Mindennapi előitéletek: társadalmi távolságok és etnikai sztereotípiák
Saved in:
| Format: | Book |
|---|---|
| Language: | Hungarian |
| Published: |
Budapest
Balassi K.
2006
|
| Series: | Tér és terep
5 |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Mit Zsfassung der Beitr. in engl. Sprache. - Literaturangaben. - Enth.: A magyarországi nemzeti és etnikai kisebbségek; kronológia 2005 |
| Physical Description: | 488 S. graph. Darst. |
| ISBN: | 9789635067183 |
Staff View
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Record in the Search Index
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|---|---|
| adam_text | Tartalom
Antropológiai tanulmányok
Bindorffer Györgyi: Sztereotipízáció
az interetnikus kapcsolatokban
.................................... 9
Bakó BoglArka: Cigány módra
-
magyar módra.
Együttélési viszonyok egy mikroközösség sztereotípiatörténetein át
......... 36
Tesfay SAba: „Mi vagyunk a kalapos gábor cigányok,
akik nem isznak... A gábor cigány közösség belső
és külső kapcsolatait szabályozó kognitív sémák
....................... 65
Pálos Dóra: „Cseperedünk . Egy beás közösség
önsztereotípizálási folyamatairól
.................................... 91
Ilyés ZoltAn: Közeli idegenek, távoli ismerősök.
A székelyek és a magyarországiak sztereotípiái a gyimesi csángókról
........120
Boross BalAzs: Kutatók, sztereotípiák és referenciarendszerek
a moldvai csángó kultúrában
......................................133
Kiss MArta: „A tündérkirály lakhelyén, a legendák földjén,
..
Lokális identitás, Önreprezentáció és sztereotípiák
......................150
Papp Richard:
„Igazi zsidók és ,jó balkániak .
Önsztereotípiák és mentalitáskategóriák
két kisebbségi kultúra életében
....................................177
Előítélet, identitás, etnikus terek
Kovács AndrAs: Lehet-e előítélet az előítélet?
...........................197
Balassa Szilvia: Antiszemiták, cigányellenesek, xenofóbok
.................205
Örkény
Antal-Székeľyi
Mária: Egy kutatási projekt vázlatos története.
Magyar
Agora
2005.
Gondolkodtató közvélemény-kutatás
(deliberative
poll)
a magyarországi roma kisebbségekről
................ 241
Tóth Ágnes-Vékas JAnos: Család és identitás.
A vegyes házasság szerepe a magyarországi kisebbségi
közösségek reprodukciójában
..................................... 252
Farkas György: Elméleti megfontolások az etnikai földrajz
meghatározása kapcsán. Az etnikai térképezés megújítása:
egy térinformatikai adatbázis bemutatása
............................ 310
Keményfi Róbert: Az „ezeréves határok , etnikai területek
legitimációs eszközei a
20.
század első felének földrajzában
............. 325
Történeti sztereotípiák és mítoszok
Feischmídt Margit: Nemzetek egymás tükrében
........................ 347
Gabriela Kiliánova:
A határmítosz: Dévény vára
....................... 351
Feischmidt Margit: Lehorgonyzóit mítoszok.
Kőbe vésett sztereotípiák? A lokalizáció jelentősége
az aradi vértanúk emlékműve és a millenniumi
emlékoszlopok kapcsán
......................................... 370
Sorin
Μιτυ:
Az erdélyi románok sztereotipiái
a magyarokról a
19.
század első felében
.......................,..... 392
Kronológiák
A magyarországi nemzeti és etnikai kisebbségek.
Kronológia,
2005.
Összeállította: Mlecsenkov László
................ 407
Magyarország és a határon túli magyarok.
Kronológia,
2005.
Összeállította: Vékás JAnos
....................... 432
SUMMARY
..................................................... 479
Summary
BoolArka
Bakó
À
la Gypsy—
à ¡a Magyar, Conditions
of
coexistence
reflected in stories of stereotypes within a
micro-community
The study presents apropos of the stories of work-related stereotypes in a mixed-ethnicity Hun¬
garian, Gypsy and Romanian village in South Transylvania the conditions of coexistence of Gypsy
and non-Gypsy communities, the differences of their contexts, the order and operation of their
everyday lives. The key binding force in their communities is work, hence the large numbers of
work-related stories. These stories contribute to a curious interpretation of coexistence, revealing
the critical points of coexistence which enter the realm of stcreotypisation, This paper presents
the nature of the areas highlighted by
stereotypie
stories and the experiencing of
stereotypie
acts,
the community functioning and individual judgement of the
stereotypised
areas. The study seeks
to establish the line between Gypsy and non-Gypsy everyday lives which are essentially similar, and
to identify what makes a way of life determined by village norms typically Gypsy or Hungarian/Ro¬
manian. The stories of stereotypes in a village furnish plenty of material for analysis. Knowing
them can contribute to our knowledge of over the border which is invisible to the outsider but
nevertheless determines the communities norms of judgement.
Szilvia Balassa
Anti-Semites, Gypsyphobes,
xénophobes
This paper is based on a
2002
TÁRK1
survey which was out to investigate attitudes towards
Gypsies, Jews, immigrants and foreigners in general, offering an exceptional opportunity to make
a comparison of the three prejudices. The three examined systems of prejudice have significant
differences in terms of widespreadness, intensity, structure and social determination. While anti-
Semitic views and stereotypes are generally not endorsed by the majority of Hungarian society,
attitudes to Gypsies and foreigners are on the whole negative. Neither Gypsy phobia, nor xenophobia
bounces back off such powerful a cultural taboo that might hinder the endorsement of open
prejudiced opinions, which accounts for the fact that the two systems of prejudice are a lot less
structured than anti-Semitism. However, like in anti-Semitism, there arc signs of an emerging
distinction between more pronounced, more discriminating attitudes and sifter, more euphemistic
forms of the prejudice. There is a difference between the causal explanatory model of the
indi-
480
SUMMARY
vidual
types of prejudice. Essentially, there are three competing answers. According to one, dis¬
crimination is predominantly typical of the lower social classes, rooted in the lack of prospect that
comes with lower social status, ignorance due to low levels of education and social isolation, and
authoritarian family models. The second explanation puts racial hatred down not to objective, but
subjective deprivation (anomy). The third claims racial prejudice comes from a specific political
ideology and cannot be satisfactorily explained by socio-economic status or anomy.
Györgyi
Bindorffer
Stereotyplsation in inter-ethnic relations
This paper provides an overall theoretical summary of stereotypisation and stereotypes. Due to the
fact that stereotypes, in addition to having social psychological dimensions, comprise a category
of cognitive sociology, the author has sought consider both disciplines. As a start, she discusses the
cognitive sociological importance of categories, categorisation and its in- and outgroup differences,
and goes on to analyse the concept of stereotype and its characteristics. This chapter highlights best
the inseparability of the cognitive sociological and the social psychological viewpoint; applied jointly,
they mutually reinforce one another. In the subsequent chapter the author presents the sources of
stereotypes, their categorisation, characteristics, types and functions. While the previous chapter was
concerned with cognitive sociology, social psychology is in focus here. The discussion of stereo¬
types goes hand in hand with the analysis of prejudices, on account of prejudices frequently having
as a basis handed-down stereotypes and the uncontrolled
overgeneraüsation
of observations and the
firm and incontestable belief in them. The second part of the study explores, apropos of the example
of Schwabian (ethnic German) and Hungarian coexistence, the emergence of group conflicts, their
manifestation in inter-ethnic relations, and the controversial relationship between majority and
minority. The majority Germans of
Dunabogdány,
a village in central Hungary, speak of themselves,
the minority Hungarians in their village, the majority Hungarians outside the village, and how they
see Schwabs of other villages and the Germans of Germany. The paper rounds off with a presen¬
tation of the reasons for the emergence of ethnic hierarchy.
Balázs Boross
Researchers, stereotypes ana systems of reference in Moldavian
Csángó
culture
This paper explores the attitude categories according to which
tlie
researcher, coming from a diffe¬
rent group, is labelled as—and which historical and experiential factors influence these categories
—
in a Moldavian village where I spent a month on anthropological fieldwork and which is the frequent
target of various ethnographic and linguistic research. The paper presents some of the examples of
attitudes and stereotypes with regard to the researcher, their background and connections, and the
response phenomena generated in a community by the presence of the researcher. Also, the paper
investigates the attitudes and stereotypes of Hungarian intellectuals and of the Hungarian public
towards the
Csángó
as a group, which several studies in the field reflect willy-nilly. In the author s
view this is crucial, on account of the fact that the majority of
stereotypie
occurrences at Pusztina
arc the consequence of a to-and-fro interaction: in many instances the attitudinal categories of the
Csángó
emerge on reflection to, and in the face of, those of the researchers. Examining the different
types of stereotypes, he describes and interprets a few concrete cases, major and minor, that have
explicitly influenced attitudes to researchers, and presents some aspects of community life (migration,
language use, local political relations) which also have an influence on various attitudes. He also
explains why (he Pusztina categories—activated in the course of interaction between researcher
and community—are in many cases situational, combine with one another and can be fundamentally
regarded as adaptive answers to the research objectives and methodologies.
