teodor
Wessel
also made the sign of equality between unity and patriotism. Contrary to Bishop
Krasiński
(for whom fellowship meant the nobility nation), the Treasure limited
fellowship to the group of the Confederation of Bar. Moreover, Krasinski's elitist vision
was in contradiction to the egalitarian conception of Wessel's equal noble nation.
Contrary to the above differences, the two ideas of patriotism as unity were based on the
image of homeland in the communal-institutional dimension.
The radical republicans expressed their attitude towards homeland in terms of
competition. Those who advocated this idea, in Poland mainly
Michał Wielhorski
and
Franciszek Rostworowski,
were inspired by John Locke's liberal-democratic theory of
state. The concept assumed that a state founded through a social agreement is used to
achieve utilitarian aims only and the state welfare is the sum of individual interests.
SUMMARY
J g J
According to this principle, a criterion for the usefulness of the authority was that it was
supposed to protect life, freedom, and the citizens' properties. Thus, the radical
republicans' objection to readiness for sacrificing all the mentioned above, the essence
of the traditionalists' concept of patriotism is understandable. Contrary to the traditions
of political thought of the First Republic, the radical republicans did not build their
conceptions of patriotism on Cicero's philosophy. The fact that a part of Bar
confederates and the royal camp rejected the Ciceronian vision of homeland seems to be
a turning point for the history of ideas and the view of patriotism in Poland. The radical
republicans preferred the Lockean idea of patriotism to the conceptions of the French
philosophers of the Enlightenment, whom they criticised.
I presume that it was the radical republicans-Bar confederates who introduced in
Poland republican vitality and civic commitment. These values were inherited from the
English republican thought of the Enlightenment period, and not
-
as it has been claimed
so far
-
from the French conceptions of the age of light. Those intellectuals who
supported the king's visions and ideas, and who founded monarchist patriotism (despite
their alleged cosmopolitanism) at the end of the Confederation of Bar, introduced much
fewer innovations to Polish political thought than the radical republicans-Bar
confederates. In the end of
1771,
after the king had been abducted and released, the
monarchist camp fiercely attacked radical republicanism and its conception of patriotism.
The main argument was the objection that the confederates did not abide by the law,
which was deemed unpatriotic.
I believe that republican views did not belong to one, concrete generation. A thorough
and enlightened education was an important factor in the process of the formation of
such views. I may have been
s
source of disapproval towards "non-reflective"
traditionalism. Enlightenment education was neither a necessary nor determining element
for the choice of the republican ideas of patriotism.
Among the confederates of Bar the republicans constituted a creative minority. I
presume that they feared that their view might be made known. They never criticised
traditional concepts, nor dared to openly manifest their own ideas contrary to traditional
thought. Probably, they thought that the difference between their view of patriotism and
that of the community would be disapproved by the group of traditionalists, i.e. the
dominating group.
I think that the social position fuelled by (socio-political) ambitions and an attempt
to change it decided about the republicans' views, including their conception of
patriotism and their hidden objection to traditionalist thought. The republicans tended to
change the status quo and take over power. It seems that the main factor that made the
traditionalist visions different from the republican ideas was a collective view of the
former contrary to the individualistic view of the latter. Moreover, the traditional view
of patriotism as sacrifice contained a series of Sarmatian characteristics.
I believe that the Enlightenment as a cultural formation contained some contradictory
trends: republicanism and monarchism and the ideas of patriotism superimposed on the
two: republican and monarchist. The patriotic conceptions of the republicans and the
royal camp may be called Enlightenment patriotism. The ideas of patriotism held by a
part of the Saxon thinkers were also of the Enlightenment character. Contrary to this, the
republican and monarchist ideas of patriotism may be defined as innovative, as such that
introduced new trends to Polish philosophical thought.
