Vaim ja võim: Eesti haritlaskond 1917 - 1940
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| Main Authors: | , |
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| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Estonian |
| Published: |
Tallinn
Argo
2001
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| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T: The spirit and the power |
| Physical Description: | 513 S. |
| ISBN: | 998578362X |
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| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T: The spirit and the power | ||
| 648 | 4 | |a Geschichte 1900-2000 | |
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 1917-1940 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
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Record in the Search Index
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| adam_text |
SISUKORD
EESSÕNA
6
ESMENE OSA
HARITLASKONNA KUJUNEMINE
JA KOOSSEIS ·
Vä
ino Sirk
I.
Intelligentsi arenguruum
1.
Üldjooni
11
2.
Rahva haridustase
ja harítlaskonna
struktuur
rahvaloenduste valgusel
19
3.
Hariduskorraldus
25
4. Haritlased ja poliitiline
eliit
35
5.
Intelligentsi personaalsest
ja
kartograafilisest uurimisest
40
IL
Üliopilaskond
1.
Üliopílased
Eesti iseseisvuse sunni aastail
42
2.
Tartu eesti
ülikooH
üliopílased
45
3.
Üliopílased teistes
Eesti
kõrgkoolides
ja välismaal 58
4. Üliopilaselu ja üliopüasorgamsatsioonide rahvusvaheline
koostoö 63
Ш.
Pedagoogid
1. Iseseisvuse
eel
68
2. Omarükluse esimesed aastad 70
3.
Õpetajaskond
1922/23.
õppeaastal
75
4.
Õpetajate
kursused.
Algkooliõpetajate ettevalmistamine
80
5.
Keskkooliõpetajate
ettevalmistamine 85
6.
Algkooliõpetajad
1920. ja 1930. aastatel 88
7.
Keskkooliõpetajad
1920. ja 1930. aastatel 93
8.
Õpetajad
ja nende organisatsioonid ühiskondlike suhete
võrgustikus.
Välissidemed 99
W. Vaimulikud
1.
Lu
teri
usvi kiriku pastorid 106
2. Apostliku
õigeusu
kiriku preestrid ja teised teenijad 114
3.
Katoliku
preestrid ja usulahkude teenijad 117
V. Med
its
ii
η
¡intelligents
1.
Eosti arstideseltside loomino.
MeditsiinitöÖtajad
VabadussÕjas
121
2.
Årstid
1920.-1930.
aastatel
124
3.
Hambaarstid
ja rohuteadlased 136
4. Meditsiiniline abipersonal 142
VI.
Juristid, ametnikud, ohvitserid
1. Juristid 145
2. Riigi-, omavalitsus- ja
eraettevõtete
ametnikud 153
3. Ohvitserid 162
VII.
Tehnika-
ja
põllumajandusintelJigents
1. Tehnikaharitlased 170
2.
Põllumajandusintelligents
184
VIII. Teadus- ja kunsti
intelligents
1. Teadlased 193
2. Kunstiharitlased 204
TEINE OSA
HARITLASKONNA ENESETUNNETUS JA ÜHISKOND-
LIKUD IDEED · Toomas Kaijahärm
IX.
Haritlaskond ja
mõtteloo
üldtaust
1. Ideeajaloo tekstid 215
2. Lähtepunkt - iseseisvuseelne aeg 218
3. Vaimuelu üldtaust omariikluse ajal 222
4. Kultuur - keskne märksona 229
5. Vaimse eliidi enesemääratlus ja missioon 234
X.
Eesti
idee
1. Kohanemine riigiga 240
2. "Vaimu riik" - noore
haritlaspõlve utoopia
245
3. Haritlaskond ja rahvuslus 251
3.1. Rahvuslus kui
"väl
tima
tu printsiip" 251
3.2. Rahvuse
mois te
256
3.3. Väikerahvalik enesehmnetus 259
3.4. Hans Kruus rahvusliku kutsumuse ideest 266
3.5. Johannes Aavik - rahvusluse öhutaja 269
3.6.
limar Tõnisson
ja uus rahvuslik liikumine 270
3.7.
Ees ti Rahvuslaste
Klubid
274
3.7.1.
Riigirahvuslus contra demokraatia
274
3.7.2.
Rahvuslikud foobiad
280
XI.
Vaim ja
vôim
1.
Autoritaarse
režiimi ideoloogia
284
1.1.
"Juhitav
demokraatia"
284
1.2.
Majanduslik rahvuslus ja reguleerimme
296
1.3. Konstantin Pätsi poliitilised ideed 301
2. Opositsioonilise
intelligents!
plalvorm 30S
3.
Inlellektuaalid dcmokraatiast ja diktatuurist
317
3.1.
Jaan
Tõnisson
317
3.2.
Peeter Tai-vel
319
3.3. Eduard
Laaman
324
3.4. Harri Moora
32Я
XII.
Regionaalscd idcntitecdid
1.
Eesti
mot tel
ine äsend 330
2. Euroopa
ídentiteeť.
märk
ja
väljakutse
332
3.
Sild
voi puhvcr?
337
4. Pan-Euroopa
idee
340
5. Baltoskandia: imaginaame identiteet 344
6. Kultuuriorientatsioonid 346
7. Oswald Spengler ja euroskepsis 352
8. Ühissoomlus: UiÜased liiduta 357
9.
Balti saatusruum
364
10. Saksamaa ja sakslased:^raf
majeure?
367
11. Venemaa 374
KOKKUVÕTE
380
VIITED JA
KOMMENTAAMD 4Ü2
LISAD 458
ALLIKAD JA KIRJANDUS 464
SUMMARY
499
ISIKUNIMEDE REGISTER 509
SUMMARY
THE SPIRIT AND THE POWER: THE ESTONIAN
INTELLIGENTSIA IN
1917-40
By Tqomas
Karjahärm
and
Väino
Sikk
The present volume is a sequel to the book Estonian Intellectual Elite;
Formation and
Idens,
1850-1ШЪу
Toomas
Karjahärm
and
Väino
Sirk, publis¬
hed in Tallinn in
1997.
Both books provide an overview of the evolution of the
Estonian intelligentsia on both the qualitative and the sociological plane, as
well as of the views and social ideas espoused by the intellectual elite.
Under the Russian
culo,
educated Estonians had a hard time finding work
consistent with their qualifications in their native country where German
and Russian intelligentsia dominated. Along with independent statehood in
19Ί8
drastic
changea
in the Estonian intelligentsia took place. Large numbers
of Russian civil servants, officei-s, teachers and scientists left Estonia while
л
part of Baltic Germans relocated in Germany. There was a reverse movement
as well: Estonians who had been employed in Russia and educated in Russian
universities returned to their native country. Seeking refuge from Bolshevist
violence and hunger, educated persons of Russian, German and other natio¬
nalities migrated to Estonia, Following the Tartu Peace Treaty of
'1920,
thou¬
sands of repatriates from the territory of the former Russian Empire, among
them more than
700
persons with
α
higher education and approximately
5,000
persons with a secondary education, poured into Estonia.
The years of independent statehood are characterised by a spurt of
growth in the ranks of Estonian intelligentsia and its gaining a dominant
position in all the major spheres of public life. By the census of
1922,
there
were in Estonia
4,573
persons with a higher education, among them
3,963
men
and
610
women; that is,
0.5
per cent of the population had graduated from
higher educational institutions. According to the data of the census taken in
1934, 7,437
persons
- 5,988
men and
1,449
women
-,
or
0.8
per cent of the
population, had a higher education.
The young Republic of Estonia needed many educated people for buil¬
ding-up work
ín
the spheres of governance, culture, science and education.
The democratic republic did away with all class privileges. The civil society
opened to Estonian intellectuals, most of them deriving from the ranks of
the former peasant class, opportunities to move up on the social and the
career ladder. The Estonian language, banished under the Russian rule,
became the official language of the country. At the same time intellectuals
had to accept that they could realize their professional ambitions only within
the confines of the small country and initially in rather narrow economic
circumstances. Despite the growing role of Estonians, the country's intel¬
ligentsia remained multinational. The proportion of Germans and Jews
among the educated elite was considerably larger than among the population
as a whole.
The level of literacy was even at the end of the 19th century higher in
Estonia than in other regions of the Russian Empire and in many indepen¬
dent states of the time, including South and East European countries. By the
proportion of students, however/ Estonia lagged significantly behind West
499
and Central European countries. Because of that, the distinctive feature of
the educational policy of the Estonian government in the
1920s
was an
aspiration to make education as accessible to the masses as possible, In
1919
attendance of school for four years became compulsory, and in the
1920s
a
network of six-year public schools providing education in Estonian for free
was established. Numerous five-year gymnasiums, or secondary schools,
based on the six-year elementary school, were opened, and the number of
secondary-school students grew fast. In the
1930s
the secondary education
was reformed to some extent: the elementary school was now followed by
secondary school (classes
5-9
or
7-9),
which opened the door to a three-year
gymnasium (classes
10-12).