SUMMARY
481
György Farkas
Theoretical considerations in establishing a definition for etfmogeography. The renewal of ethnic
mapping: presenting a
GIS
database
The first half of the study presents considerations that arise in establishing a definition and a theory
for cthnogeography. in the
1990s,
when cthnogeographic research in Hungary was reborn, the
generally accepted definition of the discipline had Soviet roots. Although a few noteworthy
contributions have been made towards a new definition, the original one has to be regarded as
outdated. The article takes a new stance on the general and specific objectives of cthnogeography
and presents a new outlook on the subject of the discipline. Generally speaking, cthnogeography
represents ethnic minorities, groups of people in a geographical space. Due to its geographical
nature, ethnogeography focuses on the cause-and-effect relationships determining the spreading of an
ethnicity, and on describing the character of distribution, leading to a complete description of
spatial distribution. Determining the scope of ethnogeography has two main angles. Firstly, the
subject of ethnogeography is the breakdown of nationalities/ethnicities in a specific geographical
area. Secondly, ethnogeography can focus on any social or geographical location-related problem
related to the distribution of nationalities/ethnicities. Ethnogeographic works can, then, be lumped
under the heading of a spatially-focused discipline exploring a given ethnicity or several specific
ethnicities. The definition of ethnogeography requires establishing the scope of meaning fora number
of
fondamental
terms. The key terms in ethnogeography, a socio-geographical discipline, include
space, spatial structure, geographical space and ethnic spatial structure, ethnic blocks and linguistic
borders. The second half of the study presents editable ethnic maps created in accordance with the
new definition of the discipline, using the geographical information system of the Hungarian Re¬
search Database of the Carpathian Basin (compiled, maintained and about to be published by the
Research Institute for Ethnic and National Minorities of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences).
Margit Feischmidt
Anchored
Mythos:
Stereotypes engraved in Stone
The author of this paper explores the localisation acts of identity policies; the manner in which the
cultural representations of the nation, its excluded or superseding communities influence the
con¬
notative
meaning of spaces and locations. She specifically takes a look at the practice of erecting
sculptures and its discourses
vis-à-vis
the memorials put up in the latter half of the
19ül
century and
the turn of the century. The author has for long investigated the late lfAccntury memorials in
Hungary s borderland and multiethnic areas. This time she has chosen the so-called Millennial
commemorative columns and the statue of liberty erected at
Arad
[today
Oradea,
Romanin] in
memory of the executed generals of the
1848
Hungarian revolution. She looks at the domestic
colonisation of the multiethnic borderlands, as well as the collective representations that are gener¬
ated in connection with the erection (or destruction or protection) of memorials, and how these
representations are determined by the fact that they assume a material form and are tied to a specific
place. She follows the fate of her chosen memorials throughout the subsequent century and beyond,
hoping to contribute to an understanding of the changes (or permanence) of identity policies and
representations in multiethnic spaces.
Gabriela Kiliánova
The border myth:
Devín
Castle
Devin
[formerly Dcvcny], steeped in history, reflects in a small way the past two centuries of
Central European history. It is nn example of a region and cultural environment which, in spite of its
482
SUMMARY
multiethnic and multicultural character, has undergone national movements and many a political
and cultural effort to establish national identity. Many ethnicities have lived at
Devín,
including
Hungarians, Slovaks, Austrians and Germans, and people having a Slavic, Czech-Slavic or Czecho¬
slovak. They all insisted the place belonged to them—and more often than not to them alone-
Devín
is
а
case in point of the processes of nascent national identity in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy
and its successor states in the 19th and 20th centuries.
Devín
was first a tourist destination for
noblemen and townsmen, fans of historical monuments; of students and youths under
Ľudovít Štúr,
and national tradition-loving romantic enthusiasts. Later
Devín
was a centre for national cere¬
monies, pilgrimage, and popular gatherings. A number of nationally and politically-inspired events
were held there: the national crucifixion of
Štúr s
adherents, the unveiling of the Hungarian
Millenial memorial in
1896,
the national pilgrimage in honour of the bishops Cyril and Method
between the two World Wars, the German borderland meeting in
1939,
the get-togethers of Slavic
brotherhood organised by the Soviet Union from
1945
onwards, a period of neglect between the
Fifties and the Eighties, and its rediscovery after
1989
and
1993.
Its borderland status has for centuries been a leitmotiv in the history of
Devín.
It was the
location and symbol of a variety of states in the region. The frontier changed and re-changed over
and over again within a short span of time during the 20th century, At the same time
Devín
became
a symbol of
disassociation, an
imaginary border which, however, separated very real (national,
religious, political and social) groups. This segregation was at times tolerant
—
i.e. the various groups
tolerated one another
—
and at other times ambivalent
—
i.e. they avoided each other
—
but more
often than not opposition and conflict came to the fore, and the groups persecuted one another,
claiming it belonged to them alone.
Zoltán Ilyés
Close strangers, distant acquaintances. Stereotypes of the
Csángó
among
Ђ
-ansylvanian
Székely
Hungarians and the Hungarians of Hungary
The paper explores stereotypes about the
Csángó
—
an isolated Hungarian ethnic group on the perim¬
eter of the Hungarian language area in Romania
—
in circulation among their neighbours, the
Székely
Hungarians, and the Hungarians of Hungary who have long had a great interest in them,
The stereotypes about the
Csángó
of Gyimesamong the Ciuc-county
Székely
and the Hungarians
of Hungary betray a tendency
—
significant in terms of social history and cultural anthropology—
of ethnic categorisation: the
Székely s
stereotypes tend to lump them under the same heading as
the Romanians, while the Hungarians of Hungary consider them more Hungarian. Of course, the
negative and positive stereotypes arose in different receptive environments and socio-historical and
social contexts, and reveal different narratives and rites of mental alienation and approaching. The
tension that came from the
Székely s
rather feudal proprietorship identity and the ambitious,
independent mentality of the mountain settlers led to the emergence of a uniquely Transylvanian
mountain-region mentality and conflict area, which frequently resulted in verbal and physical
atrocities between the
Csángó
and the
Szćkely.The
ethnographical idealism that emerged in the
latter half of the 20lh century is sustained by self-appointed ethnographic collectors, folk dancers,
naive peasant idealists, tourists and politicians who are smitten by the bucolic Gyimcs scenery,
and the folk culture of its inhabitants which is thought to be authentic. The
Székely
frequently regard
this increased interest as a challenge to the Hungarians interest in them and refuse to understand
the motives behind Hungary s fascination with Gyimes county and the
Csángó.
While the
hybridity,
cultural mixture that exists in Gyimes culture largely goes unnoticed by the ethnographic idealists, and
is by no means propagated as a virtue, the
Szćkely
and the old administrative
élite
have included
it in the repertoire of
Csángó
stereotypes. The latter have ethnised and symbolically began to shift
SUMMARY
483
them
—
a group not entirely belonging to them
—
in terms of identity towards the Romanians, and
have made the eradication of
hybridity
the condition of entering their group.
RÓBERT KEMÉNYE
The
Thousand-Year-Oïd
Borders : The means of legitimising ethnic regions in the geography of
the first half of the twentieth centwy
On closer inspection, the relevant critical literature on the so-called nation-oriented disciplines
of the interim period between the two World Wars, it is relatively easy to discern the individual threads
in the fabric of the notion of Hungarian national/state space. This is mostly due to an underlying
effort which meant to construct real spaces out of symbolic social phenomena (primarily, out of
ethnic and language-related identities). Following the issues of language and culture, and side by
side with the establishment of national institutions, a nascent nationalism
ín
the wake of the for¬
mation of modem nation-states gradually discovered the extent of an own national space and
the importance of the borders of this said space. Within the actual framework of nationalism per
se,
the process of mythologising this space ensued. It is only natural that this process of space
formation introduced its own set of concepts and methods. As regards the landtscapej-theoretical
justifiability of the Hungarian political space, contemporary geographers were busy listing a number
of geographically based arguments while working on the legitimization of a close connection
between politics and land.
A point of illustration at this stage could be the so-called
államhatár-tartósság térkép
[literally,
state border durability/stableness map] created by the representative figures of Hungarian geography.
