Tradycja i władza: Królestwo Włoch pod panowaniem Karolingów 774 - 875
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| Main Author: | |
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| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Polish |
| Published: |
Wrocław
Wydawn. Uniw. Wrocławskiego
2007
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| Series: | Monografie Fundacji na Rzecz Nauki Polskiej / Seria Humanistyczna
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| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Na okł. skrócona nazwa serii: Monografie FNP. Seria Humanistyczna |
| Physical Description: | 502 S. 21 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788322927861 |
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Record in the Search Index
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| adam_text |
SPIS TREŚCI
Wykaz skrótów
5
Wstęp
7
Podstawa źródłowa
19
Rozdział I
IDEOLOGICZNE I POLITYCZNE PODSTAWY WŁADZY KAROLINGÓW
WE WŁOSZECH
39
Ostatnie lata niezależnego Królestwa Longobardów
39
Początki panowania Karolingów we Włoszech
47
Karloman-Pepin królem Longobardów,
781-810 69
Odebrane dziedzictwo. Panowanie Bernarda,
813-818 133
Królestwo bez króla. Rządy
Lotara
I,
818-840 159
Pokój i stabilizacja. Panowanie Ludwika
II,
840-875 208
Podsumowanie
223
Rozdział
II
STRUKTURY ZARZĄDU TERYTORIALNEGO
227
Uwagi wstępne
227
Administracja gastaldzka w okresie niezależnego królestwa
244
Kompetencje gastalda
244
Pozycja społeczna i status majątkowy gastalda
267
Administracja gastaldzka w okresie karolińskiego królestwa
269
Kompetencje gastalda
269
Pozycja społeczna i majątkowa gastalda. Pochodzenie etniczne
311
Urzędnicy zarządu terytorialnego niższego szczebla
326
Podsumowanie
346
Rozdział III
WIĘZI ZALEŻNOŚCI OSOBISTEJ W LONGOBARDZKIEJ I KAROLIѬ
SKIEJ ITALII
351
Gasindiat. Geneza i znaczenie
355
Pochodzenie i status społeczny gasindiów
366
Klientele możnowładcze w okresie niezależnego królestwa
373
Recepcja wasalatu we Włoszech
379
Klientele możnowładcze w okresie karolińskiego królestwa
413
Rozpowszechnienie więzi wasalnych a kryzys warstwy wolnych. Problem
servitium
militare
425
Podsumowanie
440
502
Zakończenie
445
Bibliografia
449
Summary
480
Indeks nazwisk
488
SUMMARY
TRADITION AND POWER
THE KINGDOM OF ITALY UNDER CAROLINGIAN RULE
774-875
In
774
Charlemagne seized power over a state whose political system was not only in
no way inferior to the model created by the Franks in Gaul, but in many respects was
superior to it. Cultural models created by Lombard intellectual and political
élites
gathered around the court of Pavia spread far beyond the Alpine passes. Never before
and never again did the Carolingians meet during their conquests with an opponent
equally worthy of them. The Lombard legacy simply could not be ignored. Therefore,
the Frankish conquest of the Lombard Italy can be interpreted as a clash of equal organ¬
isational and political models and social standards. The relations between the Frankish
and the Lombard states can be viewed not as subordination but as a personal union of
two formally equal partners.
Due to profound differences dividing two politically dominant ethnic groups in
the Kingdom, differences with respect to law, customs and political tradition, integration
of the society could only take place around the monarch. In order to win over the local
élite,
the new monarchs made a number of symbolic gestures: they appropriated and
maintained the functions of the Lombard royal seats as well as royal titles; they minted
a golden coin based on a Lombard model, looked after Lombard royal monasteries,
and tried to make the Carolingian rule part of the history of the Lombards and to
incorporate the fate of these people and their new rulers into God's salvation plan
(Historia Langobardorum
Codicis Gothani and, perhaps, Paul the Deacon's
Historia
Langobardorum). These actions were also part of propaganda polemic with
Arechi
II,
the Lombard duke of Benevento, who made claims to the Lombard throne. The ideo¬
logical programme of Charlemagne's and Pippin's rule combined the Lombard concept
of the monarchy that stressed the separate ethnic identity of the community of free
Lombards with the Carolingian model of the state based on co-existence of various
ethnic groups united by one ruler.
At the same time Charlemagne clearly drew on the Frankish tradition by, for
instance, changing the name of his son designated to be the king of the Lombards from
Carloman
to Pippin. Thus the young king of the Lombards received the name of his
grandfather who had become famous by his victories over the Lombard king, Aistulf,
and at the same time remained in symbolic kinship (established through the ritual
cutting of hair) with the great Lombard ruler, Liutprand. The special bond between
the Carolingians and the papacy was emphasised: Hadrian I established a spiritual
kinship between himself and Pippin as his godfather. In addition, in Rome the pope
anointed Carloman-Pippin king of the Lombards. This had a huge significance for the
480
legitimisation
of Pippin's rule. What changed at that moment was the concept of the
ethnic Lombard monarchy in which the monarch could ascend the throne only if such
was the will of the community of free Lombards expressed during an assembly. At the
same time, the emphasis on supernatural, universal origins of Pippin's power allowed
the Franks, the
Alemanne or
the Burgundians settling in Italy and gathering around
the court to identify with the
Pavian
monarchy. Pippin became a unifying force that
held together a new, ethnically mixed political
élite.