The city of Tartu had been the centre of Estonian higher education since
the 17th century. In the last decades of the Czarist regime, the overwhelming
majority of students arrived from other parts of the Russian Empire and left
Estonia upon completing their studies. In
1916
there were at Tartu University
only
364
students of Estonian extraction, or
14.5
percent of the student body.
In the early days of independent statehood a bold educational policy deci¬
sion was made to turn the renowned Tartu University into an Estonian-
language educational institution, a nursery of Estonian intellectuals and a
centre of science and research of the state of Estonia. Professors were invited
also from other countries, such as Finland, Sweden and Germany, and Baltic
German and Russian scholars were employed as well. In the student body
that had grown substantially during independence, Estonians now prevailed,
but the percentage of Germans and Jews, for example, was considerably
bigger in the university than the proportion of those ethnic minorities in the
population. In
1919-39
a total of
5,751
students
(4,214
men and
1,537
women)
graduated from Tartu University.
As administrative bodies and businesses needed personnel with a techni¬
cal education, the Tallinn Technical School was established in
1918,
which
graduated
300
engineers, architects and chemists in
1923-36.
The Technical
Institute opened in Tallinn in
1936
and was renamed the Tallinn Technical
University in
1938.
Another major institution of higher education was; the
'1919-founded Tallinn Conservatory, which had
348
students in the
1938/39
academic year. In the
1925-39
period the conservatory graduated
293
musi¬
cians
(132
men and
161
women). From
1919
onwards, the higher school of
art Pallas, with departments of painting, graphic arts and sculpture, operated
in Tartu. In two decades Estonia developed a system of higher education
that served as a platform for the rapid professionalisation of the intelligentsia
in all the major fields. Estonian citizens pursued a higher education also in
foreign countries, in the first place in central, western and northern Europe,
and to a smaller degree in North America.
Teachers formed a group of the Estonian intelligentsia that had evolved
already in the middle of the 19th century. The preparation and advanced
training of teachers became especially in the first half of the
1920s
a key
educational priority of the state of Estonia. In the
1922/23
academic year,
Estonians dominated among teachers, making up
87.1
per cent of elementary
school teachers and
60.8
per cent of secondary school teachers. As many as
99.1
per cent of elementary school and
93.3
per cent of secondary school
teachers held Estonian citizenship. In
1936, 49.1
per cent of teachers in
elementary schools were men and
50.9
per cent women. There were more
men among secondary school teachers, but the proportion of women was on
500
the rise. The bigger part of teachers joined the Estonian Teachers' Union
founded in
1917,
which played a fairly significant role in shaping the govern¬
ment's educational policy.
After the collapse of democracy in
1934
the authoritarian regime began
to organize the people by their profession.
Ί936
saw the establishment of the
Chamber of Teachers, which united teachers of all types of school. The
chamber protected teachers' professional and economic interests, All in all,
the spiritual influence of teachers on the society as a whole and the educa¬
tional policy of the government decreased in the
1930s.
Following the downfall of the Czarist Empire, Estonian clergy pursued
the goal of democratising church life and establishing what was known as
the free people's church. The clergy was divided into two principal large
groups: pastors of the Lutheran Church and Orthodox priests. In
1934,
Estonians made up
66
per cent and Germans
30
per cent of pastors, whereas in
1939, 77
per cent of the
173
pastors were Estonian and
22
percent of German
extraction. The small German minority,
1.5
per cent of the population, gave
a remarkable part of the Lutheran clergy. In
1939,
in the course of the
Umsiedlung, 65
pastors, including Estonians, left the country. The Orthodox
Church broke away from the Moscow Patriarchate in
1923
and was taken
under the wing of the ecumenical patriarch as the Estonian Apostolic
Orthodox Church, Two distinct wings emerged within the Orthodoxy in
Estonia. Estonian congregations, with mostly Estonian priests, strove to
make ecclesiastical rites more up-to-date and understandable to believers,
whereas Russian congregations served by prevalently non-Estonian clergy
sought to preserve the old ways.
In the early
1920s
Estonians accounted for less than half of the country's
physicians (in
1921,
Estonians made up
48.6
per cent, Germans
38.4
per cent,
jews
5.7
per cent, Russians
4.6
per cent, and others
2.7
per cent of the doc¬
tors in Estonia). By
1936,
Estonians formed
61.1
per cent,
Germana
18
per cent,
Jews
9.5
per cent, Russians
9.1
per cent and other nationalities
2.3
per cent
of the body or doctors, independent statehood brought Estonia for the first
time in history to a state where she had a sufficient number of doctors.
Whereas in
1921
there were
370
practising physicians
(346
men and
24
women)
in Estonia, in
1937
doctors numbered
932 (733
men and
199
women). There
were
22.6
physicians per
10,000
of population in towns as compared with
only
2.8
in the countryside, and the national average was
7.8.
Law specialists played a significant role in developing the administrative,
legal and defence systems of the state. Lawyers were engaged in different
spheres of life, but it was judges, investigating magistrates, barristers and
senior police officers who formed the most characteristic group of the legal
profession. The law faculty of Tartu University, which was the biggest depart¬
ment of the university, graduated more than
1,600
law specialists in
1919-39.
All judges were men, but among barristers there were women as well.
The administrative intelligentsia rose to be one of the most numerous
and influential groups of intellectuals next to the body of teachers. In state
and iocai government institutions, educated Estonians set the tone, but nafi¬
ves of other ethnic origin
-
Germans, Russians, and others
-
found jobs in
them as well. As there was need of large numbers of senior and rank-and-file
officials, along with persons with a higher education also those with a secon¬
dary and incomplete secondary education, and even persons who only had
an elementary education, had to be employed. The general rule was that an
501
official had to have at least a secondary education, but often a special educa¬
tion or a professional certificate was required. Many or highly educated
civil servants had studied law or economics, but also agronomists, engi¬
neers, teachers, persons with a military education and others worked for
state and local government institutions, ft was a widespread practice among
officials to further their education concurrently with working, especially in
the law department.
The professional military men of Estonia arose
from
the Russian army.
In the autumn of
1917
nearly
3,000
Estonian officers were serving in the
Russian armed forces, among them dozens of staff and general staff officers
and several generals. The government paid in the
1920s
and
1930s
serious
attention to military education, further training of officers with a Russian
education, and higher education of the younger officers both
ať
home and
in other European countries. In
1921
courses of the general staff opened in
Tallinn which in
1925
were renamed the Military College. In peacetime
conditions in
1939
Estonia had
1,500
officers on active service. The body of
officers was well-educated in both the general cultural and professional
terms, patriotically-minded and ready to defend their native country.
Technical specialists were a group of the intelligentsia that formed along
with the economic development of the country, in particular the progress
made in industry, employment of natural resources and
construction.
The
Chamber of Engineers had
730
members in
'1939,
including
224
civil engineers,
107
electrical engineers,
164
mechanical engineers,
72
architects and
163
che¬
mists. Some new fields of technology, such as radio engineering and avia¬
tion, had to be studied abroad
-
in Germany, Czechoslovakia, Poland and
elsewhere
-
even in the
1930s.
Nevertheless, in a couple of decades a firm
foundation for the Estonian technical culture was laid.
A new direction in the Estonian higher education, the preparation of
agronomists and forestry specialists, had its nursery in the agricultural
faculty of Tartu University. Veterinarians had in
1848-1918
been trained at
the Tartu Veterinary Institute, whose work was carried on by the veterinary
department of Tartu University. All told, almost
650
highly educated
agricultural specialists
-
agronomists, veterinary surgeons and foresters
-
graduated from Tartu University in
1919-39.
Tartu University remained the principal centre of scientific research, but
the Tallinn Technical University, too, started work to solve important techno¬
logical problems. Centres of science outside universities, such as the Insti¬
tute of Natural Resources founded in
1937,
made good progress. The Esto¬
nian Academy of Sciences was founded in
1938.
Germans made up almost
40
per cent of the professors of Tartu University
in the
1920s,
but the teaching staff included also Russians, citizens of Fin¬
land and Sweden, and others. Toward the end of the
1930s
Estonians formed
more than
80
per cent of the professors {Estonians made up
88
per cent of
the population). In
1936-40
around
1,400
professional and amateur scientists,
accounting for
1.2
per mill of the country's population, were active in Estonia.