Following in the footsteps of the German political geography springing from the roots identified
by
Friedrich Ratzel,
the domestic practitioners of geography also impose the question of what natural
phenomena and landscape components (gco-factors) or landscape character would correspond to
the ideal state borderline. One of the obvious responses to the shock brought about by the results
of the Versailles Peace Treaty of
1921
was given by Hungarian geographical circles through a
notion of the idealistically natural movement of the pre-treaty borderlines around Hungary. Our
geography simply considered the previous borderlines idealistic because of the territorial durability
and stability of the status of the Hungarian state. And it was exactiy through a factor
ihat
seems to
be the most difficult one to interpret or spatially demonstrate in the discipline of geography; namely
through time. In other words, state borders were not interpreted as simple social frames or uniform
demarcation lines, unifying legal/taxational territorial units, reflecting the contemporary interna¬
tional power relations/agreements (state-national concept), but rather as systems defined statically
and according to the rules of nature by natural determinism, with which the social arrangements
were expected to comply (culture-national concept). Moreover, it was taken for granted that, apart
from the visible configurations of the terrain and of the bodies of water, which was considered
then a fundamental fact, the justifiability of a conterminous state space was rooted in the depth,
i.e. it was actually based on geo-constructional premises, It was within this sphere of thought that
Gyula
Prinz
formulated so succinctly the previously only latent state-geographical interpretation of
the fundamentally physico-geographical/geo-constructional Tisia Concept.
Märta
Kiss
In the hails of the Faiiy King, the land of legend.., Local identity, self-representation and
stereotypes
This paper is based on ficldwork carried out in a small
Székely
village in Transylvania, which
involved the multi-level examination of identity. The examined community attaches great importance
to defining itself
vis-à-vis
the neighbouring villages. The establishment of their
Szžkely
identity is
4S4
SUMMARY
also an issue. The author observed that they will prefer to refer to themselves as
Székely,
rather
than Hungarian. On closer inspection, the past fifteen years have seen changes in terms of Hun¬
garian identity. Tourism has increased, as a result of which hundreds of visitors come to the village
every summer, chiefly from Hungary. The villagers have frequently been involved in situations
where they were having to prove their Hungarianness to the Hungarians from Hungary.
The upshot of these researches was that the different levels of identity-content intertwine signif¬
icantly, and one of the most important elements of the resulting identity construction is locality
which makes the content elements of identity specific and contributes to their integration.
The village is, naturally, by no means uniform in terms of identity, but can be divided into smaller
groups along different lines. One of these is the local identity group consisting of diligent men and
women (to quote the villagers), but there are others, too. The relationship with new settlers and tourists
is also important, given that the greatest change in the life of the village is the rise in their numbers.
The visitors attitude to the village has led to confrontation of value systems, in the wake of which
the value systems of both parties has changed, throwing new opportunities and perspectives into the
equation.
The most tightly-knit community of newcomers is the Gypsies. There are not very many of
them
—
two or three families only
—
yet their presence in the village is an important issue. Attitudes
to Gypsies and drunkards arc ambivalent: they tend to disown these members of the community
public discourse, community protective mechanisms operate differently in everyday-life situations.
András KovAcs
Can prejudice be a prejudice?
This paper takes a starting point the old observation of prejudice being expressed by means of
coded language. The coded expression of prejudice poses a difficult problem to the scholar seeking
to measure prejudice. Clearly, the code will only assume the role of a code provided there exists a
consensus regarding its interpretation. Possibly, however, a speaker will use expressions expressing
prejudice in a coded way, but because the code lacks a consensual interpretation, his or her utter¬
ance might ultimately be innocent of prejudicial intention. In spite of this, the parties of the com¬
munication might interpret the utterance as being prejudiced. In such a case one might say, the
establishment of prejudice was itself a prejudice. The study takes a look at the forms in which
ambiguous interpretations, i.e. lacking consensus, occur most frequently, and goes on to demonstrate
on two examples taken from empirical researches the kind of tension that can result from the
operation of these mechanisms. Jews and non-Jews were asked whether or not they thought certain
statements were anti-Semitic. In general, the differences of opinion betrayed latent tension: at least
two thirds of the Jews thought five of the seven statements were anti-Semitic, while the absolute
majority of the
non-
Jews considered just one to be anti-Semitic.
Of the many questions that arise in course of interpreting the phenomenon, this paper discusses
just one: how to interpret, as empirical scholars, opinions and statements when no consensus exists
as to their prejudicial naturc7 Can our theoretical knowledge contribute to a better understanding
of individual cases? Is prejudice theory not culture-dependent?
Answers to the question be explored in connection with three types of statement. Firstly, there arc
statements which have to be regarded as prejudiced on the basis of any definition of prejudice-
however, even so many consider these not to be prejudiced, arguing that everyone shares them and
everyone cannot be prejudiced. Secondly, there are statements which are generally speaking prej¬
udiced, but can, in certain contexts, be non-prejudiced. Finally, there are statements which the group
they are referring to consider to be prejudiced, but others not. In summary, it can be said that
empirical research as revealed that there are many statements and opinions which—complying
with the criteria of prejudice—arc beyond question prejudiced, but are in certain cases employed
SUMMARY 4S5
as a constituent of socio-cultural knowledge/awareness and therefore they do not qualify as being
prejudiced in the eyes of their users. This affords the scholar two important conclusions. One is
that, in the research of prejudice, one must tread very carefully in the area normative-theoretical
definitions advocated by prejudice theories. There are cases whose examination requires not only
the application of the criteria suggested by theory for revealing the extent of prejudice, but also the
attitude to the cognitions, stereotypes and opinions of the group they are referring to, and of the group
using them in connection with the former group. The other conclusion is that this context of prej¬
udice opens much opportunity for coded prejudicial talk, for expressing prejudice euphemistically.
The research of prejudice must take these into consideration.
Antau
Örkény—
-Maria Székelyi
Summary overview of a research project. Magyar Agora
2005.
A deliberative poll on minority
Gypsies in Hungary
People are willing to discuss awkward topics with others, and even change their previous opinion
if they have recourse to information and consider opposing views, pro and contra arguments.
That might be the brief summary of the first Hungarian deliberative poll, Magyar Agora
2005,
and its main event, an open discussion
(16-18
September
2006)
on a particularly complex and
sensitive issue, one that has much underlying dramatic tension: the coexistence of the Gypsy and
non-Gypsy, the conflicts of coexistence and possible alternatives for lessening these conflicts.
In the summer of
2005
a thousand people were asked what they thought the difficulties of mi¬
nority Gypsy and majority non-Gypsy coexistence were, and what might be done to reduce the
conflicts. Two hundred and fifty of them were subsequently invited to the open discussion in Sep¬
tember. In sixteen groups and in three plenary sessions the participants discussed problems such as
poverty, discrimination, segregation and integration. The views of the participants were asked
again, after the discussion weekend.
Like in other countries, the deliberative poll led to a change of opinion in the Magyar Agora, too.
One of the most important outcome was the participants knew a lot more about the Gypsy than
before. They had learnt exactly how many Gypsy lived in Hungary, the extent of poverty; on the
whole the level of knowledge about the Gypsy increased from an average
28
to
42
per cent—that
is, rather significantly.
The discussion weekend affected the area of discrimination most strikingly: rejection of Gypsy
discrimination had become much more powerful. For example, in earlier interviews, a quarter of
the respondents had agreed it was right for the police to treat Gypsies differently ; only
9
per cent
said the same after the discussion—that is,
91
per cent of the participants had come to reject police
discrimination. Views changed with regard to discrimination in employment, too: the number of
respondents who disapproved of any form of workplace discrimination against Gypsy increased;
more importantly, however, there was a significant rise
(22
to
33
per cent) in
Иге
number of people
who are dissatisfied with the maximum penalty
imposable on
employers, and would significantly
increase the penalty rates.
The research data and the recordings of the discussion weekend are subject to further analysis.
Dóra PAlos
Let s grow up.
The self-stereotypisation processes of a Bayash community
My area of research is a small
Zala
counly village which I shall call
Zalaszát, to
protect my friends
and informants. I had first visited the village many years ago during a research project I was
working on, and had become friends with the local Gypsies. Since
1
came to know them, a bunch
of questions arose which had since become significant, revolving around what
1
might sum as
486
SUMMARY
community identity . While a community identity will never be homogenous, many distinctive
patterns are discernible in the identity of the different generations (young, middle-aged, old) and in
their strategies of getting by. In this paper I speak of self-stereotypes, a term
1
consider appropriate
in that it expresses the fact that the Gypsies ideas about themselves cannot be separated from the
stereotypes formed by others.
The description of the use of language and of the local characteristics of the source of prestige
give some idea of the fact that in the life of an individual there exist two types of expectation
system
vis-à-vis
two worlds, i.e. the inside Boyash world, and the outside, non-Gypsy, world.
As regards the changes of values in the course of the lives of the middle generation and their
parents generation, it can be generally said that the primariness of the Gypsy laws has disappeared,
and today s youth regard as an alternative the values of majority society.
The most important question raised in the paper is, what happens when, alongside the discrimi¬
natory attitude of majority society towards the Gypsy, certain Gypsy individuals and groups stand
of the border of the Gypsy -non-Gypsy in the sense that as a result of their inner motivations, they
seek to please both sides? Where do I belong? and Who am I to compare myself to? are
questions that rarely go without inner conflict or identity crises.
The most striking reactions to such situations is the tendency of the various forms of self-
definition that prevents local Gypsy from referring to themselves as Gypsy. They have many
alternatives, all of which serve to isolate a (small) local group from the rest of the Gypsy, a hetero¬
geneous group showered with negative stereotypes.