The Carolingians appear to us primarily as law-makers. By establishing new
legal norms, designed especially for the Lombard Kingdom (later Kingdom of Italy),
and confirming old laws, the monarchs not only developed a tool for introducing
changes but also gave a clear sign of continuity. The capitularies promulgated by
Charlemagne and his successors contain numerous references to Lombard laws from
the times of the independent kingdom. The Carolingians presented themselves as
continuators of the legislative work of their Lombard predecessors. At the same time
they guarded the Lombard legal tradition which was one of the most important
elements of the collective identity and historical memory of these people. The link
between the capitularies and the edicts of the Lombard kings manifests itself not only
in references to specific provisions of the old law, but is also on the linguistic level
(legal terminology). The awareness of the continuity between the Lombard and the
Carolingian legislations was reflected in 9th century legal codes that contained collec¬
tions of Lombard laws, collections in which edicts issued by Lombard kings were
accompanied by Carolingian capitularies.
Before the year
800
the system of governance in the Lombard Kingdom (two
rulers with the right to establish laws and freedom in internal policy) drew on the
Lombard
moňarchs'
practice of making their sons and successors their co-rulers (this
was the relationship between the last independent king of the Lombards, Desiderius,
and his son, Adelhis). After Charlemagne was crowned emperor, the ideological
foundations of his rule were changed and the Regnum Langobardorum lost its privi¬
leged position among the Carolingian kingdoms. However, the principle of respecting
the ethnic and political identity of the Lombard Kingdom was upheld, a fact that was
reflected primarily in a separate legislation.
During Pippin's minority the real power rested with Charlemagne represented by
some of his trusted advisers. The situation changed as Pippin grew up and began to
take over full power. This is corroborated by an analysis of Pippin's policy in the last
years of his reign (especially his policy towards the papacy as well as Venice and
Byzantium). Pippin carried out independent actions, sometimes even against his
father's will, and his political goals drew on the policies of his Lombard predecessors.
The considerable autonomy the Lombard Kingdom enjoyed under Pippin's
mie
was
confirmed by Charlemagne's Act of Succession of
806
(Divisio
regnorum).
However,
if we analyse the reception of general capitularies in the Lombard Kingdom, we
can see that despite some resistance laws established by suzerain rulers for the whole
481
empire
were
binding
and were implemented also in this region. This confirms the
close relationship between the Transalpine centre and the Italian Kingdom.
The beginnings of a crisis in this sort of organisation in the Lombard Kingdom
were visible already in its fundamental principles. The system created in
781
could
function efficiently only if there was a harmonious cooperation between the king oc¬
cupying the throne of Pavia and the suzerain ruler. Following the deaths of Pippin, the
king of the Lombards, and his elder brother, Charles the Younger, groomed to become
the future suzerain ruler
(810/811),
Charlemagne again tried to regulate the status of
the Lombard Kingdom within the Carolingian rale. The sources are vague on the subject
but nevertheless allow us to conclude that various aristocratic factions gathered around
the emperor and Louis the Pious argued over the future of this part of the empire. We
may conjecture that a plan had already been worked out at the time to prevent Ber¬
nard, Pippin's son, from inheriting the throne (locking him up in a monastery?) and
have the Lombard Kingdom ruled directly by Louis the Pious. It was probably because
of resistance on the part of some noblemen (including Adalard of Corbie and his brother
Wala)
that the concept of maintaining the kingdom's autonomy under Bernard as king
of the Lombards prevailed and was endorsed at the council of Aachen in
814.
The attempts to introduce Louis the Pious' unifying political programme based
on ideological principles expressed in Ordinatio
imperii
of
817
and later also in
Admonitio
ad omnes regni ordines
(823-825)
upset the existing order and led to a con¬
flict within the ruling group. Pippin's son, Bernard, fell victim to the strife among ari¬
stocratic factions. The substantial freedom he enjoyed as king of the Lombards made
him a dangerous rival in the fight for power within the dynasty; for Louis the Pious
his hereditary rights to the throne of Pavia and magnates' support became an obstacle
to his plans to centralise power in the empire and strengthen imperial control over
peripheral provinces.
Bernard's revolt and his subsequent tragic death meant an end to the Lombard
monarchy in the form it had developed for over two centuries. The reigns of Louis
the Pious and
Lothar
I saw a decline of the idea of an ethnic monarchy drawing in
its ideology on the Lombard legacy. The rejection of the Lombard monarchy's ideo¬
logical legacy and a thorough res.tructuring of the foundations of royal authority in Ita¬
ly were responsible for the fact that from 820s on there were very few references to
the past in the rulers' policies and propaganda. In that period Lombard traditions were
present only as a tool occasionally employed to improve the relations with local
elites; they never became
-
for they could not anymore become
-
an element of the
monarchs' political entourage. From the 820s none of the rulers would assume the
title of king of the Lombards; the ethnic term Regnum Langobardorum was replaced
in the sources by the territorial notion of Regnum Italiae; neither Louis nor
Lothar
resided permanently in the kingdom, a fact which contributed to the decline of the
Pavian
court.