The area of self-improvement and persona] contacts of Estonian scientists
had widened to take in all the leading centres of science in West, Central and
North Europe and to a smaller degree North America as well. The works of
the
neurosurgeon
Ludvig Piiusepp, astronomer
Ernst Öpik,
botanist and
plant geographer
Teodor
Lippmaa and oil shale chemist Paul Kogennan
had made a mark on the international scene. The study or the Estonian history,
502
Estonian language and Finno-Ugric languages expanded and became more
professional. Tartu University rose in this field abreast with the universities
of Helsinki, Budapest and Turku. The state of Estonia did not pursue a policy
of creating a purely Estonian intellectual elite, and representatives of ethnic
minorities held prominent positions in many professions.
Estonian intellectuals' social views in the early 20th century were shaped
by
'lŞth-century
ideologies. They were characterised by a positivistic view of
the world based on natural science, which evolved on the strength of the
advances in empirical sciences. The so-called general teaching of evolution,
which subjected the nature, the society and culture to the evolution theory,
gained wide ground. A belief in progress borne of the Hegelian pheno¬
menology and Darwin's theory of evolution professed the universal and
eternal perfecting of all forms of life. At the beginning of the 20th century all
the major political ideologies
-
nationalism,, liberalism, conservatism and
socialism
-
were current in Estonia. Of great Western thinkers, Marx,
Malt¬
hus,
Nietzsche and Haeckcl were known here along with Darwin and Hegel.
With independent statehood, in conditions of democracy and political
freedom, the environment of the circulation and interaction of ideas, the
general background of intellectual life as a whole changed out of all recog¬
nition. In the democratic society, access to the most different ideas was
open, and the dialogue between them was public, vernacular and free.
The Estonian philosophical culture and thought as a whole had fallen
behind the times in comparison with western Europe, The independent
Estonia travelled on her path of modernisation largely along the road the
West had traversed in the 19th century, the century of the victorious advance
of nationalism. The Republic of Estonia was a petty bourgeois country with
an agrarian countenance where a society of estates turned into a society of
strata. The bourgeoisie became the leading stratum, the patriarchal peasant
evolved into a farmer, and the intelligentsia atomised. The intellectual elite,
despite its furious quantitative growth, lost its former glorified position,
The society no longer needed universal intellectuals-cum-leaders of the
people, but specialists who were expert in one particular field. As the number
of educated persons grew, they stopped being a rarity and an object of admi¬
ration in the society. It was rather a case of overproduction of humanists,
which became especially pronounced during the economic crisis of
1929-33.
The development of the young nation on a rising course favored belief
in the modern myth of progress whose yardstick was the modernisation and
rationalisation in the western world. World War I shook the faith in linear
progress, but the new order in Europe arising from the war gave at first fresh
hope of the humankind moving on under the banner of reason and freedom,
The Europe between the two world wars offered Estonia new ideas and
trains of thought galore. Out of Europe, the post-world war mental attitude,
anti-nationalism and cosmopolitanism, pessimistic visions of the
impasse
and downfall of the western civilisation, held by a continent in the throes of a
deep spiritual crisis, reached Estonia. The apocalyptic visions of the super-
ripe urban culture as a whole remained remote and alien to the Estonian
society that rested on national optimism and the ideology of progress.
Modem theories of the society and culture by Max Weber, Oswald
Spengler,
Gustave
Le Bon, José
Ortega
y
Gasset,
Gaetano
Mosca,
Vilfredo Pareto and
Robert Michels,
Benedetto Croce,
and others, gained ground in Estonia.
The elevated western spirituality could affect Estonia only to the degree
503
that Estonia herself was able to receive, digest, absorb such influences. Des¬
pite the deepening of autarkic tendencies in Europe between the wars, Esto¬
nia drew closer to Europe in spirit, became a part of the European cultural
space yet remained on its periphery. The change in Estonia's domestic and
the international situation in the
1930s
sparked from the society's point of
view new discussions. Issues of the power and the spirit, democracy and
dictatorship, and social questions rose to the fore. In the troubled pre-war
times security problems acquired fresh topicality.
The authoritarian government that came to power in
'1934
disseminated
the official ideology and hindered the free development of social thought
by ideological control (censorship). As the activity of political parties was
banned, the segment of ideological life linked with the political activity and
struggle of parties narrowed considerably. With the public made to toe the
line, open debate on political issues of the day was no longer possible. At
the same time the government took a fairly liberal attitude toward
philosophical treatment of ideological questions in academic publications.
The divergence of the power and the intellectual elite was deepened by
the old confrontation between Tartu and Tallinn, which now became
established on the institutional plane as well. Tallinn became the centre of
state authority, the seat of state institutions, the government and the
parliament. Tartu remained thanks to the university the spiritual capital where
the larger part of the intellectual potential was concentrated. In addition,
the economic situ-ation of highly educated persons deteriorated significantly,
compared with the Czarist times their salaries shrunk several times. The
government (Ministry of Education) had in the beginning very little scope to
meet writers' and artists' pay demands. The situation did not improve until
the law on the State Culture Fund took effect in
1925,
after which social
criticism by men of letters and the fervour of their attacks on the government
abated significantly. All these circumstances bred chagrin and disappoint¬
ment, social scepticism and pessimism in the creative intellectuals who had
a high self-opinion and regarded themselves as chosen; "crisis" became the
word of the day
-
a crisis in spiritual life, the intelligentsia, the culture,
literature and art.
Intellectuals, most of whom were humanists, kept dreaming of an ideal
society and searching for a comprehensive "Estonian idea", a new Estonian
myth and philosophy that would lend meaning to the Estonian patriotism
and serve as a guiding mark to all the Estonians, reconcile the interests of the
individual, the nation and the state, and give spiritual values and the intelli¬
gentsia the leading position in the society. The attitudes of the youth were
mirrored in the juvenile press of the
1920s,
the common denominators being
ethical problems, creative freedom, humanism,
antimilitarism,
the belief in
the all-conquering power of the spirit and the reason, and ideas of social
justice. Two catchwords of the classic modernism
-
"freedom" and "reason
-
formed the foundation of Estonian intellectuals' ideological quest. They
pinned their hopes on the alteration of the mind, on solving existential
problems with the power of the mind through a spiritual revolution and
self-improvement.
The transitional difficulties of the early
1920s
and an instinctive aspira¬
tion toward social justice inclined young intellectuals toward the political
left. The communist coup attempt on
1
December
1924
had a sobering e^1
on the entire society. With the stabilisation of the public and economic
504
the communists' influence waned and patriotism received a fresh impetus.
This tendency found also expression in the ideological attitudes of the
intelligentsia where distancing from radical socialism and class struggle and
striving after social compromises and solidarity became noticeable.
Nationalism was and remained the universal ideology of Estonian patrio¬
tism, which cannot be tied rigidly to any mainstream political ideology.
With the exception of communists, all political parties and currents in Estonia
were national in character. Their differences lied in priorities and forms of
expression of their nationalism. Radical nationalists united under the banner
of the Estonian Nationalists' Clubs whose cornerstone was the thesis of the
Estonians' privileged status, and sought to arrange the whole life of the
society on a monoethnic foundation. They strove for ethnic homogenisation
of the state, interpreting integration as the linguistic and cultural assimi¬
lation and acculturation of national minorities.
Estonians as a small nation have been characterised by a corresponding
self-perception, which was the starting-point of the Estonian social thought
and national ideology from the period of national awakening onwards. The
underpinning of a small-nation self-perception is differentiation between
the different opportunities that large and small nations have in a world in
which great powers play the leading role. Estonian intellectuals have always
been tormented by the painful question; will the Estonians manage to survive
as an independent ethnic unit or does inevitable disappearance under the
political and/or cultural rule of large nations (Germans or Russians) lie in
store for them? In the period of independent statehood the image of an
endangered small nation persisted in the Estonian identity, coupled with
concern about the survival of the state.
The authoritarian regime led by
Konstantin
Päts
relied on tendencies
toward a strong nation-state and a strong-arm government that had even
earlier emerged in the Estonian society. The context for this was the people's
general dissatisfaction with party wrangling, which led to loss of faith in
parties and in parliamentary government generally. The overthrow was
ideologically prepared by anti-parliamentary, radical right and ultranationa-
list forces. A part of the blame lies at the door of democratic parties, which
because of their weakness failed to defend the democracy. The ideology of
the new regime, at least in the beginning, was to a large extent an ideology
of crisis, fostered by the long-drawn-out political impasse and economic
recession.