Another Gypsy group, the so-called Knife-grinders, assume an important role in establishing
the identity of the
Zalaszát
community. An important dividing line has emerges within the Gypsy
as an ethnic category: the good and the bad Gypsy.
This paper explores this marginalised area of the community and thematises the responses given
to it, contributing psychological comments to the anthropological statements.
Papp Richard
Real Jews
and good Balkans folk.
Self stereotypes and mentality categories in the life of two
minority cultures
The examples in this study have been taken from the world of religious Jews and the Voivodina
minority Hungarians. Specifically, the paper focuses on the mentality categories of these communities
which establish their self-images and the stereotypes related to the others. Mentality categories
are such hidden inner categories of a community, by which the insults, conflicts, prejudices and
positive self-reflexions arising from minority existence gain expression.
Accordingly, the study reveals what it means to be a real Jew or Yiddishkeit in the researched
Jewish community, and what it means to be „good Balkans folks, real Voivodina Hungarians as
reflected in the image of old South Hungarian Magyar communities.
The described case studies reveal the many issues raised by the anthropological facts which
help to understand the diverse connotations of mentality
—
a cultural characteristic—which is
highly debatable as an objective/hypothetical concept. These diverse meanings lead to the many
minority self-stereotypes, as well as majority stereotypes and viewpoints. These viewpoints conceal
identity traits which betray unity and diversity
vis-à-vis
the surrounding cultures and the universal
communities whose unique, regional, autonomous minority members they are. In addition to men¬
tality categories, the paper reveals their world of ritual and religious system, too. The minority
strategies underlying the mentality categories are reinforced by them, and acquire sacred-cognitive
boost. These minority strategies create an opportunity for cultural self-defence as regards both
majorities, by means of striking a balance between keeping distance and striving for cultural
SUMMARY
487
adaptation in the course of coexistence. Accordingly, they draw on universal, common national and
religious content in the same way as on the conscnsually valuable cultural features of the majority
culture they are living with. The balance of the two value systems determines the mentality cate¬
gories of the researched mentalities categories. The relevant community control becomes a measure
of individual behaviour, The real Jew and good Balkans folk in the examined communities is
a person who identifies with the standards of this system, organises his or her personal life strategics
and patterns of behaviour within his or her respective community in accordance with these standards,
The experiencing of everyday life in one s own culture, the strategies applied in interethnic relations
—
i.e. phenomena influenced by the mentality categories
—
and, through their interpretation, the common
value and norm system and cultural practices of minority cultures can be analysed in a way that
brings us closer to individual worlds, personal fates and world views. This approach can perhaps
contribute to a belter understanding of the reality content of minority cultures.
Sorin
Mitu
The Transylvanian Romanians stereotypes of the Hungarians in the first half of the
19
century
In spite of the immense body of literature discussing (or, at least, referring to) Romanian-Hungarian
relations, Romanian historians have taken little interest in the mental representations that emerged
in the course of coexistence. The author of this paper has therefore set out to explore in greater depth
the image of Hungarians in Romanian culture. This study interprets the image of the Hungarians
as reflected by the texts of 19th-century Romanian authors
—
historians, writers, politicians, publi¬
cists
—
and the arguments they cite. The conclusion is that while at the beginning of this period the
image roughly coincides with contemporary Hungarian self-representation, in the second half of
the period, that is after the
1848
revolution, nationalist-Romantic ideology became predominant.
Sorin
Mitu
devotes special attention to the writings of Ion Papiu
Harían
who created a history of
Transylvanian Romanians which is best characterised by an endless confrontation with the Hun¬
garians. The events of
1848
were momentous in that in its wake emerged the image of the life-and-
dcath struggle of the two nations.
We are the hatted
Gábor
Gypsies who don t drink...
The cognitive norms regulating the interior
and exterior relations of the
Gábor
Gypsies
This study is based on a comprehensive one-year research project conducted among the
Gábor
Gypsies in and around Targu-Mures, focusing on cultural representation. Although there are a number
of
Gábor
Gypsy groups in other Transylvanian and old Hungarian towns, the paper discusses the
stereotypes determining the interior and exterior relations of a Mures-county community.
The identity structure and self-definition of this community draws a distinct line between them
and the other groups living in the area. The exterior and cognitive trans-generational elements of this
boundary, however, can change in space and time, without ever allowing the community to forget
where they belong.
While the community lives in accordance with the rules of endogamy, its economic welfare
hinges on its exterior relations, a fact which drives the members of the community to seek out and
consciously exploit these sources. Their primary source of income is trade and tinwork, performed
not inside the
Gábor
environment. Additionally, because the community are chiefly Adventists, the
practice of their religion serves to reinforce external ties.
Their economic ties» frequent visits to the
Adventist
prayer house, the relationships with their
neighbours, their daily contact with non-Gypsies and other Gypsy groups fosters an awareness of
the otherness of their own community, and at the same time helps to establish standardised
488
SUMMARY
conditions based on daily regularity and practices, They define themselves in terms of these rela¬
tionships, and form impressions of other groups by means of these channels.
The paper seeks to present their conditions and the stereotypes they have come to form about
other groups under conditions, not neglecting the stereotypes the community has formed about itself
either—those equally having an effect on the stereotypes about others, as does the information
gained in the course of everyday interaction.
Ágnes Tóth—JAnos Vékás
Family and identity. The role of mixed marriages in the reproduction of Hungarian national/ethnic
minorities
This paper focuses on families at least one of whose members claimed, in response to at least one
of the four questions relating to national/ethnic identity in the
2001
census, to belong to one of the
thirteen minorities in Hungary listed in the Minorities Act.
The study set out to answer the question whether in mixed marriages there were any traces of
efforts of conscious assimilation, and the disproportionality of a mixed marriage revealed which
hidden national/ethnic dimensions of social structure,
The following conclusions were drawn:
1.
The national average of mixed
mamages,
was higher in every ethnic minority
—
except the
Gypsies—than among minority Hungarians in Romania, Slovakia and Serbia.
2.
This high proportion can be put down firstly to spatial distribution, secondly to age breakdown,
and the proportion of the sexes. These conditions have roughly the effect in every community, and
only secondary to this is the anomaly induced by social norm.
3.
Mixed marriages with one non-Roma member are predominant, but not exclusive. Members
of the various ethnic minorities will marry among each other, and the proportion of such marriages
is significantly higher than the proportion of the given minority in relation to majority population
would warrant.
4.
Intergenerational assimilation is significant among homogenous minority couples, too, but
the former reveals a slighter extent of dissimilation, too.
5.
Although the proportion of homogenous minority couples is related to the proportions
ofthat
minority in the village/town they are living in, a significant proportion of such couples were born
outside the given village/town, This would indicate that the greater proportion of minority in the
village/town is a factor that contributes to identity—which indirectly relates back to the number of
mixed marriages.
6.
In communities where the proportion of individuals born abroad is high, these individuals
will remain significantly
dissimilate in
homogenous minority marriages, too.
ι
Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek
V
München
|
| adam_txt |
Tartalom
Antropológiai tanulmányok
Bindorffer Györgyi: Sztereotipízáció
az interetnikus kapcsolatokban
. 9
Bakó BoglArka: Cigány módra
-
magyar módra.
Együttélési viszonyok egy mikroközösség sztereotípiatörténetein át
. 36
Tesfay SAba: „Mi vagyunk a kalapos gábor cigányok,
akik nem isznak." A gábor cigány közösség belső
és külső kapcsolatait szabályozó kognitív sémák
. 65
Pálos Dóra: „Cseperedünk". Egy beás közösség
önsztereotípizálási folyamatairól
. 91
Ilyés ZoltAn: Közeli idegenek, távoli ismerősök.
A székelyek és a magyarországiak sztereotípiái a gyimesi csángókról
.120
Boross BalAzs: Kutatók, sztereotípiák és referenciarendszerek
a moldvai csángó kultúrában
.133
Kiss MArta: „A tündérkirály lakhelyén, a legendák földjén,
."
Lokális identitás, Önreprezentáció és sztereotípiák
.150
Papp Richard:
„Igazi zsidók" és ,jó balkániak".
Önsztereotípiák és mentalitáskategóriák
két kisebbségi kultúra életében
.177
Előítélet, identitás, etnikus terek
Kovács AndrAs: Lehet-e előítélet az előítélet?
.197
Balassa Szilvia: Antiszemiták, cigányellenesek, xenofóbok
.205
Örkény
Antal-Székeľyi
Mária: Egy kutatási projekt vázlatos története.
Magyar
Agora
2005.
Gondolkodtató közvélemény-kutatás
(deliberative
poll)
a magyarországi roma kisebbségekről
. 241
Tóth Ágnes-Vékas JAnos: Család és identitás.