Faced with a crisis of governance structures in the Lombard Kingdom following
Bernard's death, Louis the Pious was forced to give the power over Italy to
Lothar
I,
482
though he limited the scope of his independence in comparison with his predecessors.
Lothar
would come to Italy only occasionally, if there was a need for him to intervene
(either in connection with a threat of war or with affairs of the papacy) and his visits
would be planned and controlled by Louis. During the fight between Louis the Pious
and his sons Louis tried to restrict Lothar's influence to Italy in order to marginalise
his stature in the political conflict over power. Yet for
Lothar
the Kingdom of Italy
became first of all a stronghold from which he would venture beyond the Alps to
make repeated attempts to take over the imperial throne and where he would find
safe refuge after his defeats. It was to this end that
Lothar
I subordinated his internal
policy. An analysis of capitularies promulgated by this ruler reveals how
Lothar
tried
to win support of various groups in the society, from aristocratic officials, through the
clearly favouritised group of royal vassals, to small landowners on whom the king¬
dom's military system was based. His reign was also marked by an inflow of wealthy
Lothar
supporters from beyond the Alps, supporters who sought refuge in Italy from
Louis the Pious' anger and who were rewarded for their loyalty to
Lothar
with land
from reorganised treasury estates. The kingdom's
marginalisation
is also indirectly con¬
firmed by the little interest
Lothar
showed in Italian affairs once Louis the Pious' death
opened to him the prospect of achieving his dream of universal power.
When
Lothar
I's
son, Louis, was crowned king of the Lombards, only seemingly
did it mean a return to the concept of the Italian monarchy championed by Charlemagne
and Pippin, and a manifestation of the kingdom's separate legal and political identity.
In fact the old title was merely an instrument used at the time in a political game to
achieve specific goals. When Louis II was crowned emperor, the Lombard legacy
became an unnecessary burden in his claims to universal rule.
The second and the third parts of the book focus on issues related to the organ¬
isation of the foundations of Carolingian rule outside the central territory of the Lom¬
bard Kingdom, and on the significance of solutions inherited from the independent king¬
dom. An analysis of the changes in the functions of territorial governance offices of
Lombard origin (gastald, sculdahis) suggests that the administrative structures devel¬
oped during the times of the independent kingdom survived not only the first years after
the conquest but also throughout the whole period in question. This continuity, though,
did not mean
pétrification
of solutions inherited from the Lombard monarchy. The
administrative system underwent considerable changes which, however, did not lead
to the replacement of existing Lombard institutions by their Frankish equivalents im¬
posed by a ruler's decision, but incorporation of new elements into local structures
(this applies first of all to the office of count). At the same time there were marked
differences between regions with respect to the scope and the speed of those changes.
They depended on the strategic importance of particular centres of power and the ethnic
composition of particular societies: the presence of the settlers from beyond the Alps
made it easier to transplant solutions that were foreign to the Lombard practice.
The changes in the Carolingian Kingdom of Italy affected primarily the highest
echelons of power. As the new monarch ascended the throne, Italy saw an inflow of
483
a group of aristocrats siding with the Carolingians; these men built their position
within the ruling class and its hierarchy on the basis of their relations with the ruling
family. This was a group from which came court dignitaries and counts
-
highest offi¬
cials in territorial administration. The criterion of ethnicity was not, however, crucial
for establishing those relations with the monarch: loyalty to the ruler, confirmed by
words and actions, opened the career door to the Lombards as well. At the same
time, inconstancy that characterised the aristocrats who were in the monarchs' closest
circle caused the changes in the highest offices to be relatively frequent, a fact that
had a significant impact especially on the effectiveness of counts' rule in the king¬
dom's remote provinces.
Unlike the central government bodies, the lower echelons of governance displayed
a clear institutional and personal continuity. Gastalds and sculdahis were subordinated
to counts but their authority came, just like it had during the independent Lombard
Kingdom, from the ruler's delegation. The Carolingian capitularies demonstrate that
the scope of powers of those officials was limited, also because some powers were
taken over by the bishops. They did, however, retained considerable judiciary, military
and regulatory powers, according to the principles set already in the edicts issued by
Lombard kings.
Gastalds and sculdahis were often recruited from provincial Lombard families
that had held various offices for many generations. Rooted in local communities and
hierarchies, bound to the local elites by a network of family or property connections
and relations, they were a link between the central authorities and local communities.
On the one hand, they represented the monarch and carried out his will, and on the
other they were predestined to be those who would represent and protect the subjects'
interests in dealing with the central authority. Such a system guaranteed the stability
of governance structures even during political crises when the throne was passing to
a different ruler or when the monarch was absent from the country. At the same time
it prevented an uncontrollable rise of the counts and their influence.