In the period known as the age of silence the ideologists of the govern¬
ment headed by
K. Päts
constructed the ideological foundation of the new
regime, an undemocratic doctrine whose governing ideas were
etatism,
solidarism, an undivided nation, corporativism and state regulation of the
economy. State and national unanimity, statesmanlike thinking, solidarity
of all strata, new morals, new sense of honour, cultivation of inner discipline,
etc. were the catchwords of the official ideology. It was no longer the
individual, but the state as a value in itself, that was in the focus of public life.
A strictly hierarchical network of institutions, directed and controlled by the
government, was supposed to evolve as a monolithic structure in the
framework of polity. The executive branch
-
the government
-
acquired
primary importance, other elements of the political system of the democratic
period were in time forced into obedience, and the liberal political system as
an alternative to the authoritarian regime was marginalised. Representative
505
democracy fell into disfavour, political parties were cursed and ridiculed.
In
Päts'
opinion, the people had to be organised, not by their political views
in parties, but by trade in chambers, which would avert friction and strife
between classes. The general trend in East European countries toward
disappearance of representations of the people or diminishing of their
importance and the rise to the
foro
of the executive power, the leaders,
persuaded
Päts
to adopt the same practice in Estonia. Pats' whole reform of
governance bore the stamp of conservatism. His reforms were directed at
reinforcing and centralising the state authority, and restricting self-
government. This is the spirit of the self-government, school, university,
church and other reforms. The ideology of the authoritarian regime can not
be bracketed with any one political current or teaching. It was wholly dictated
by the politics of the day and demagogic in nature, and adapted itself to
the political changes that had already taken place in the society,
The political system and official ideology of Estonia bore in
1934-40
traits
characteristic of totalitarianism:
etatism,
placing of the state and the nation
above the individual, application of the principle of leadership and the
primacy of the head of the state in the political system, making political
parties toe the official line and the existence of the prototype of a monopolistic
party (Fatherland League), integral nationalism, corporativism (trade cham¬
bers), ideological control and censorship, state propaganda and demagogy,
state of emergency, and curtailing of civic rights. These traits were however
not taken to the extreme like in large dictatorships.
Political activity did not stop with the abolition of parties. It centred
round academic and professional organisations. The parly-political division
that had developed in the democratic period continued in the age of silence
and made itself felt in the work of the 6th parliament in which all the princi¬
pal political forces were represented. Ideologies opposing the official line of
the government were not eradicated. Despite the muzzling of the press,
opportunities for intellectual self-expression and the freedom of cultural and
scientific creative work survived to a remarkable degree. The representation
of the people was convened and the opposition had a legal representation in
it, The parliament criticised the activity of the president and the govern¬
ment, including the extension of the state of emergency, and the press shed
light on it. In Estonia we encounter a milder form of dictatorship. In the case
of Esto-nia, one cannot speak of imperialism, militarism, chauvinism,
messianism, or mass repression of dissidents. Her foreign policy was a totally
defensive one. The authoritarian regime of Estonia was one of the more
moderate among similar European regimes and contained the potential of
democratic development.
The opposition of the spirit and the power deepened in the
1930s.
It was
initially linked with the internal political crisis and later on with the establish¬
ment of the authoritarian regime, Liberal intellectuals interpreted the regime
s
governance reforms, including those of culture and education, as harassment
of and attempts to nationalise intellectual life. Having grown used to freedom
in the democratic period, the intellectuals continued absolutising the priority
and autonomy of the spirit, believed unwaveringly in the all-conquering
power of democracy, and saw no alternative to it. The shortcomings or
democracy were taken for growing pains, which could be overcome with
educational work.
The democrats regarded deviation from liberal democracy as an absolute
506
anomaly, reversion of
tlie
civilisation to
barba ria
nism,
and felt a moral duty
to defend democracy with all possible means. The issue of democracy was
tied to the antinomy of the power and the spirit, proceeding from the axiom
that the spirit is essentially democratic, humanistic, progressive and culture-
friendly, whereas it is in the nature of power to make a cult of force, be anti-
inteUecrual, hist tor power, strive for dictatorship, and be unethical. The
intellectuals reacted especially painfully to attempts to nationalise intellectual
life and force it into obedience. They were for the most part sceptical about
social expectations and literature marked by political obedience to the
establishment, the so-called positivism in literature, the writing of novels for
the sake of prizes and programmatic novels, patriotic phrasemongering,
idealisation of the past, and propaganda of "Estonian patriotism forever".
In the first half of the 20"1 century social thought in Estonia was preoccu¬
pied with mapping the country's mental position and conslruciing Hit1
identity of the Estonians, This process was affected by a self-concept of a
small nation
-
a picture of an endangered national culture, which caused a
vigorous pursuit of a broader geopolitical and cultural space. National
independence widened the scope of the search of identity and promoted
supranational consciousness. Economic geographers such as Edgar Kant and
August Tammekann positioned Estonia among Baltic Sea countries, in Ballo-
Scandia.
The broadest regional identity for the Estonians was Europe in the sense
of West Europe, Identification with Europe meant not solely a western orien¬
tation, but difference from the eastern Slavic Orthodox and Soviet commu¬
nist civilisation as well. The European identity to which there was no
alternative was motivated culturally, ideologically, politically and eco¬
nomically, and firmed by the actual integration of the Republic of Estonia
into Europe. During the period of independence Europe became a firm part
of the Estonians' national identity, which in its turn came to form a part of the
common European identity. Estonia saw its positive role in being a bridge
and an intermediary, not a buffer between the West and the East. For this
reason, the idea of belonging to Hie so-called intermediate Europe was cast
aside. Mostly on considerations of collective security, a Utopian idea of
л
Pan-Europe found favour in Estonia. Alongside with Europocentrism, the
ideas of Oswald
Spengler
and Euroscepticism gained ground among intel¬
lectuals.
Estonian intellectuals judged the reciprocal Estonian-European image
and vision to be out of balance. In their opinion, Europe did not give sufficient
recognition to the Estonians' Europeanism. Estonia's intellectual leaders
wanted to assume a place in Europe not through the German or the Baltic
cultural space, but via the North, that is, Scandinavia and Finland. The idea of
a Balto-Scandian common space that caught on in Estonia in the second half
of the
1930s
was mythical and imaginary, It failed to find international
acceptance and recognition in the Nordic countries.
The issue of foreign orientation of the cultural policy became more topi¬
cal in the
1930s
in connection with a "new national mo
vemen
ŕ"
and a search
for an "Estonian way". Intellectuals were full of determination to renounce
the earlier German-Russian cultural influences "forced" on them and adhere
henceforth to a new, British-French cultural orientation. Along with the shift
in cultural space, work began on constructing a new regional identity with
507
the Europe lying west of Germany while ignoring the historical heritage,
which remained unfinished as Estonia lost its independence.
The evolution of the Estonian thought as a whole
iö in
its general trends
comparable to that of other young East European nations who in their
search for a new identity encountered similar difficulties and problems,
The
Esto-
nian
intelligentsia reached by the end of the
1930s
a level that would
have enabled it to keep in step with the economic, cultural and political
progress of the democratic world had the independence of the country lasted.
Translated by
Kaja
Twine/ |
| adam_txt |
SISUKORD
EESSÕNA
6
ESMENE OSA
HARITLASKONNA KUJUNEMINE
JA KOOSSEIS ·
Vä
ino Sirk
I.
Intelligentsi arenguruum
1.
Üldjooni
11
2.
Rahva haridustase
ja harítlaskonna
struktuur
rahvaloenduste valgusel
19
3.
Hariduskorraldus
25
4. Haritlased ja poliitiline
eliit
35
5.
Intelligentsi personaalsest
ja
kartograafilisest uurimisest
40
IL
Üliopilaskond
1.
Üliopílased
Eesti iseseisvuse sunni aastail
42
2.
Tartu eesti
ülikooH
üliopílased
45
3.
Üliopílased teistes
Eesti
kõrgkoolides
ja välismaal 58
4. Üliopilaselu ja üliopüasorgamsatsioonide rahvusvaheline
koostoö 63
Ш.
Pedagoogid
1. Iseseisvuse
eel
68
2. Omarükluse esimesed aastad 70
3.
Õpetajaskond
1922/23.
õppeaastal
75
4.
Õpetajate
kursused.
Algkooliõpetajate ettevalmistamine
80
5.
Keskkooliõpetajate
ettevalmistamine 85
6.
Algkooliõpetajad
1920. ja 1930. aastatel 88
7.
Keskkooliõpetajad
1920. ja 1930. aastatel 93
8.
Õpetajad
ja nende organisatsioonid ühiskondlike suhete
võrgustikus.