A vegyes házasság szerepe a magyarországi kisebbségi
közösségek reprodukciójában
. 252
Farkas György: Elméleti megfontolások az etnikai földrajz
meghatározása kapcsán. Az etnikai térképezés megújítása:
egy térinformatikai adatbázis bemutatása
. 310
Keményfi Róbert: Az „ezeréves határok", etnikai területek
legitimációs eszközei a
20.
század első felének földrajzában
. 325
Történeti sztereotípiák és mítoszok
Feischmídt Margit: Nemzetek egymás tükrében
. 347
Gabriela Kiliánova:
A határmítosz: Dévény vára
. 351
Feischmidt Margit: Lehorgonyzóit mítoszok.
Kőbe vésett sztereotípiák? A lokalizáció jelentősége
az aradi vértanúk emlékműve és a millenniumi
emlékoszlopok kapcsán
. 370
Sorin
Μιτυ:
Az erdélyi románok sztereotipiái
a magyarokról a
19.
század első felében
.,. 392
Kronológiák
A magyarországi nemzeti és etnikai kisebbségek.
Kronológia,
2005.
Összeállította: Mlecsenkov László
. 407
Magyarország és a határon túli magyarok.
Kronológia,
2005.
Összeállította: Vékás JAnos
. 432
SUMMARY
. 479
Summary
BoolArka
Bakó
À
la Gypsy—
à ¡a Magyar, Conditions
of
coexistence
reflected in stories of stereotypes within a
micro-community
The study presents apropos of the stories of work-related stereotypes in a mixed-ethnicity Hun¬
garian, Gypsy and Romanian village in South Transylvania the conditions of coexistence of Gypsy
and non-Gypsy communities, the differences of their contexts, the "order" and operation of their
everyday lives. The key binding force in their communities is work, hence the large numbers of
work-related stories. These stories contribute to a curious interpretation of coexistence, revealing
the "critical points" of coexistence which enter the realm of stcreotypisation, This paper presents
the nature of the areas highlighted by
stereotypie
stories and the "experiencing" of
stereotypie
acts,
the community functioning and individual judgement of the
stereotypised
areas. The study seeks
to establish the line between Gypsy and non-Gypsy everyday lives which are essentially similar, and
to identify what makes a way of life determined by village norms typically Gypsy or Hungarian/Ro¬
manian. The stories of stereotypes in a village furnish plenty of material for analysis. Knowing
them can contribute to our knowledge of "over the border" which is invisible to the outsider but
nevertheless determines the communities' norms of judgement.
Szilvia Balassa
Anti-Semites, Gypsyphobes,
xénophobes
This paper is based on a
2002
TÁRK1
survey which was out to investigate attitudes towards
Gypsies, Jews, immigrants and foreigners in general, offering an exceptional opportunity to make
a comparison of the three prejudices. The three examined systems of prejudice have significant
differences in terms of widespreadness, intensity, structure and social determination. While anti-
Semitic views and stereotypes are generally not endorsed by the majority of Hungarian society,
attitudes to Gypsies and foreigners are on the whole negative. Neither Gypsy phobia, nor xenophobia
bounces back off such powerful a cultural taboo that might hinder the endorsement of open
prejudiced opinions, which accounts for the fact that the two systems of prejudice are a lot less
structured than anti-Semitism. However, like in anti-Semitism, there arc signs of an emerging
distinction between more pronounced, more discriminating attitudes and sifter, more euphemistic
forms of the prejudice. There is a difference between the causal explanatory model of the
indi-
480
SUMMARY
vidual
types of prejudice. Essentially, there are three "competing" answers. According to one, dis¬
crimination is predominantly typical of the lower social classes, rooted in the lack of prospect that
comes with lower social status, ignorance due to low levels of education and social isolation, and
authoritarian family models. The second explanation puts racial hatred down not to objective, but
subjective deprivation (anomy). The third claims racial prejudice comes from a specific political
ideology and cannot be satisfactorily explained by socio-economic status or anomy.
Györgyi
Bindorffer
Stereotyplsation in inter-ethnic relations
This paper provides an overall theoretical summary of stereotypisation and stereotypes. Due to the
fact that stereotypes, in addition to having social psychological dimensions, comprise a category
of cognitive sociology, the author has sought consider both disciplines. As a start, she discusses the
cognitive sociological importance of categories, categorisation and its in- and outgroup differences,
and goes on to analyse the concept of stereotype and its characteristics. This chapter highlights best
the inseparability of the cognitive sociological and the social psychological viewpoint; applied jointly,
they mutually reinforce one another. In the subsequent chapter the author presents the sources of
stereotypes, their categorisation, characteristics, types and functions. While the previous chapter was
concerned with cognitive sociology, social psychology is in focus here. The discussion of stereo¬
types goes hand in hand with the analysis of prejudices, on account of prejudices frequently having
as a basis handed-down stereotypes and the uncontrolled
overgeneraüsation
of observations and the
firm and incontestable belief in them. The second part of the study explores, apropos of the example
of Schwabian (ethnic German) and Hungarian coexistence, the emergence of group conflicts, their
manifestation in inter-ethnic relations, and the controversial relationship between majority and
minority. The majority Germans of
Dunabogdány,
a village in central Hungary, speak of themselves,
the minority Hungarians in their village, the majority Hungarians outside the village, and how they
see Schwabs of other villages and the Germans of Germany. The paper rounds off with a presen¬
tation of the reasons for the emergence of ethnic hierarchy.
Balázs Boross
Researchers, stereotypes ana systems of reference in Moldavian
Csángó
culture
This paper explores the attitude categories according to which
tlie
researcher, coming from a "diffe¬
rent" group, is labelled as—and which historical and experiential factors influence these categories
—
in a Moldavian village where I spent a month on anthropological fieldwork and which is the frequent
target of various ethnographic and linguistic research. The paper presents some of the examples of
attitudes and stereotypes with regard to the researcher, their background and connections, and the
response phenomena generated in a community by the presence of the researcher. Also, the paper
investigates the attitudes and stereotypes of Hungarian intellectuals and of the Hungarian public
towards the
Csángó
as a group, which several studies in the field reflect willy-nilly. In the author's
view this is crucial, on account of the fact that the majority of
stereotypie
occurrences at Pusztina
arc the consequence of a to-and-fro interaction: in many instances the attitudinal categories of the
Csángó
emerge on reflection to, and in the face of, those of the researchers. Examining the different
types of stereotypes, he describes and interprets a few concrete cases, major and minor, that have
explicitly influenced attitudes to researchers, and presents some aspects of community life (migration,
language use, local political relations) which also have an influence on various attitudes. He also
explains why (he Pusztina categories—activated in the course of interaction between researcher
and community—are in many cases situational, combine with one another and can be fundamentally
regarded as adaptive answers to the research objectives and methodologies.
SUMMARY
481
György Farkas
Theoretical considerations in establishing a definition for etfmogeography. The renewal of ethnic
mapping: presenting a
GIS
database
The first half of the study presents considerations that arise in establishing a definition and a theory
for cthnogeography. in the
1990s,
when cthnogeographic research in Hungary was reborn, the
generally accepted definition of the discipline had "Soviet roots." Although a few noteworthy
contributions have been made towards a new definition, the original one has to be regarded as
outdated. The article takes a new stance on the general and specific objectives of cthnogeography
and presents a new outlook on the subject of the discipline. Generally speaking, cthnogeography
represents ethnic minorities, groups of people in a geographical space. Due to its geographical
nature, ethnogeography focuses on the cause-and-effect relationships determining the spreading of an
ethnicity, and on describing the character of distribution, leading to a complete description of
spatial distribution. Determining the scope of ethnogeography has two main angles. Firstly, the
subject of ethnogeography is the breakdown of nationalities/ethnicities in a specific geographical
area. Secondly, ethnogeography can focus on any social or geographical location-related problem
related to the distribution of nationalities/ethnicities. Ethnogeographic works can, then, be lumped
under the heading of a spatially-focused discipline exploring a given ethnicity or several specific
ethnicities. The definition of ethnogeography requires establishing the scope of meaning fora number
of
fondamental
terms. The key terms in ethnogeography, a socio-geographical discipline, include
space, spatial structure, geographical space and ethnic spatial structure, ethnic blocks and linguistic
borders. The second half of the study presents editable ethnic maps created in accordance with the
new definition of the discipline, using the geographical information system of the Hungarian Re¬
search Database of the Carpathian Basin (compiled, maintained and about to be published by the
Research Institute for Ethnic and National Minorities of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences).
Margit Feischmidt
Anchored
Mythos:
Stereotypes engraved in Stone
The author of this paper explores the localisation acts of identity policies; the manner in which the
cultural representations of the nation, its excluded or superseding communities influence the
con¬
notative
meaning of spaces and locations. She specifically takes a look at the practice of erecting
sculptures and its discourses
vis-à-vis
the memorials put up in the latter half of the
19ül
century and
the turn of the century. The author has for long investigated the late lfAccntury memorials in
Hungary's borderland and multiethnic areas. This time she has chosen the so-called Millennial
commemorative columns and the statue of liberty erected at
Arad
[today
Oradea,
Romanin] in
memory of the executed generals of the
1848
Hungarian revolution. She looks at the domestic
colonisation of the multiethnic borderlands, as well as the collective representations that are gener¬
ated in connection with the erection (or destruction or protection) of memorials, and how these
representations are determined by the fact that they assume a material form and are tied to a specific
place. She follows the fate of her chosen memorials throughout the subsequent century and beyond,
hoping to contribute to an understanding of the changes (or permanence) of identity policies and
representations in multiethnic spaces.