Over the first decades following the Frankish conquest Italy developed a unique
system of territorial governance that combined Lombard and Frankish institutions in
one whole with the two parts complementing one another. The combination of those
two elements became a characteristic feature of the Kingdom of Italy. The overlapping
of powers and hence rivalry between various officials in the local administration
system made it possible to maintain balance and prevented a small group of families
from monopolising the highest offices, This natural control system, supported by the
missi delegated by the monarch functioned quite effectively during the reign of
the Frankish dynasty. The counts, bishops and gastalds made sure that whoever they
shared power with did not rise too high. The counts were also unable to gain control
over local administration by filling lower-level offices with their own clients.
The system began to crumble only as the central administration broke up fol¬
lowing Louis IPs death. The fight for the throne of Pavia tearing the Kingdom apart
at the turn of the 9th and
10*
centuries inevitably destroyed the close relation between
484
the ruler and his representatives in various provinces. The disappearance of a centre
around which the political elites consolidated accelerated the feudalisation of local
administration structures. Gastalds, locopositi, sculdahis, lower-level officials who
until that moment had had the monarch's support were now recruited from the cli¬
entage of bishops and counts providing protection and measurable benefits that the
weakening monarchy could not guarantee.
The Carolingians' ascension to the throne led to an inflow of immigrants from
north of the Alps and also a transfer into Italy of vassalage combined with benefices.
This process was in fact deliberately supported by Charlemagne who turned it into one
of the many instruments he used to build the foundations of
monarchiái
authority in
a foreign and often hostile environment. However, the appearance of vassals and mi¬
litary benefices did not bring about any significant social breakthrough, nor did these
institutions become a basis for the ruler-subjects relations. There was simply no need
to employ them on a larger scale as there were plenty of other, less expensive and
more effective methods of consolidating and expanding the scope of royal authority,
methods inherited from the Lombard monarchy. We can, therefore, confidently state
that in the first decades following the conquest vassalage had a limited impact on the
structures of the Lombard-Italian society. It became one of the forms of interdepend¬
ence covering all social classes and groups with a network of relationships. At the
same time we have to stress that vassalage we encounter when analysing 9th century
Italian sources differs substantially from the ideal type developed by older and newer
historiography. The adaptation of the Frankish institution to Italian conditions was in¬
fluenced by a complex set of local factors and needs, which led to the emergence of
a unique form of allegiance that continued to be described with a term brought by the
Franks.
Just as it was the case with administrative structures, the Frankish conquest did
not cause the disappearance of the Lombard forms of building cliental relations. Char¬
lemagne and his successors used various Lombard institutions, including the gasindii,
when developing their relations with the Lombard
élite.
These institutions turned out
to be as effective (or maybe even more effective) as vassaticum, which was an alien
institution in the Kingdom and, just like other legal solutions derived from a foreign
tradition, was accepted with much resistance.
The adoption of vassalage and forms of land-holding associated with them was,
at least initially, relatively slow. This was a result not only of a different, Lombard
model of subjects-king relations but also of a limited need to promote vassal relations
as one of the pillars of the monarch's authority, because the local aristocracy was
weak and the administrative structures inherited from the Lombards were relatively
efficient. On the other hand, vassalage remained a basis of the relations between the
Franks, the
Alemanne or
the Burgundians coming to Italy. The difference between the
Frankish vassals and the Lombard gasindii quickly got blurred
-
which was an obvious
consequence of the similarity between the two institutions both with respect to legal
effects and advantages resulting from the establishment of such a type of relations.
485
However, the awareness of different origins of both institutions remained strong until
the very end of the period analysed here.
It was not until the crisis of the Lombard state in the 820s that one could observe
the rise of the vassal clientage as an instrument of the king's policy towards the King¬
dom's political elites and as a tool used by the noblemen to strengthen their position.
At that time royal vassals began to be treated as a particularly privileged group. It was
no coincidence that the period saw an increasing number of Lombards being included
among royal vassals. The slow spread of the Frankish forms of personal relations does
not seem to have been caused by discrimination of the Lombards, but was a result of
the local socio-political conditions. A change in those conditions made the Frankish
model more attractive to all social groups
-
including those that, because of their
different traditions, were reluctant to adopt foreign legal solutions. More and more
often joining royal vassals was considered by the political
élites
to be an alternative
career path, together with holding a public office or choosing a career in the church.
During the times of the independent Kingdom the assumption of the status of a royal
gasindius was treated in a similar manner.
However, in the period I have analysed in the book vassal ties in Italy were not
as significant as they were north of the Alps. Despite the fact that capitularies credit
royal vassals with obligations similar to those they had in
Francia,
diplomatic sour¬
ces do not confirm that they performed any regular public functions. Just like the
gasindii in the independent Lombard Kingdom, vassals were used by the rulers to carry
out special missions: at such moments, however, they were given ad-hoc powers
delegated by the monarch. Those special missions aside, vassals did not encroach on
the jurisdiction of local officials.