Välissidemed 99
W. Vaimulikud
1.
Lu
teri
usvi kiriku pastorid 106
2. Apostliku
õigeusu
kiriku preestrid ja teised teenijad 114
3.
Katoliku
preestrid ja usulahkude teenijad 117
V. Med
its
ii
η
¡intelligents
1.
Eosti arstideseltside loomino.
MeditsiinitöÖtajad
VabadussÕjas
121
2.
Årstid
1920.-1930.
aastatel
124
3.
Hambaarstid
ja rohuteadlased 136
4. Meditsiiniline abipersonal 142
VI.
Juristid, ametnikud, ohvitserid
1. Juristid 145
2. Riigi-, omavalitsus- ja
eraettevõtete
ametnikud 153
3. Ohvitserid 162
VII.
Tehnika-
ja
põllumajandusintelJigents
1. Tehnikaharitlased 170
2.
Põllumajandusintelligents
184
VIII. Teadus- ja kunsti
intelligents
1. Teadlased 193
2. Kunstiharitlased 204
TEINE OSA
HARITLASKONNA ENESETUNNETUS JA ÜHISKOND-
LIKUD IDEED · Toomas Kaijahärm
IX.
Haritlaskond ja
mõtteloo
üldtaust
1. Ideeajaloo tekstid 215
2. Lähtepunkt - iseseisvuseelne aeg 218
3. Vaimuelu üldtaust omariikluse ajal 222
4. Kultuur - keskne märksona 229
5. Vaimse eliidi enesemääratlus ja missioon 234
X.
Eesti
idee
1. Kohanemine riigiga 240
2. "Vaimu riik" - noore
haritlaspõlve utoopia
245
3. Haritlaskond ja rahvuslus 251
3.1. Rahvuslus kui
"väl
tima
tu printsiip" 251
3.2. Rahvuse
mois te
256
3.3. Väikerahvalik enesehmnetus 259
3.4. Hans Kruus rahvusliku kutsumuse ideest 266
3.5. Johannes Aavik - rahvusluse öhutaja 269
3.6.
limar Tõnisson
ja uus rahvuslik liikumine 270
3.7.
Ees ti Rahvuslaste
Klubid
274
3.7.1.
Riigirahvuslus contra demokraatia
274
3.7.2.
Rahvuslikud foobiad
280
XI.
Vaim ja
vôim
1.
Autoritaarse
režiimi ideoloogia
284
1.1.
"Juhitav
demokraatia"
284
1.2.
Majanduslik rahvuslus ja reguleerimme
296
1.3. Konstantin Pätsi poliitilised ideed 301
2. Opositsioonilise
intelligents!
plalvorm 30S
3.
Inlellektuaalid dcmokraatiast ja diktatuurist
317
3.1.
Jaan
Tõnisson
317
3.2.
Peeter Tai-vel
319
3.3. Eduard
Laaman
324
3.4. Harri Moora
32Я
XII.
Regionaalscd idcntitecdid
1.
Eesti
mot tel
ine äsend 330
2. Euroopa
ídentiteeť.
märk
ja
väljakutse
332
3.
Sild
voi puhvcr?
337
4. Pan-Euroopa
idee
340
5. Baltoskandia: imaginaame identiteet 344
6. Kultuuriorientatsioonid 346
7. Oswald Spengler ja euroskepsis 352
8. Ühissoomlus: UiÜased liiduta 357
9.
Balti saatusruum
364
10. Saksamaa ja sakslased:^raf
majeure?
367
11. Venemaa 374
KOKKUVÕTE
380
VIITED JA
KOMMENTAAMD 4Ü2
LISAD 458
ALLIKAD JA KIRJANDUS 464
SUMMARY
499
ISIKUNIMEDE REGISTER 509
SUMMARY
THE SPIRIT AND THE POWER: THE ESTONIAN
INTELLIGENTSIA IN
1917-40
By Tqomas
Karjahärm
and
Väino
Sikk
The present volume is a sequel to the book Estonian Intellectual Elite;
Formation and
Idens,
1850-1ШЪу
Toomas
Karjahärm
and
Väino
Sirk, publis¬
hed in Tallinn in
1997.
Both books provide an overview of the evolution of the
Estonian intelligentsia on both the qualitative and the sociological plane, as
well as of the views and social ideas espoused by the intellectual elite.
Under the Russian
culo,
educated Estonians had a hard time finding work
consistent with their qualifications in their native country where German
and Russian intelligentsia dominated. Along with independent statehood in
19Ί8
drastic
changea
in the Estonian intelligentsia took place. Large numbers
of Russian civil servants, officei-s, teachers and scientists left Estonia while
л
part of Baltic Germans relocated in Germany. There was a reverse movement
as well: Estonians who had been employed in Russia and educated in Russian
universities returned to their native country. Seeking refuge from Bolshevist
violence and hunger, educated persons of Russian, German and other natio¬
nalities migrated to Estonia, Following the Tartu Peace Treaty of
'1920,
thou¬
sands of repatriates from the territory of the former Russian Empire, among
them more than
700
persons with
α
higher education and approximately
5,000
persons with a secondary education, poured into Estonia.
The years of independent statehood are characterised by a spurt of
growth in the ranks of Estonian intelligentsia and its gaining a dominant
position in all the major spheres of public life. By the census of
1922,
there
were in Estonia
4,573
persons with a higher education, among them
3,963
men
and
610
women; that is,
0.5
per cent of the population had graduated from
higher educational institutions. According to the data of the census taken in
1934, 7,437
persons
- 5,988
men and
1,449
women
-,
or
0.8
per cent of the
population, had a higher education.
The young Republic of Estonia needed many educated people for buil¬
ding-up work
ín
the spheres of governance, culture, science and education.
The democratic republic did away with all class privileges. The civil society
opened to Estonian intellectuals, most of them deriving from the ranks of
the former peasant class, opportunities to move up on the social and the
career ladder. The Estonian language, banished under the Russian rule,
became the official language of the country. At the same time intellectuals
had to accept that they could realize their professional ambitions only within
the confines of the small country and initially in rather narrow economic
circumstances. Despite the growing role of Estonians, the country's intel¬
ligentsia remained multinational. The proportion of Germans and Jews
among the educated elite was considerably larger than among the population
as a whole.
The level of literacy was even at the end of the 19th century higher in
Estonia than in other regions of the Russian Empire and in many indepen¬
dent states of the time, including South and East European countries. By the
proportion of students, however/ Estonia lagged significantly behind West
499
and Central European countries. Because of that, the distinctive feature of
the educational policy of the Estonian government in the
1920s
was an
aspiration to make education as accessible to the masses as possible, In
1919
attendance of school for four years became compulsory, and in the
1920s
a
network of six-year public schools providing education in Estonian for free
was established. Numerous five-year gymnasiums, or secondary schools,
based on the six-year elementary school, were opened, and the number of
secondary-school students grew fast. In the
1930s
the secondary education
was reformed to some extent: the elementary school was now followed by
secondary school (classes
5-9
or
7-9),
which opened the door to a three-year
gymnasium (classes
10-12).
The city of Tartu had been the centre of Estonian higher education since
the 17th century. In the last decades of the Czarist regime, the overwhelming
majority of students arrived from other parts of the Russian Empire and left
Estonia upon completing their studies. In
1916
there were at Tartu University
only
364
students of Estonian extraction, or
14.5
percent of the student body.
In the early days of independent statehood a bold educational policy deci¬
sion was made to turn the renowned Tartu University into an Estonian-
language educational institution, a nursery of Estonian intellectuals and a
centre of science and research of the state of Estonia. Professors were invited
also from other countries, such as Finland, Sweden and Germany, and Baltic
German and Russian scholars were employed as well. In the student body
that had grown substantially during independence, Estonians now prevailed,
but the percentage of Germans and Jews, for example, was considerably
bigger in the university than the proportion of those ethnic minorities in the
population. In
1919-39
a total of
5,751
students
(4,214
men and
1,537
women)
graduated from Tartu University.
As administrative bodies and businesses needed personnel with a techni¬
cal education, the Tallinn Technical School was established in
1918,
which
graduated
300
engineers, architects and chemists in
1923-36.
The Technical
Institute opened in Tallinn in
1936
and was renamed the Tallinn Technical
University in
1938.
Another major institution of higher education was; the
'1919-founded Tallinn Conservatory, which had
348
students in the
1938/39
academic year. In the
1925-39
period the conservatory graduated
293
musi¬
cians
(132
men and
161
women). From
1919
onwards, the higher school of
art Pallas, with departments of painting, graphic arts and sculpture, operated
in Tartu. In two decades Estonia developed a system of higher education
that served as a platform for the rapid professionalisation of the intelligentsia
in all the major fields. Estonian citizens pursued a higher education also in
foreign countries, in the first place in central, western and northern Europe,
and to a smaller degree in North America.