Gabriela Kiliánova
The border myth:
Devín
Castle
Devin
[formerly Dcvcny], steeped in history, reflects in a small way the past two centuries of
Central European history. It is nn example of a region and cultural environment which, in spite of its
482
SUMMARY
multiethnic and multicultural character, has undergone national movements and many a political
and cultural effort to establish national identity. Many ethnicities have lived at
Devín,
including
Hungarians, Slovaks, Austrians and Germans, and people having a Slavic, Czech-Slavic or Czecho¬
slovak. They all insisted the place belonged to them—and more often than not to them alone-
Devín
is
а
case in point of the processes of nascent national identity in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy
and its successor states in the 19th and 20th centuries.
Devín
was first a tourist destination for
noblemen and townsmen, fans of historical monuments; of students and youths under
Ľudovít Štúr,
and national tradition-loving romantic enthusiasts. Later
Devín
was a centre for national cere¬
monies, pilgrimage, and popular gatherings. A number of nationally and politically-inspired events
were held there: the "national crucifixion" of
Štúr's
adherents, the unveiling of the Hungarian
Millenial memorial in
1896,
the national pilgrimage in honour of the bishops Cyril and Method
between the two World Wars, the German "borderland meeting" in
1939,
the get-togethers of Slavic
brotherhood organised by the Soviet Union from
1945
onwards, a period of neglect between the
Fifties and the Eighties, and its rediscovery after
1989
and
1993.
Its borderland status has for centuries been a leitmotiv in the history of
Devín.
It was the
location and symbol of a variety of states in the region. The frontier changed and re-changed over
and over again within a short span of time during the 20th century, At the same time
Devín
became
a symbol of
disassociation, an
imaginary border which, however, separated very real (national,
religious, political and social) groups. This segregation was at times tolerant
—
i.e. the various groups
tolerated one another
—
and at other times ambivalent
—
i.e. they avoided each other
—
but more
often than not opposition and conflict came to the fore, and the groups persecuted one another,
claiming it belonged to them alone.
Zoltán Ilyés
Close strangers, distant acquaintances. Stereotypes of the
Csángó
among
Ђ
-ansylvanian
Székely
Hungarians and the Hungarians of Hungary
The paper explores stereotypes about the
Csángó
—
an isolated Hungarian ethnic group on the perim¬
eter of the Hungarian language area in Romania
—
in circulation among their neighbours, the
Székely
Hungarians, and the Hungarians of Hungary who have long had a great interest in them,
The stereotypes about the
Csángó
of Gyimesamong the Ciuc-county
Székely
and the Hungarians
of Hungary betray a tendency
—
significant in terms of social history and cultural anthropology—
of ethnic categorisation: the
Székely's
stereotypes tend to lump them under the same heading as
the Romanians, while the Hungarians of Hungary consider them more Hungarian. Of course, the
negative and positive stereotypes arose in different receptive environments and socio-historical and
social contexts, and reveal different narratives and rites of mental alienation and approaching. The
tension that came from the
Székely's
rather feudal proprietorship identity and the ambitious,
independent mentality of the mountain settlers led to the emergence of a uniquely Transylvanian
mountain-region mentality and conflict area, which frequently resulted in verbal and physical
atrocities between the
Csángó
and the
Szćkely.The
ethnographical idealism that emerged in the
latter half of the 20lh century is sustained by self-appointed ethnographic collectors, folk dancers,
naive "peasant idealists," tourists and politicians who are smitten by the bucolic Gyimcs scenery,
and the folk culture of its inhabitants which is thought to be authentic. The
Székely
frequently regard
this increased interest as a challenge to the Hungarians' interest in them and refuse to understand
the motives behind Hungary's fascination with Gyimes county and the
Csángó.
While the
hybridity,
cultural mixture that exists in Gyimes culture largely goes unnoticed by the ethnographic idealists, and
is by no means propagated as a virtue, the
Szćkely
and the old administrative
élite
have included
it in the repertoire of
Csángó
stereotypes. The latter have ethnised and symbolically began to shift
SUMMARY
483
them
—
a group not entirely belonging to them
—
in terms of identity towards the Romanians, and
have made the eradication of
hybridity
the condition of entering their group.
RÓBERT KEMÉNYE
The
"Thousand-Year-Oïd
Borders": The means of legitimising ethnic regions in the geography of
the first half of the twentieth centwy
On closer inspection, the relevant critical literature on the so-called "nation-oriented disciplines"
of the interim period between the two World Wars, it is relatively easy to discern the individual threads
in the fabric of the notion of Hungarian national/state space. This is mostly due to an underlying
effort which meant to construct real spaces out of symbolic social phenomena (primarily, out of
ethnic and language-related identities). Following the issues of language and culture, and side by
side with the establishment of national institutions, a nascent nationalism
ín
the wake of the for¬
mation of modem nation-states gradually "discovered" the extent of an "own national space" and
the importance of the borders of this said space. Within the actual framework of nationalism per
se,
the process of mythologising this space ensued. It is only natural that this "process of space
formation" introduced its own set of concepts and methods. As regards the landtscapej-theoretical
justifiability of the Hungarian political space, contemporary geographers were busy listing a number
of geographically based arguments while working on the legitimization of a close connection
between politics and land.
A point of illustration at this stage could be the so-called
államhatár-tartósság térkép
[literally,
state border durability/stableness map] created by the representative figures of Hungarian geography.
Following in the footsteps of the German political geography springing from the roots identified
by
Friedrich Ratzel,
the domestic practitioners of geography also impose the question of what natural
phenomena and landscape components (gco-factors) or landscape character would correspond to
the ideal state borderline. One of the obvious responses to the shock brought about by the results
of the Versailles Peace Treaty of
1921
was given by Hungarian geographical circles through a
notion of the idealistically natural movement of the pre-treaty borderlines around Hungary. Our
geography simply considered the previous borderlines idealistic because of the territorial durability
and stability of the status of the Hungarian state. And it was exactiy through a factor
ihat
seems to
be the most difficult one to interpret or spatially demonstrate in the discipline of geography; namely
through time. In other words, state borders were not interpreted as simple social frames or uniform
demarcation lines, unifying legal/taxational territorial units, reflecting the contemporary interna¬
tional power relations/agreements (state-national concept), but rather as systems defined statically
and according to the rules of nature by natural determinism, with which the social arrangements
were expected to comply (culture-national concept). Moreover, it was taken for granted that, apart
from the "visible" configurations of the terrain and of the bodies of water, which was considered
then a fundamental fact, the justifiability of a conterminous state space was rooted in the "depth,"
i.e. it was actually based on geo-constructional premises, It was within this sphere of thought that
Gyula
Prinz
formulated so succinctly the previously only latent state-geographical interpretation of
the fundamentally physico-geographical/geo-constructional Tisia Concept.
Märta
Kiss
"In the hails of the Faiiy King, the land of legend.," Local identity, self-representation and
stereotypes
This paper is based on ficldwork carried out in a small
Székely
village in Transylvania, which
involved the multi-level examination of identity. The examined community attaches great importance
to defining itself
vis-à-vis
the neighbouring villages. The establishment of their
Szžkely
identity is
4S4
SUMMARY
also an issue. The author observed that they will prefer to refer to themselves as
Székely,
rather
than Hungarian. On closer inspection, the past fifteen years have seen changes in terms of Hun¬
garian identity. Tourism has increased, as a result of which hundreds of visitors come to the village
every summer, chiefly from Hungary. The villagers have frequently been involved in situations
where they were having to prove their Hungarianness to the Hungarians from Hungary.
The upshot of these researches was that the different levels of identity-content intertwine signif¬
icantly, and one of the most important elements of the resulting "identity construction" is locality
which makes the content elements of identity specific and contributes to their integration.
The village is, naturally, by no means uniform in terms of identity, but can be divided into smaller
groups along different lines. One of these is the local identity group consisting of "diligent" men and
women (to quote the villagers), but there are others, too. The relationship with new settlers and tourists
is also important, given that the greatest change in the life of the village is the rise in their numbers.
The visitors' attitude to the village has led to confrontation of value systems, in the wake of which
the value systems of both parties has changed, throwing new opportunities and perspectives into the
equation.
The most tightly-knit community of "newcomers" is the Gypsies. There are not very many of
them
—
two or three families only
—
yet their presence in the village is an important issue. Attitudes
to "Gypsies" and "drunkards" arc ambivalent: they tend to disown these members of the community
public discourse, community protective mechanisms operate differently in everyday-life situations.