The sources do not demonstrate an unequivocal link between the establishment
of vassalage and granting of land as benefice. Even if we take into account the fact
that granting of benefices usually left no trace on paper, this silence seems significant.
What hampered the spread of benefice as an institution was probably local customs
in which a personal relation was associated with granting of hereditary property rather
than various forms of temporary grants.
Another characteristic feature of the Carolingian Italy was the minor military
significance of vassal clientage. The appearance of vassals associated with the kings,
the aristocracy or the clergy did not undermine one of the most important elements
that guaranteed the stability of the state, namely, the organisation of the Kingdom's
armed forces. Just like in the independent Kingdom, the core of the army was constitu¬
ted by a levy in mass of free men who had certain public duties as well as king's,
counts' and bishops' vassals. This resembles the situation in the indepehdent Kingdom
in which the gasindii did not have any specific military obligations.
Interestingly, there are almost no testimonies suggesting feudalisation of gover¬
nance structures under Carolingian rule. The presence of vassals holding various
administrative offices would become more marked at the turn of the 9th and
10*
centuries. The break-up of the structures of the Lombard-Carolingian state following
486
Louis
Iľs
death and the chaos of the subsequent decades of fighting for the throne of
Pavia led to an increased presence of vassals in various social and political groups and
functions.
The Carolingian conquest undoubtedly meant a political breakthrough in the
history of the Kingdom
-
it did not, however, cause either an institutional or a major
social breakthrough, though it undoubtedly contributed to the intensification of
processes that were already visible in the late Lombard period. The attractiveness of the
local model of state organisation, a model that gave the ruler a very strong position
vis-à-vis
the aristocracy was not lost on the Carolingians who were able to adapt it
quickly to their own needs. At the same time, the local social and organisational rela¬
tions, strengthened by their 200-year-old tradition and a sense of identity among the
élites,
were reluctant to give in to the pressure of foreign models. A combination of
those factors was responsible for the fact that Italy
-
unlike other regions recently
incorporated into the Carolingian rule
-
did not experience a quick transplantation of
examples and models of the state characteristic for the territories located between the
Rhein
and the Loire.
Translated by Anna Kijak |
| adam_txt |
SPIS TREŚCI
Wykaz skrótów
5
Wstęp
7
Podstawa źródłowa
19
Rozdział I
IDEOLOGICZNE I POLITYCZNE PODSTAWY WŁADZY KAROLINGÓW
WE WŁOSZECH
39
Ostatnie lata niezależnego Królestwa Longobardów
39
Początki panowania Karolingów we Włoszech
47
Karloman-Pepin królem Longobardów,
781-810 69
Odebrane dziedzictwo. Panowanie Bernarda,
813-818 133
Królestwo bez króla. Rządy
Lotara
I,
818-840 159
Pokój i stabilizacja. Panowanie Ludwika
II,
840-875 208
Podsumowanie
223
Rozdział
II
STRUKTURY ZARZĄDU TERYTORIALNEGO
227
Uwagi wstępne
227
Administracja gastaldzka w okresie niezależnego królestwa
244
Kompetencje gastalda
244
Pozycja społeczna i status majątkowy gastalda
267
Administracja gastaldzka w okresie karolińskiego królestwa
269
Kompetencje gastalda
269
Pozycja społeczna i majątkowa gastalda. Pochodzenie etniczne
311
Urzędnicy zarządu terytorialnego niższego szczebla
326
Podsumowanie
346
Rozdział III
WIĘZI ZALEŻNOŚCI OSOBISTEJ W LONGOBARDZKIEJ I KAROLIѬ
SKIEJ ITALII
351
Gasindiat. Geneza i znaczenie
355
Pochodzenie i status społeczny gasindiów
366
Klientele możnowładcze w okresie niezależnego królestwa
373
Recepcja wasalatu we Włoszech
379
Klientele możnowładcze w okresie karolińskiego królestwa
413
Rozpowszechnienie więzi wasalnych a kryzys warstwy wolnych. Problem
servitium
militare
425
Podsumowanie
440
502
Zakończenie
445
Bibliografia
449
Summary
480
Indeks nazwisk
488
SUMMARY
TRADITION AND POWER
THE KINGDOM OF ITALY UNDER CAROLINGIAN RULE
774-875
In
774
Charlemagne seized power over a state whose political system was not only in
no way inferior to the model created by the Franks in Gaul, but in many respects was
superior to it. Cultural models created by Lombard intellectual and political
élites
gathered around the court of Pavia spread far beyond the Alpine passes. Never before
and never again did the Carolingians meet during their conquests with an opponent
equally worthy of them. The Lombard legacy simply could not be ignored. Therefore,
the Frankish conquest of the Lombard Italy can be interpreted as a clash of equal organ¬
isational and political models and social standards. The relations between the Frankish
and the Lombard states can be viewed not as subordination but as a personal union of
two formally equal partners.