Teachers formed a group of the Estonian intelligentsia that had evolved
already in the middle of the 19th century. The preparation and advanced
training of teachers became especially in the first half of the
1920s
a key
educational priority of the state of Estonia. In the
1922/23
academic year,
Estonians dominated among teachers, making up
87.1
per cent of elementary
school teachers and
60.8
per cent of secondary school teachers. As many as
99.1
per cent of elementary school and
93.3
per cent of secondary school
teachers held Estonian citizenship. In
1936, 49.1
per cent of teachers in
elementary schools were men and
50.9
per cent women. There were more
men among secondary school teachers, but the proportion of women was on
500
the rise. The bigger part of teachers joined the Estonian Teachers' Union
founded in
1917,
which played a fairly significant role in shaping the govern¬
ment's educational policy.
After the collapse of democracy in
1934
the authoritarian regime began
to organize the people by their profession.
Ί936
saw the establishment of the
Chamber of Teachers, which united teachers of all types of school. The
chamber protected teachers' professional and economic interests, All in all,
the spiritual influence of teachers on the society as a whole and the educa¬
tional policy of the government decreased in the
1930s.
Following the downfall of the Czarist Empire, Estonian clergy pursued
the goal of democratising church life and establishing what was known as
the free people's church. The clergy was divided into two principal large
groups: pastors of the Lutheran Church and Orthodox priests. In
1934,
Estonians made up
66
per cent and Germans
30
per cent of pastors, whereas in
1939, 77
per cent of the
173
pastors were Estonian and
22
percent of German
extraction. The small German minority,
1.5
per cent of the population, gave
a remarkable part of the Lutheran clergy. In
1939,
in the course of the
Umsiedlung, 65
pastors, including Estonians, left the country. The Orthodox
Church broke away from the Moscow Patriarchate in
1923
and was taken
under the wing of the ecumenical patriarch as the Estonian Apostolic
Orthodox Church, Two distinct wings emerged within the Orthodoxy in
Estonia. Estonian congregations, with mostly Estonian priests, strove to
make ecclesiastical rites more up-to-date and understandable to believers,
whereas Russian congregations served by prevalently non-Estonian clergy
sought to preserve the old ways.
In the early
1920s
Estonians accounted for less than half of the country's
physicians (in
1921,
Estonians made up
48.6
per cent, Germans
38.4
per cent,
jews
5.7
per cent, Russians
4.6
per cent, and others
2.7
per cent of the doc¬
tors in Estonia). By
1936,
Estonians formed
61.1
per cent,
Germana
18
per cent,
Jews
9.5
per cent, Russians
9.1
per cent and other nationalities
2.3
per cent
of the body or doctors, independent statehood brought Estonia for the first
time in history to a state where she had a sufficient number of doctors.
Whereas in
1921
there were
370
practising physicians
(346
men and
24
women)
in Estonia, in
1937
doctors numbered
932 (733
men and
199
women). There
were
22.6
physicians per
10,000
of population in towns as compared with
only
2.8
in the countryside, and the national average was
7.8.
Law specialists played a significant role in developing the administrative,
legal and defence systems of the state. Lawyers were engaged in different
spheres of life, but it was judges, investigating magistrates, barristers and
senior police officers who formed the most characteristic group of the legal
profession. The law faculty of Tartu University, which was the biggest depart¬
ment of the university, graduated more than
1,600
law specialists in
1919-39.
All judges were men, but among barristers there were women as well.
The administrative intelligentsia rose to be one of the most numerous
and influential groups of intellectuals next to the body of teachers. In state
and iocai government institutions, educated Estonians set the tone, but nafi¬
ves of other ethnic origin
-
Germans, Russians, and others
-
found jobs in
them as well. As there was need of large numbers of senior and rank-and-file
officials, along with persons with a higher education also those with a secon¬
dary and incomplete secondary education, and even persons who only had
an elementary education, had to be employed. The general rule was that an
501
official had to have at least a secondary education, but often a special educa¬
tion or a professional certificate was required. Many or highly educated
civil servants had studied law or economics, but also agronomists, engi¬
neers, teachers, persons with a military education and others worked for
state and local government institutions, ft was a widespread practice among
officials to further their education concurrently with working, especially in
the law department.
The professional military men of Estonia arose
from
the Russian army.
In the autumn of
1917
nearly
3,000
Estonian officers were serving in the
Russian armed forces, among them dozens of staff and general staff officers
and several generals. The government paid in the
1920s
and
1930s
serious
attention to military education, further training of officers with a Russian
education, and higher education of the younger officers both
ať
home and
in other European countries. In
1921
courses of the general staff opened in
Tallinn which in
1925
were renamed the Military College. In peacetime
conditions in
1939
Estonia had
1,500
officers on active service. The body of
officers was well-educated in both the general cultural and professional
terms, patriotically-minded and ready to defend their native country.
Technical specialists were a group of the intelligentsia that formed along
with the economic development of the country, in particular the progress
made in industry, employment of natural resources and
construction.
The
Chamber of Engineers had
730
members in
'1939,
including
224
civil engineers,
107
electrical engineers,
164
mechanical engineers,
72
architects and
163
che¬
mists. Some new fields of technology, such as radio engineering and avia¬
tion, had to be studied abroad
-
in Germany, Czechoslovakia, Poland and
elsewhere
-
even in the
1930s.
Nevertheless, in a couple of decades a firm
foundation for the Estonian technical culture was laid.
A new direction in the Estonian higher education, the preparation of
agronomists and forestry specialists, had its nursery in the agricultural
faculty of Tartu University. Veterinarians had in
1848-1918
been trained at
the Tartu Veterinary Institute, whose work was carried on by the veterinary
department of Tartu University. All told, almost
650
highly educated
agricultural specialists
-
agronomists, veterinary surgeons and foresters
-
graduated from Tartu University in
1919-39.
Tartu University remained the principal centre of scientific research, but
the Tallinn Technical University, too, started work to solve important techno¬
logical problems. Centres of science outside universities, such as the Insti¬
tute of Natural Resources founded in
1937,
made good progress. The Esto¬
nian Academy of Sciences was founded in
1938.
Germans made up almost
40
per cent of the professors of Tartu University
in the
1920s,
but the teaching staff included also Russians, citizens of Fin¬
land and Sweden, and others. Toward the end of the
1930s
Estonians formed
more than
80
per cent of the professors {Estonians made up
88
per cent of
the population). In
1936-40
around
1,400
professional and amateur scientists,
accounting for
1.2
per mill of the country's population, were active in Estonia.
The area of self-improvement and persona] contacts of Estonian scientists
had widened to take in all the leading centres of science in West, Central and
North Europe and to a smaller degree North America as well. The works of
the
neurosurgeon
Ludvig Piiusepp, astronomer
Ernst Öpik,
botanist and
plant geographer
Teodor
Lippmaa and oil shale chemist Paul Kogennan
had made a mark on the international scene. The study or the Estonian history,
502
Estonian language and Finno-Ugric languages expanded and became more
professional. Tartu University rose in this field abreast with the universities
of Helsinki, Budapest and Turku. The state of Estonia did not pursue a policy
of creating a purely Estonian intellectual elite, and representatives of ethnic
minorities held prominent positions in many professions.
Estonian intellectuals' social views in the early 20th century were shaped
by
'lŞth-century
ideologies. They were characterised by a positivistic view of
the world based on natural science, which evolved on the strength of the
advances in empirical sciences. The so-called general teaching of evolution,
which subjected the nature, the society and culture to the evolution theory,
gained wide ground. A belief in progress borne of the Hegelian pheno¬
menology and Darwin's theory of evolution professed the universal and
eternal perfecting of all forms of life. At the beginning of the 20th century all
the major political ideologies
-
nationalism,, liberalism, conservatism and
socialism
-
were current in Estonia. Of great Western thinkers, Marx,
Malt¬
hus,
Nietzsche and Haeckcl were known here along with Darwin and Hegel.
With independent statehood, in conditions of democracy and political
freedom, the environment of the circulation and interaction of ideas, the
general background of intellectual life as a whole changed out of all recog¬
nition. In the democratic society, access to the most different ideas was
open, and the dialogue between them was public, vernacular and free.