András KovAcs
Can prejudice be a prejudice?
This paper takes a starting point the old observation of prejudice being expressed by means of
coded language. The coded expression of prejudice poses a difficult problem to the scholar seeking
to measure prejudice. Clearly, the code will only assume the role of a code provided there exists a
consensus regarding its interpretation. Possibly, however, a speaker will use expressions expressing
prejudice in a coded way, but because the code lacks a consensual interpretation, his or her utter¬
ance might ultimately be innocent of prejudicial intention. In spite of this, the parties of the com¬
munication might interpret the utterance as being prejudiced. In such a case one might say, the
establishment of prejudice was itself a prejudice. The study takes a look at the forms in which
ambiguous interpretations, i.e. lacking consensus, occur most frequently, and goes on to demonstrate
on two examples taken from empirical researches the kind of tension that can result from the
operation of these mechanisms. Jews and non-Jews were asked whether or not they thought certain
statements were anti-Semitic. In general, the differences of opinion betrayed latent tension: at least
two thirds of the Jews thought five of the seven statements were anti-Semitic, while the absolute
majority of the
non-
Jews considered just one to be anti-Semitic.
Of the many questions that arise in course of interpreting the phenomenon, this paper discusses
just one: how to interpret, as empirical scholars, opinions and statements when no consensus exists
as to their prejudicial naturc7 Can our theoretical knowledge contribute to a better understanding
of individual cases? Is prejudice theory not culture-dependent?
Answers to the question be explored in connection with three types of statement. Firstly, there arc
statements which have to be regarded as prejudiced on the basis of any definition of prejudice-
however, even so many consider these not to be prejudiced, arguing that everyone shares them and
everyone cannot be prejudiced. Secondly, there are statements which are generally speaking prej¬
udiced, but can, in certain contexts, be non-prejudiced. Finally, there are statements which the group
they are referring to consider to be prejudiced, but others not. In summary, it can be said that
empirical research as revealed that there are many statements and opinions which—complying
with the criteria of prejudice—arc beyond question prejudiced, but are in certain cases employed
SUMMARY 4S5
as a constituent of socio-cultural knowledge/awareness and therefore they do not qualify as being
prejudiced in the eyes of their users. This affords the scholar two important conclusions. One is
that, in the research of prejudice, one must tread very carefully in the area normative-theoretical
definitions advocated by prejudice theories. There are cases whose examination requires not only
the application of the criteria suggested by theory for revealing the extent of prejudice, but also the
attitude to the cognitions, stereotypes and opinions of the group they are referring to, and of the group
using them in connection with the former group. The other conclusion is that this context of prej¬
udice opens much opportunity for coded prejudicial talk, for expressing prejudice euphemistically.
The research of prejudice must take these into consideration.
Antau
Örkény—
-Maria Székelyi
Summary overview of a research project. Magyar Agora
2005.
A deliberative poll on minority
Gypsies in Hungary
People are willing to discuss "awkward" topics with others, and even change their previous opinion
if they have recourse to information and consider opposing views, pro and contra arguments.
That might be the brief summary of the first Hungarian deliberative poll, Magyar Agora
2005,
and its main event, an open discussion
(16-18
September
2006)
on a particularly complex and
sensitive issue, one that has much underlying dramatic tension: the coexistence of the Gypsy and
non-Gypsy, the conflicts of coexistence and possible alternatives for lessening these conflicts.
In the summer of
2005
a thousand people were asked what they thought the difficulties of mi¬
nority Gypsy and majority non-Gypsy coexistence were, and what might be done to reduce the
conflicts. Two hundred and fifty of them were subsequently invited to the open discussion in Sep¬
tember. In sixteen groups and in three plenary sessions the participants discussed problems such as
poverty, discrimination, segregation and integration. The views of the participants were asked
again, after the discussion weekend.
Like in other countries, the deliberative poll led to a change of opinion in the Magyar Agora, too.
One of the most important outcome was the participants knew a lot more about the Gypsy than
before. They had learnt exactly how many Gypsy lived in Hungary, the extent of poverty; on the
whole the level of knowledge about the Gypsy increased from an average
28
to
42
per cent—that
is, rather significantly.
The discussion weekend affected the area of discrimination most strikingly: rejection of Gypsy
discrimination had become much more powerful. For example, in earlier interviews, a quarter of
the respondents had agreed it was right for the police to treat Gypsies "differently"; only
9
per cent
said the same after the discussion—that is,
91
per cent of the participants had come to reject police
discrimination. Views changed with regard to discrimination in employment, too: the number of
respondents who disapproved of any form of workplace discrimination against Gypsy increased;
more importantly, however, there was a significant rise
(22
to
33
per cent) in
Иге
number of people
who are dissatisfied with the maximum penalty
imposable on
employers, and would significantly
increase the penalty rates.
The research data and the recordings of the discussion weekend are subject to further analysis.
Dóra PAlos
"Let's grow up.
"
The self-stereotypisation processes of a Bayash community
My area of research is a small
Zala
counly village which I shall call
Zalaszát, to
protect my friends
and informants. I had first visited the village many years ago during a research project I was
working on, and had become friends with the local Gypsies. Since
1
came to know them, a bunch
of questions arose which had since become significant, revolving around what
1
might sum as
486
SUMMARY
"community identity". While a community identity will never be homogenous, many distinctive
patterns are discernible in the identity of the different generations (young, middle-aged, old) and in
their "strategies of getting by." In this paper I speak of self-stereotypes, a term
1
consider appropriate
in that it expresses the fact that the Gypsies' ideas about themselves cannot be separated from the
stereotypes formed by others.
The description of the use of language and of the local characteristics of the source of prestige
give some idea of the fact that in the life of an individual there exist two types of expectation
system
vis-à-vis
two "worlds," i.e. the "inside" Boyash world, and the "outside," non-Gypsy, world.
As regards the changes of values in the course of the lives of the middle generation and their
parents' generation, it can be generally said that the primariness of the "Gypsy laws" has disappeared,
and today's youth regard as an alternative the values of majority society.
The most important question raised in the paper is, what happens when, alongside the discrimi¬
natory attitude of majority society towards the Gypsy, certain Gypsy individuals and groups stand
of the border of the Gypsy -non-Gypsy in the sense that as a result of their inner motivations, they
seek to please both sides? "Where do I belong?" and "Who am I to compare myself to?" are
questions that rarely go without inner conflict or identity crises.
The most striking reactions to such situations is the tendency of the various forms of self-
definition that prevents local Gypsy from referring to themselves as "Gypsy." They have many
alternatives, all of which serve to isolate a (small) local group from the rest of the Gypsy, a hetero¬
geneous group showered with negative stereotypes.
Another Gypsy group, the so-called "Knife-grinders," assume an important role in establishing
the identity of the
Zalaszát
community. An important dividing line has emerges within the Gypsy
as an ethnic category: the good and the bad Gypsy.
This paper explores this marginalised area of the community and thematises the responses given
to it, contributing psychological comments to the anthropological "statements."
Papp Richard
"Real Jews
"
and "good Balkans folk.
"
Self stereotypes and mentality categories in the life of two
minority cultures
The examples in this study have been taken from the world of religious Jews and the Voivodina
minority Hungarians. Specifically, the paper focuses on the mentality categories of these communities
which establish their self-images and the stereotypes related to "the others." Mentality categories
are such hidden inner categories of a community, by which the insults, conflicts, prejudices and
positive self-reflexions arising from minority existence gain expression.
Accordingly, the study reveals what it means to be a "real Jew" or "Yiddishkeit" in the researched
Jewish community, and what it means to be „good Balkans folks, real Voivodina Hungarians" as
reflected in the image of old South Hungarian Magyar communities.
The described case studies reveal the many issues raised by the anthropological "facts" which
help to understand the diverse connotations of mentality
—
a cultural characteristic—which is
highly debatable as an "objective/hypothetical" concept. These diverse meanings lead to the many
minority self-stereotypes, as well as majority stereotypes and viewpoints. These viewpoints conceal
identity traits which betray unity and diversity
vis-à-vis
the surrounding cultures and the universal
communities whose unique, regional, autonomous minority members they are. In addition to men¬
tality categories, the paper reveals their world of ritual and religious system, too. The minority
strategies underlying the mentality categories are reinforced by them, and acquire sacred-cognitive
boost. These minority strategies create an opportunity for cultural self-defence as regards both
majorities, by means of striking a balance between keeping distance and striving for cultural
SUMMARY
487
adaptation in the course of coexistence. Accordingly, they draw on universal, common national and
religious content in the same way as on the conscnsually valuable cultural features of the majority
culture they are living with. The balance of the two value systems determines the mentality cate¬
gories of the researched mentalities categories. The relevant community control becomes a measure
of individual behaviour, The "real Jew" and "good Balkans folk" in the examined communities is
a person who identifies with the standards of this system, organises his or her personal life strategics
and patterns of behaviour within his or her respective community in accordance with these standards,
The experiencing of everyday life in one's own culture, the strategies applied in interethnic relations
—
i.e. phenomena influenced by the mentality categories
—
and, through their interpretation, the common
value and norm system and cultural practices of minority cultures can be analysed in a way that
brings us closer to individual worlds, personal fates and world views. This approach can perhaps
contribute to a belter understanding of the reality content of minority cultures.