Due to profound differences dividing two politically dominant ethnic groups in
the Kingdom, differences with respect to law, customs and political tradition, integration
of the society could only take place around the monarch. In order to win over the local
élite,
the new monarchs made a number of symbolic gestures: they appropriated and
maintained the functions of the Lombard royal seats as well as royal titles; they minted
a golden coin based on a Lombard model, looked after Lombard royal monasteries,
and tried to make the Carolingian rule part of the history of the Lombards and to
incorporate the fate of these people and their new rulers into God's salvation plan
(Historia Langobardorum
Codicis Gothani and, perhaps, Paul the Deacon's
Historia
Langobardorum). These actions were also part of propaganda polemic with
Arechi
II,
the Lombard duke of Benevento, who made claims to the Lombard throne. The ideo¬
logical programme of Charlemagne's and Pippin's rule combined the Lombard concept
of the monarchy that stressed the separate ethnic identity of the community of free
Lombards with the Carolingian model of the state based on co-existence of various
ethnic groups united by one ruler.
At the same time Charlemagne clearly drew on the Frankish tradition by, for
instance, changing the name of his son designated to be the king of the Lombards from
Carloman
to Pippin. Thus the young king of the Lombards received the name of his
grandfather who had become famous by his victories over the Lombard king, Aistulf,
and at the same time remained in symbolic kinship (established through the ritual
cutting of hair) with the great Lombard ruler, Liutprand. The special bond between
the Carolingians and the papacy was emphasised: Hadrian I established a spiritual
kinship between himself and Pippin as his godfather. In addition, in Rome the pope
anointed Carloman-Pippin king of the Lombards. This had a huge significance for the
480
legitimisation
of Pippin's rule. What changed at that moment was the concept of the
ethnic Lombard monarchy in which the monarch could ascend the throne only if such
was the will of the community of free Lombards expressed during an assembly. At the
same time, the emphasis on supernatural, universal origins of Pippin's power allowed
the Franks, the
Alemanne or
the Burgundians settling in Italy and gathering around
the court to identify with the
Pavian
monarchy. Pippin became a unifying force that
held together a new, ethnically mixed political
élite.
The Carolingians appear to us primarily as law-makers. By establishing new
legal norms, designed especially for the Lombard Kingdom (later Kingdom of Italy),
and confirming old laws, the monarchs not only developed a tool for introducing
changes but also gave a clear sign of continuity. The capitularies promulgated by
Charlemagne and his successors contain numerous references to Lombard laws from
the times of the independent kingdom. The Carolingians presented themselves as
continuators of the legislative work of their Lombard predecessors. At the same time
they guarded the Lombard legal tradition which was one of the most important
elements of the collective identity and historical memory of these people. The link
between the capitularies and the edicts of the Lombard kings manifests itself not only
in references to specific provisions of the old law, but is also on the linguistic level
(legal terminology). The awareness of the continuity between the Lombard and the
Carolingian legislations was reflected in 9th century legal codes that contained collec¬
tions of Lombard laws, collections in which edicts issued by Lombard kings were
accompanied by Carolingian capitularies.
Before the year
800
the system of governance in the Lombard Kingdom (two
rulers with the right to establish laws and freedom in internal policy) drew on the
Lombard
moňarchs'
practice of making their sons and successors their co-rulers (this
was the relationship between the last independent king of the Lombards, Desiderius,
and his son, Adelhis). After Charlemagne was crowned emperor, the ideological
foundations of his rule were changed and the Regnum Langobardorum lost its privi¬
leged position among the Carolingian kingdoms. However, the principle of respecting
the ethnic and political identity of the Lombard Kingdom was upheld, a fact that was
reflected primarily in a separate legislation.
During Pippin's minority the real power rested with Charlemagne represented by
some of his trusted advisers. The situation changed as Pippin grew up and began to
take over full power. This is corroborated by an analysis of Pippin's policy in the last
years of his reign (especially his policy towards the papacy as well as Venice and
Byzantium). Pippin carried out independent actions, sometimes even against his
father's will, and his political goals drew on the policies of his Lombard predecessors.
The considerable autonomy the Lombard Kingdom enjoyed under Pippin's
mie
was
confirmed by Charlemagne's Act of Succession of
806
(Divisio
regnorum).
However,
if we analyse the reception of general capitularies in the Lombard Kingdom, we
can see that despite some resistance laws established by suzerain rulers for the whole
481
empire
were
binding
and were implemented also in this region. This confirms the
close relationship between the Transalpine centre and the Italian Kingdom.
The beginnings of a crisis in this sort of organisation in the Lombard Kingdom
were visible already in its fundamental principles. The system created in
781
could
function efficiently only if there was a harmonious cooperation between the king oc¬
cupying the throne of Pavia and the suzerain ruler. Following the deaths of Pippin, the
king of the Lombards, and his elder brother, Charles the Younger, groomed to become
the future suzerain ruler
(810/811),
Charlemagne again tried to regulate the status of
the Lombard Kingdom within the Carolingian rale. The sources are vague on the subject
but nevertheless allow us to conclude that various aristocratic factions gathered around
the emperor and Louis the Pious argued over the future of this part of the empire. We
may conjecture that a plan had already been worked out at the time to prevent Ber¬
nard, Pippin's son, from inheriting the throne (locking him up in a monastery?) and
have the Lombard Kingdom ruled directly by Louis the Pious. It was probably because
of resistance on the part of some noblemen (including Adalard of Corbie and his brother
Wala)
that the concept of maintaining the kingdom's autonomy under Bernard as king
of the Lombards prevailed and was endorsed at the council of Aachen in
814.