The Estonian philosophical culture and thought as a whole had fallen
behind the times in comparison with western Europe, The independent
Estonia travelled on her path of modernisation largely along the road the
West had traversed in the 19th century, the century of the victorious advance
of nationalism. The Republic of Estonia was a petty bourgeois country with
an agrarian countenance where a society of estates turned into a society of
strata. The bourgeoisie became the leading stratum, the patriarchal peasant
evolved into a farmer, and the intelligentsia atomised. The intellectual elite,
despite its furious quantitative growth, lost its former glorified position,
The society no longer needed universal intellectuals-cum-leaders of the
people, but specialists who were expert in one particular field. As the number
of educated persons grew, they stopped being a rarity and an object of admi¬
ration in the society. It was rather a case of overproduction of humanists,
which became especially pronounced during the economic crisis of
1929-33.
The development of the young nation on a rising course favored belief
in the modern myth of progress whose yardstick was the modernisation and
rationalisation in the western world. World War I shook the faith in linear
progress, but the new order in Europe arising from the war gave at first fresh
hope of the humankind moving on under the banner of reason and freedom,
The Europe between the two world wars offered Estonia new ideas and
trains of thought galore. Out of Europe, the post-world war mental attitude,
anti-nationalism and cosmopolitanism, pessimistic visions of the
impasse
and downfall of the western civilisation, held by a continent in the throes of a
deep spiritual crisis, reached Estonia. The apocalyptic visions of the super-
ripe urban culture as a whole remained remote and alien to the Estonian
society that rested on national optimism and the ideology of progress.
Modem theories of the society and culture by Max Weber, Oswald
Spengler,
Gustave
Le Bon, José
Ortega
y
Gasset,
Gaetano
Mosca,
Vilfredo Pareto and
Robert Michels,
Benedetto Croce,
and others, gained ground in Estonia.
The elevated western spirituality could affect Estonia only to the degree
503
that Estonia herself was able to receive, digest, absorb such influences. Des¬
pite the deepening of autarkic tendencies in Europe between the wars, Esto¬
nia drew closer to Europe in spirit, became a part of the European cultural
space yet remained on its periphery. The change in Estonia's domestic and
the international situation in the
1930s
sparked from the society's point of
view new discussions. Issues of the power and the spirit, democracy and
dictatorship, and social questions rose to the fore. In the troubled pre-war
times security problems acquired fresh topicality.
The authoritarian government that came to power in
'1934
disseminated
the official ideology and hindered the free development of social thought
by ideological control (censorship). As the activity of political parties was
banned, the segment of ideological life linked with the political activity and
struggle of parties narrowed considerably. With the public made to toe the
line, open debate on political issues of the day was no longer possible. At
the same time the government took a fairly liberal attitude toward
philosophical treatment of ideological questions in academic publications.
The divergence of the power and the intellectual elite was deepened by
the old confrontation between Tartu and Tallinn, which now became
established on the institutional plane as well. Tallinn became the centre of
state authority, the seat of state institutions, the government and the
parliament. Tartu remained thanks to the university the spiritual capital where
the larger part of the intellectual potential was concentrated. In addition,
the economic situ-ation of highly educated persons deteriorated significantly,
compared with the Czarist times their salaries shrunk several times. The
government (Ministry of Education) had in the beginning very little scope to
meet writers' and artists' pay demands. The situation did not improve until
the law on the State Culture Fund took effect in
1925,
after which social
criticism by men of letters and the fervour of their attacks on the government
abated significantly. All these circumstances bred chagrin and disappoint¬
ment, social scepticism and pessimism in the creative intellectuals who had
a high self-opinion and regarded themselves as chosen; "crisis" became the
word of the day
-
a crisis in spiritual life, the intelligentsia, the culture,
literature and art.
Intellectuals, most of whom were humanists, kept dreaming of an ideal
society and searching for a comprehensive "Estonian idea", a new Estonian
myth and philosophy that would lend meaning to the Estonian patriotism
and serve as a guiding mark to all the Estonians, reconcile the interests of the
individual, the nation and the state, and give spiritual values and the intelli¬
gentsia the leading position in the society. The attitudes of the youth were
mirrored in the juvenile press of the
1920s,
the common denominators being
ethical problems, creative freedom, humanism,
antimilitarism,
the belief in
the all-conquering power of the spirit and the reason, and ideas of social
justice. Two catchwords of the classic modernism
-
"freedom" and "reason
-
formed the foundation of Estonian intellectuals' ideological quest. They
pinned their hopes on the alteration of the mind, on solving existential
problems with the power of the mind through a spiritual revolution and
self-improvement.
The transitional difficulties of the early
1920s
and an instinctive aspira¬
tion toward social justice inclined young intellectuals toward the political
left. The communist coup attempt on
1
December
1924
had a sobering e^1
on the entire society. With the stabilisation of the public and economic
504
the communists' influence waned and patriotism received a fresh impetus.
This tendency found also expression in the ideological attitudes of the
intelligentsia where distancing from radical socialism and class struggle and
striving after social compromises and solidarity became noticeable.
Nationalism was and remained the universal ideology of Estonian patrio¬
tism, which cannot be tied rigidly to any mainstream political ideology.
With the exception of communists, all political parties and currents in Estonia
were national in character. Their differences lied in priorities and forms of
expression of their nationalism. Radical nationalists united under the banner
of the Estonian Nationalists' Clubs whose cornerstone was the thesis of the
Estonians' privileged status, and sought to arrange the whole life of the
society on a monoethnic foundation. They strove for ethnic homogenisation
of the state, interpreting integration as the linguistic and cultural assimi¬
lation and acculturation of national minorities.
Estonians as a small nation have been characterised by a corresponding
self-perception, which was the starting-point of the Estonian social thought
and national ideology from the period of national awakening onwards. The
underpinning of a small-nation self-perception is differentiation between
the different opportunities that large and small nations have in a world in
which great powers play the leading role. Estonian intellectuals have always
been tormented by the painful question; will the Estonians manage to survive
as an independent ethnic unit or does inevitable disappearance under the
political and/or cultural rule of large nations (Germans or Russians) lie in
store for them? In the period of independent statehood the image of an
endangered small nation persisted in the Estonian identity, coupled with
concern about the survival of the state.
The authoritarian regime led by
Konstantin
Päts
relied on tendencies
toward a strong nation-state and a strong-arm government that had even
earlier emerged in the Estonian society. The context for this was the people's
general dissatisfaction with party wrangling, which led to loss of faith in
parties and in parliamentary government generally. The overthrow was
ideologically prepared by anti-parliamentary, radical right and ultranationa-
list forces. A part of the blame lies at the door of democratic parties, which
because of their weakness failed to defend the democracy. The ideology of
the new regime, at least in the beginning, was to a large extent an ideology
of crisis, fostered by the long-drawn-out political impasse and economic
recession.
In the period known as the age of silence the ideologists of the govern¬
ment headed by
K. Päts
constructed the ideological foundation of the new
regime, an undemocratic doctrine whose governing ideas were
etatism,
solidarism, an undivided nation, corporativism and state regulation of the
economy. State and national unanimity, statesmanlike thinking, solidarity
of all strata, new morals, new sense of honour, cultivation of inner discipline,
etc. were the catchwords of the official ideology. It was no longer the
individual, but the state as a value in itself, that was in the focus of public life.
A strictly hierarchical network of institutions, directed and controlled by the
government, was supposed to evolve as a monolithic structure in the
framework of polity. The executive branch
-
the government
-
acquired
primary importance, other elements of the political system of the democratic
period were in time forced into obedience, and the liberal political system as
an alternative to the authoritarian regime was marginalised. Representative
505
democracy fell into disfavour, political parties were cursed and ridiculed.
In
Päts'
opinion, the people had to be organised, not by their political views
in parties, but by trade in chambers, which would avert friction and strife
between classes. The general trend in East European countries toward
disappearance of representations of the people or diminishing of their
importance and the rise to the
foro
of the executive power, the leaders,
persuaded
Päts
to adopt the same practice in Estonia. Pats' whole reform of
governance bore the stamp of conservatism. His reforms were directed at
reinforcing and centralising the state authority, and restricting self-
government. This is the spirit of the self-government, school, university,
church and other reforms. The ideology of the authoritarian regime can not
be bracketed with any one political current or teaching. It was wholly dictated
by the politics of the day and demagogic in nature, and adapted itself to
the political changes that had already taken place in the society,
The political system and official ideology of Estonia bore in
1934-40
traits
characteristic of totalitarianism:
etatism,
placing of the state and the nation
above the individual, application of the principle of leadership and the
primacy of the head of the state in the political system, making political
parties toe the official line and the existence of the prototype of a monopolistic
party (Fatherland League), integral nationalism, corporativism (trade cham¬
bers), ideological control and censorship, state propaganda and demagogy,
state of emergency, and curtailing of civic rights. These traits were however
not taken to the extreme like in large dictatorships.