Sorin
Mitu
The Transylvanian Romanians 'stereotypes of the Hungarians in the first half of the
19'''
century
In spite of the immense body of literature discussing (or, at least, referring to) Romanian-Hungarian
relations, Romanian historians have taken little interest in the mental representations that emerged
in the course of coexistence. The author of this paper has therefore set out to explore in greater depth
the image of Hungarians in Romanian culture. This study interprets the image of the Hungarians
as reflected by the texts of 19th-century Romanian authors
—
historians, writers, politicians, publi¬
cists
—
and the arguments they cite. The conclusion is that while at the beginning of this period the
image roughly coincides with contemporary Hungarian self-representation, in the second half of
the period, that is after the
1848
revolution, nationalist-Romantic ideology became predominant.
Sorin
Mitu
devotes special attention to the writings of Ion Papiu
Harían
who created a history of
Transylvanian Romanians which is best characterised by an endless confrontation with the Hun¬
garians. The events of
1848
were momentous in that in its wake emerged the image of the life-and-
dcath struggle of the two nations.
"We are the hatted
Gábor
Gypsies who don't drink.
"
The cognitive norms regulating the interior
and exterior relations of the
Gábor
Gypsies
This study is based on a comprehensive one-year research project conducted among the
Gábor
Gypsies in and around Targu-Mures, focusing on cultural representation. Although there are a number
of
Gábor
Gypsy groups in other Transylvanian and old Hungarian towns, the paper discusses the
stereotypes determining the interior and exterior relations of a Mures-county community.
The identity structure and self-definition of this community draws a distinct line between them
and the other groups living in the area. The exterior and cognitive trans-generational elements of this
boundary, however, can change in space and time, without ever allowing the community to forget
where they belong.
While the community lives in accordance with the rules of endogamy, its economic welfare
hinges on its exterior relations, a fact which drives the members of the community to seek out and
consciously exploit these sources. Their primary source of income is trade and tinwork, performed
not inside the
Gábor
environment. Additionally, because the community are chiefly Adventists, the
practice of their religion serves to reinforce external ties.
Their economic ties» frequent visits to the
Adventist
prayer house, the relationships with their
neighbours, their daily contact with non-Gypsies and other Gypsy groups fosters an awareness of
the otherness of their own community, and at the same time helps to establish standardised
488
SUMMARY
conditions based on daily regularity and practices, They define themselves in terms of these rela¬
tionships, and form impressions of other groups by means of these channels.
The paper seeks to present their conditions and the stereotypes they have come to form about
other groups under conditions, not neglecting the stereotypes the community has formed about itself
either—those equally having an effect on the stereotypes about others, as does the information
gained in the course of everyday interaction.
Ágnes Tóth—JAnos Vékás
Family and identity. The role of mixed marriages in the reproduction of Hungarian national/ethnic
minorities
This paper focuses on families at least one of whose members claimed, in response to at least one
of the four questions relating to national/ethnic identity in the
2001
census, to belong to one of the
thirteen minorities in Hungary listed in the Minorities Act.
The study set out to answer the question whether in mixed marriages there were any traces of
efforts of conscious assimilation, and the disproportionality of a mixed marriage revealed which
hidden national/ethnic dimensions of social structure,
The following conclusions were drawn:
1.
The national average of mixed
mamages,
was higher in every ethnic minority
—
except the
Gypsies—than among minority Hungarians in Romania, Slovakia and Serbia.
2.
This high proportion can be put down firstly to spatial distribution, secondly to age breakdown,
and the proportion of the sexes. These conditions have roughly the effect in every community, and
only secondary to this is the anomaly induced by social norm.
3.
Mixed marriages with one non-Roma member are predominant, but not exclusive. Members
of the various ethnic minorities will marry among each other, and the proportion of such marriages
is significantly higher than the proportion of the given minority in relation to majority population
would warrant.
4.
Intergenerational assimilation is significant among homogenous minority couples, too, but
the former reveals a slighter extent of dissimilation, too.
5.
Although the proportion of homogenous minority couples is related to the proportions
ofthat
minority in the village/town they are living in, a significant proportion of such couples were born
outside the given village/town, This would indicate that the greater proportion of minority in the
village/town is a factor that contributes to identity—which indirectly relates back to the number of
mixed marriages.
6.
In communities where the proportion of individuals born abroad is high, these individuals
will remain significantly
dissimilate in
homogenous minority marriages, too.
ι
Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek
V
München |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
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| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV023040896 |
| callnumber-first | D - World History |
| callnumber-label | DX223 |
| callnumber-raw | DX223 |
| callnumber-search | DX223 |
| callnumber-sort | DX 3223 |
| callnumber-subject | DX - Gypsies |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)191026131 (DE-599)BVBBV023040896 |
| era | Geschichte gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte |
| format | Book |
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| genre | (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content |
| genre_facet | Aufsatzsammlung |
| geographic | Ungarn Pannonisches Becken (DE-588)4044475-2 gnd Ungarn (DE-588)4078541-5 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Ungarn Pannonisches Becken |
| id | DE-604.BV023040896 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T19:20:36Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:09:37Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789635067183 |
| language | Hungarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016244441 |
| oclc_num | 191026131 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 488 S. graph. Darst. |
| publishDate | 2006 |
| publishDateSearch | 2006 |
| publishDateSort | 2006 |
| publisher | Balassi K. |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Tér és terep |
| spelling | Mindennapi előitéletek társadalmi távolságok és etnikai sztereotípiák szerk. Bakó Boglárka ... Budapest Balassi K. 2006 488 S. graph. Darst. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Tér és terep 5 Mit Zsfassung der Beitr. in engl. Sprache. - Literaturangaben. - Enth.: A magyarországi nemzeti és etnikai kisebbségek; kronológia 2005 Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Minderheit Minorities Hungary Romanies Hungary Social conditions Stereotypisierung (DE-588)4183130-5 gnd rswk-swf Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 gnd rswk-swf Vorurteil (DE-588)4064037-1 gnd rswk-swf Nationale Minderheit (DE-588)4039409-8 gnd rswk-swf Ungarn Pannonisches Becken (DE-588)4044475-2 gnd rswk-swf Ungarn (DE-588)4078541-5 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content Ungarn (DE-588)4078541-5 g Nationale Minderheit (DE-588)4039409-8 s Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 s Vorurteil (DE-588)4064037-1 s Stereotypisierung (DE-588)4183130-5 s Geschichte z DE-604 Pannonisches Becken (DE-588)4044475-2 g Bakó, Boglárka Sonstige oth Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016244441&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016244441&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Mindennapi előitéletek társadalmi távolságok és etnikai sztereotípiák Minderheit Minorities Hungary Romanies Hungary Social conditions Stereotypisierung (DE-588)4183130-5 gnd Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 gnd Vorurteil (DE-588)4064037-1 gnd Nationale Minderheit (DE-588)4039409-8 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4183130-5 (DE-588)4020588-5 (DE-588)4064037-1 (DE-588)4039409-8 (DE-588)4044475-2 (DE-588)4078541-5 (DE-588)4143413-4 |
| title | Mindennapi előitéletek társadalmi távolságok és etnikai sztereotípiák |
| title_auth | Mindennapi előitéletek társadalmi távolságok és etnikai sztereotípiák |
| title_exact_search | Mindennapi előitéletek társadalmi távolságok és etnikai sztereotípiák |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Mindennapi előitéletek társadalmi távolságok és etnikai sztereotípiák |
| title_full | Mindennapi előitéletek társadalmi távolságok és etnikai sztereotípiák szerk. Bakó Boglárka ... |
| title_fullStr | Mindennapi előitéletek társadalmi távolságok és etnikai sztereotípiák szerk. Bakó Boglárka ... |
| title_full_unstemmed | Mindennapi előitéletek társadalmi távolságok és etnikai sztereotípiák szerk. Bakó Boglárka ... |
| title_short | Mindennapi előitéletek |
| title_sort | mindennapi eloiteletek tarsadalmi tavolsagok es etnikai sztereotipiak |
| title_sub | társadalmi távolságok és etnikai sztereotípiák |
| topic | Minderheit Minorities Hungary Romanies Hungary Social conditions Stereotypisierung (DE-588)4183130-5 gnd Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 gnd Vorurteil (DE-588)4064037-1 gnd Nationale Minderheit (DE-588)4039409-8 gnd |
| topic_facet | Minderheit Minorities Hungary Romanies Hungary Social conditions Stereotypisierung Gesellschaft Vorurteil Nationale Minderheit Ungarn Pannonisches Becken Aufsatzsammlung |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016244441&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016244441&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT bakoboglarka mindennapieloiteletektarsadalmitavolsagokesetnikaisztereotipiak |