Translated by
Jan Kłos |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
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| author | Stasiak, Arkadiusz Michał |
| author_facet | Stasiak, Arkadiusz Michał |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Stasiak, Arkadiusz Michał |
| author_variant | a m s am ams |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV023080074 |
| callnumber-first | J - Political Science |
| callnumber-label | JN6767 |
| callnumber-raw | JN6767.A2 |
| callnumber-search | JN6767.A2 |
| callnumber-sort | JN 46767 A2 |
| contents | Bibliogr. s. 165-178. Indeks |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)182621935 (DE-599)BVBBV023080074 |
| era | Geschichte 1700-1800 Geschichte 1768-1772 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1700-1800 Geschichte 1768-1772 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Polska / 1768-1772 (Konfederacja barska) jhpk Polen Poland History Partition period, 1763-1796 |
| geographic_facet | Polska / 1768-1772 (Konfederacja barska) Polen Poland History Partition period, 1763-1796 |
| id | DE-604.BV023080074 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T19:36:41Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:10:32Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 8373062483 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016283108 |
| oclc_num | 182621935 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 189 s., [3] s. 24 cm |
| publishDate | 2005 |
| publishDateSearch | 2005 |
| publishDateSort | 2005 |
| publisher | Tow. Naukowe Katolickiego Uniw. Lubelskiego |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Źródła i monografie / Towarzystwo Naukowe Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego |
| spelling | Stasiak, Arkadiusz Michał Verfasser aut Patriotyzm w myśli konfederatów barskich Arkadiusz Michał Stasiak Lublin Tow. Naukowe Katolickiego Uniw. Lubelskiego 2005 189 s., [3] s. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Źródła i monografie / Towarzystwo Naukowe Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego 287 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Patriotism according to the Confederates of Bar Bibliogr. s. 165-178. Indeks Barska konfederacja Geschichte 1700-1800 Geschichte 1768-1772 gnd rswk-swf Patriotyzm / Polska / 18 w jhpk Idee polityczne / Polska / 18 w jhpk Geschichte Patriotism Poland History 18th century Patriotismus (DE-588)4132835-8 gnd rswk-swf Schlachta (DE-588)4179647-0 gnd rswk-swf Polska / 1768-1772 (Konfederacja barska) jhpk Polen Poland History Partition period, 1763-1796 Schlachta (DE-588)4179647-0 s Patriotismus (DE-588)4132835-8 s Geschichte 1768-1772 z DE-604 Towarzystwo Naukowe Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego Źródła i monografie 287 (DE-604)BV000017304 287 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016283108&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016283108&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Stasiak, Arkadiusz Michał Patriotyzm w myśli konfederatów barskich Bibliogr. s. 165-178. Indeks Barska konfederacja Patriotyzm / Polska / 18 w jhpk Idee polityczne / Polska / 18 w jhpk Geschichte Patriotism Poland History 18th century Patriotismus (DE-588)4132835-8 gnd Schlachta (DE-588)4179647-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4132835-8 (DE-588)4179647-0 |
| title | Patriotyzm w myśli konfederatów barskich |
| title_auth | Patriotyzm w myśli konfederatów barskich |
| title_exact_search | Patriotyzm w myśli konfederatów barskich |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Patriotyzm w myśli konfederatów barskich |
| title_full | Patriotyzm w myśli konfederatów barskich Arkadiusz Michał Stasiak |
| title_fullStr | Patriotyzm w myśli konfederatów barskich Arkadiusz Michał Stasiak |
| title_full_unstemmed | Patriotyzm w myśli konfederatów barskich Arkadiusz Michał Stasiak |
| title_short | Patriotyzm w myśli konfederatów barskich |
| title_sort | patriotyzm w mysli konfederatow barskich |
| topic | Barska konfederacja Patriotyzm / Polska / 18 w jhpk Idee polityczne / Polska / 18 w jhpk Geschichte Patriotism Poland History 18th century Patriotismus (DE-588)4132835-8 gnd Schlachta (DE-588)4179647-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Barska konfederacja Patriotyzm / Polska / 18 w Idee polityczne / Polska / 18 w Geschichte Patriotism Poland History 18th century Patriotismus Schlachta Polska / 1768-1772 (Konfederacja barska) Polen Poland History Partition period, 1763-1796 |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016283108&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016283108&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV000017304 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT stasiakarkadiuszmichał patriotyzmwmyslikonfederatowbarskich |