Political activity did not stop with the abolition of parties. It centred
round academic and professional organisations. The parly-political division
that had developed in the democratic period continued in the age of silence
and made itself felt in the work of the 6th parliament in which all the princi¬
pal political forces were represented. Ideologies opposing the official line of
the government were not eradicated. Despite the muzzling of the press,
opportunities for intellectual self-expression and the freedom of cultural and
scientific creative work survived to a remarkable degree. The representation
of the people was convened and the opposition had a legal representation in
it, The parliament criticised the activity of the president and the govern¬
ment, including the extension of the state of emergency, and the press shed
light on it. In Estonia we encounter a milder form of dictatorship. In the case
of Esto-nia, one cannot speak of imperialism, militarism, chauvinism,
messianism, or mass repression of dissidents. Her foreign policy was a totally
defensive one. The authoritarian regime of Estonia was one of the more
moderate among similar European regimes and contained the potential of
democratic development.
The opposition of the spirit and the power deepened in the
1930s.
It was
initially linked with the internal political crisis and later on with the establish¬
ment of the authoritarian regime, Liberal intellectuals interpreted the regime
s
governance reforms, including those of culture and education, as harassment
of and attempts to nationalise intellectual life. Having grown used to freedom
in the democratic period, the intellectuals continued absolutising the priority
and autonomy of the spirit, believed unwaveringly in the all-conquering
power of democracy, and saw no alternative to it. The shortcomings or
democracy were taken for growing pains, which could be overcome with
educational work.
The democrats regarded deviation from liberal democracy as an absolute
506
anomaly, reversion of
tlie
civilisation to
barba ria
nism,
and felt a moral duty
to defend democracy with all possible means. The issue of democracy was
tied to the antinomy of the power and the spirit, proceeding from the axiom
that the spirit is essentially democratic, humanistic, progressive and culture-
friendly, whereas it is in the nature of power to make a cult of force, be anti-
inteUecrual, hist tor power, strive for dictatorship, and be unethical. The
intellectuals reacted especially painfully to attempts to nationalise intellectual
life and force it into obedience. They were for the most part sceptical about
social expectations and literature marked by political obedience to the
establishment, the so-called positivism in literature, the writing of novels for
the sake of prizes and programmatic novels, patriotic phrasemongering,
idealisation of the past, and propaganda of "Estonian patriotism forever".
In the first half of the 20"1 century social thought in Estonia was preoccu¬
pied with mapping the country's mental position and conslruciing Hit1
identity of the Estonians, This process was affected by a self-concept of a
small nation
-
a picture of an endangered national culture, which caused a
vigorous pursuit of a broader geopolitical and cultural space. National
independence widened the scope of the search of identity and promoted
supranational consciousness. Economic geographers such as Edgar Kant and
August Tammekann positioned Estonia among Baltic Sea countries, in Ballo-
Scandia.
The broadest regional identity for the Estonians was Europe in the sense
of West Europe, Identification with Europe meant not solely a western orien¬
tation, but difference from the eastern Slavic Orthodox and Soviet commu¬
nist civilisation as well. The European identity to which there was no
alternative was motivated culturally, ideologically, politically and eco¬
nomically, and firmed by the actual integration of the Republic of Estonia
into Europe. During the period of independence Europe became a firm part
of the Estonians' national identity, which in its turn came to form a part of the
common European identity. Estonia saw its positive role in being a bridge
and an intermediary, not a buffer between the West and the East. For this
reason, the idea of belonging to Hie so-called intermediate Europe was cast
aside. Mostly on considerations of collective security, a Utopian idea of
л
Pan-Europe found favour in Estonia. Alongside with Europocentrism, the
ideas of Oswald
Spengler
and Euroscepticism gained ground among intel¬
lectuals.
Estonian intellectuals judged the reciprocal Estonian-European image
and vision to be out of balance. In their opinion, Europe did not give sufficient
recognition to the Estonians' Europeanism. Estonia's intellectual leaders
wanted to assume a place in Europe not through the German or the Baltic
cultural space, but via the North, that is, Scandinavia and Finland. The idea of
a Balto-Scandian common space that caught on in Estonia in the second half
of the
1930s
was mythical and imaginary, It failed to find international
acceptance and recognition in the Nordic countries.
The issue of foreign orientation of the cultural policy became more topi¬
cal in the
1930s
in connection with a "new national mo
vemen
ŕ"
and a search
for an "Estonian way". Intellectuals were full of determination to renounce
the earlier German-Russian cultural influences "forced" on them and adhere
henceforth to a new, British-French cultural orientation. Along with the shift
in cultural space, work began on constructing a new regional identity with
507
the Europe lying west of Germany while ignoring the historical heritage,
which remained unfinished as Estonia lost its independence.
The evolution of the Estonian thought as a whole
iö in
its general trends
comparable to that of other young East European nations who in their
search for a new identity encountered similar difficulties and problems,
The
Esto-
nian
intelligentsia reached by the end of the
1930s
a level that would
have enabled it to keep in step with the economic, cultural and political
progress of the democratic world had the independence of the country lasted.
Translated by
Kaja
Twine/ |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Karjahärm, Toomas 1944- Sirk, Väino |
| author_GND | (DE-588)103318666 |
| author_facet | Karjahärm, Toomas 1944- Sirk, Väino |
| author_role | aut aut |
| author_sort | Karjahärm, Toomas 1944- |
| author_variant | t k tk v s vs |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV023054851 |
| callnumber-first | D - World History |
| callnumber-label | DK503 |
| callnumber-raw | DK503.74 |
| callnumber-search | DK503.74 |
| callnumber-sort | DK 3503.74 |
| callnumber-subject | DK - Russia, Soviet Union, Former Soviet Republics, Poland |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)51077992 (DE-599)BVBBV023054851 |
| era | Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1917-1940 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1917-1940 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Estonia Intellectual life 20th century Estland (DE-588)4015587-0 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Estonia Intellectual life 20th century Estland |
| id | DE-604.BV023054851 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T19:26:12Z |
| indexdate | 2024-10-30T13:03:49Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 998578362X |
| language | Estonian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016258160 |
| oclc_num | 51077992 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 513 S. |
| publishDate | 2001 |
| publishDateSearch | 2001 |
| publishDateSort | 2001 |
| publisher | Argo |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Karjahärm, Toomas 1944- Verfasser (DE-588)103318666 aut Vaim ja võim Eesti haritlaskond 1917 - 1940 Toomas Karjahärm ja Väino Sirk Tallinn Argo 2001 513 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T: The spirit and the power Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1917-1940 gnd rswk-swf Intellectuelen gtt Intellectuals Estonia Intellektueller (DE-588)4027249-7 gnd rswk-swf Estonia Intellectual life 20th century Estland (DE-588)4015587-0 gnd rswk-swf Estland (DE-588)4015587-0 g Intellektueller (DE-588)4027249-7 s Geschichte 1917-1940 z DE-604 Sirk, Väino Verfasser aut Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016258160&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016258160&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Karjahärm, Toomas 1944- Sirk, Väino Vaim ja võim Eesti haritlaskond 1917 - 1940 Intellectuelen gtt Intellectuals Estonia Intellektueller (DE-588)4027249-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4027249-7 (DE-588)4015587-0 |
| title | Vaim ja võim Eesti haritlaskond 1917 - 1940 |
| title_auth | Vaim ja võim Eesti haritlaskond 1917 - 1940 |
| title_exact_search | Vaim ja võim Eesti haritlaskond 1917 - 1940 |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Vaim ja võim Eesti haritlaskond 1917 - 1940 |
| title_full | Vaim ja võim Eesti haritlaskond 1917 - 1940 Toomas Karjahärm ja Väino Sirk |
| title_fullStr | Vaim ja võim Eesti haritlaskond 1917 - 1940 Toomas Karjahärm ja Väino Sirk |
| title_full_unstemmed | Vaim ja võim Eesti haritlaskond 1917 - 1940 Toomas Karjahärm ja Väino Sirk |
| title_short | Vaim ja võim |
| title_sort | vaim ja voim eesti haritlaskond 1917 1940 |
| title_sub | Eesti haritlaskond 1917 - 1940 |
| topic | Intellectuelen gtt Intellectuals Estonia Intellektueller (DE-588)4027249-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Intellectuelen Intellectuals Estonia Intellektueller Estonia Intellectual life 20th century Estland |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016258160&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016258160&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT karjaharmtoomas vaimjavoimeestiharitlaskond19171940 AT sirkvaino vaimjavoimeestiharitlaskond19171940 |