The attempts to introduce Louis the Pious' unifying political programme based
on ideological principles expressed in Ordinatio
imperii
of
817
and later also in
Admonitio
ad omnes regni ordines
(823-825)
upset the existing order and led to a con¬
flict within the ruling group. Pippin's son, Bernard, fell victim to the strife among ari¬
stocratic factions. The substantial freedom he enjoyed as king of the Lombards made
him a dangerous rival in the fight for power within the dynasty; for Louis the Pious
his hereditary rights to the throne of Pavia and magnates' support became an obstacle
to his plans to centralise power in the empire and strengthen imperial control over
peripheral provinces.
Bernard's revolt and his subsequent tragic death meant an end to the Lombard
monarchy in the form it had developed for over two centuries. The reigns of Louis
the Pious and
Lothar
I saw a decline of the idea of an ethnic monarchy drawing in
its ideology on the Lombard legacy. The rejection of the Lombard monarchy's ideo¬
logical legacy and a thorough res.tructuring of the foundations of royal authority in Ita¬
ly were responsible for the fact that from 820s on there were very few references to
the past in the rulers' policies and propaganda. In that period Lombard traditions were
present only as a tool occasionally employed to improve the relations with local
elites; they never became
-
for they could not anymore become
-
an element of the
monarchs' political entourage. From the 820s none of the rulers would assume the
title of king of the Lombards; the ethnic term Regnum Langobardorum was replaced
in the sources by the territorial notion of Regnum Italiae; neither Louis nor
Lothar
resided permanently in the kingdom, a fact which contributed to the decline of the
Pavian
court.
Faced with a crisis of governance structures in the Lombard Kingdom following
Bernard's death, Louis the Pious was forced to give the power over Italy to
Lothar
I,
482
though he limited the scope of his independence in comparison with his predecessors.
Lothar
would come to Italy only occasionally, if there was a need for him to intervene
(either in connection with a threat of war or with affairs of the papacy) and his visits
would be planned and controlled by Louis. During the fight between Louis the Pious
and his sons Louis tried to restrict Lothar's influence to Italy in order to marginalise
his stature in the political conflict over power. Yet for
Lothar
the Kingdom of Italy
became first of all a stronghold from which he would venture beyond the Alps to
make repeated attempts to take over the imperial throne and where he would find
safe refuge after his defeats. It was to this end that
Lothar
I subordinated his internal
policy. An analysis of capitularies promulgated by this ruler reveals how
Lothar
tried
to win support of various groups in the society, from aristocratic officials, through the
clearly favouritised group of royal vassals, to small landowners on whom the king¬
dom's military system was based. His reign was also marked by an inflow of wealthy
Lothar
supporters from beyond the Alps, supporters who sought refuge in Italy from
Louis the Pious' anger and who were rewarded for their loyalty to
Lothar
with land
from reorganised treasury estates. The kingdom's
marginalisation
is also indirectly con¬
firmed by the little interest
Lothar
showed in Italian affairs once Louis the Pious' death
opened to him the prospect of achieving his dream of universal power.
When
Lothar
I's
son, Louis, was crowned king of the Lombards, only seemingly
did it mean a return to the concept of the Italian monarchy championed by Charlemagne
and Pippin, and a manifestation of the kingdom's separate legal and political identity.
In fact the old title was merely an instrument used at the time in a political game to
achieve specific goals. When Louis II was crowned emperor, the Lombard legacy
became an unnecessary burden in his claims to universal rule.
The second and the third parts of the book focus on issues related to the organ¬
isation of the foundations of Carolingian rule outside the central territory of the Lom¬
bard Kingdom, and on the significance of solutions inherited from the independent king¬
dom. An analysis of the changes in the functions of territorial governance offices of
Lombard origin (gastald, sculdahis) suggests that the administrative structures devel¬
oped during the times of the independent kingdom survived not only the first years after
the conquest but also throughout the whole period in question. This continuity, though,
did not mean
pétrification
of solutions inherited from the Lombard monarchy. The
administrative system underwent considerable changes which, however, did not lead
to the replacement of existing Lombard institutions by their Frankish equivalents im¬
posed by a ruler's decision, but incorporation of new elements into local structures
(this applies first of all to the office of count). At the same time there were marked
differences between regions with respect to the scope and the speed of those changes.
They depended on the strategic importance of particular centres of power and the ethnic
composition of particular societies: the presence of the settlers from beyond the Alps
made it easier to transplant solutions that were foreign to the Lombard practice.
The changes in the Carolingian Kingdom of Italy affected primarily the highest
echelons of power. As the new monarch ascended the throne, Italy saw an inflow of
483
a group of aristocrats siding with the Carolingians; these men built their position
within the ruling class and its hierarchy on the basis of their relations with the ruling
family. This was a group from which came court dignitaries and counts
-
highest offi¬
cials in territorial administration. The criterion of ethnicity was not, however, crucial
for establishing those relations with the monarch: loyalty to the ruler, confirmed by
words and actions, opened the career door to the Lombards as well. At the same
time, inconstancy that characterised the aristocrats who were in the monarchs' closest
circle caused the changes in the highest offices to be relatively frequent, a fact that
had a significant impact especially on the effectiveness of counts' rule in the king¬
dom's remote provinces.
Unlike the central government bodies, the lower echelons of governance displayed
a clear institutional and personal continuity. Gastalds and sculdahis were subordinated
to counts but their authority came, just like it had during the independent Lombard
Kingdom, from the ruler's delegation. The Carolingian capitularies demonstrate that
the scope of powers of those officials was limited, also because some powers were
taken over by the bishops. They did, however, retained considerable judiciary, military
and regulatory powers, according to the principles set already in the edicts issued by
Lombard kings.
Gastalds and sculdahis were often recruited from provincial Lombard families
that had held various offices for many generations. Rooted in local communities and
hierarchies, bound to the local elites by a network of family or property connections
and relations, they were a link between the central authorities and local communities.
On the one hand, they represented the monarch and carried out his will, and on the
other they were predestined to be those who would represent and protect the subjects'
interests in dealing with the central authority. Such a system guaranteed the stability
of governance structures even during political crises when the throne was passing to
a different ruler or when the monarch was absent from the country. At the same time
it prevented an uncontrollable rise of the counts and their influence.
Over the first decades following the Frankish conquest Italy developed a unique
system of territorial governance that combined Lombard and Frankish institutions in
one whole with the two parts complementing one another. The combination of those
two elements became a characteristic feature of the Kingdom of Italy. The overlapping
of powers and hence rivalry between various officials in the local administration
system made it possible to maintain balance and prevented a small group of families
from monopolising the highest offices, This natural control system, supported by the
missi delegated by the monarch functioned quite effectively during the reign of
the Frankish dynasty. The counts, bishops and gastalds made sure that whoever they
shared power with did not rise too high. The counts were also unable to gain control
over local administration by filling lower-level offices with their own clients.
The system began to crumble only as the central administration broke up fol¬
lowing Louis IPs death. The fight for the throne of Pavia tearing the Kingdom apart
at the turn of the 9th and
10*
centuries inevitably destroyed the close relation between
484
the ruler and his representatives in various provinces. The disappearance of a centre
around which the political elites consolidated accelerated the feudalisation of local
administration structures. Gastalds, locopositi, sculdahis, lower-level officials who
until that moment had had the monarch's support were now recruited from the cli¬
entage of bishops and counts providing protection and measurable benefits that the
weakening monarchy could not guarantee.
The Carolingians' ascension to the throne led to an inflow of immigrants from
north of the Alps and also a transfer into Italy of vassalage combined with benefices.
This process was in fact deliberately supported by Charlemagne who turned it into one
of the many instruments he used to build the foundations of
monarchiái
authority in
a foreign and often hostile environment. However, the appearance of vassals and mi¬
litary benefices did not bring about any significant social breakthrough, nor did these
institutions become a basis for the ruler-subjects relations. There was simply no need
to employ them on a larger scale as there were plenty of other, less expensive and
more effective methods of consolidating and expanding the scope of royal authority,
methods inherited from the Lombard monarchy. We can, therefore, confidently state
that in the first decades following the conquest vassalage had a limited impact on the
structures of the Lombard-Italian society. It became one of the forms of interdepend¬
ence covering all social classes and groups with a network of relationships. At the
same time we have to stress that vassalage we encounter when analysing 9th century
Italian sources differs substantially from the ideal type developed by older and newer
historiography. The adaptation of the Frankish institution to Italian conditions was in¬
fluenced by a complex set of local factors and needs, which led to the emergence of
a unique form of allegiance that continued to be described with a term brought by the
Franks.
Just as it was the case with administrative structures, the Frankish conquest did
not cause the disappearance of the Lombard forms of building cliental relations. Char¬
lemagne and his successors used various Lombard institutions, including the gasindii,
when developing their relations with the Lombard
élite.
These institutions turned out
to be as effective (or maybe even more effective) as vassaticum, which was an alien
institution in the Kingdom and, just like other legal solutions derived from a foreign
tradition, was accepted with much resistance.
The adoption of vassalage and forms of land-holding associated with them was,
at least initially, relatively slow. This was a result not only of a different, Lombard
model of subjects-king relations but also of a limited need to promote vassal relations
as one of the pillars of the monarch's authority, because the local aristocracy was
weak and the administrative structures inherited from the Lombards were relatively
efficient. On the other hand, vassalage remained a basis of the relations between the
Franks, the
Alemanne or
the Burgundians coming to Italy. The difference between the
Frankish vassals and the Lombard gasindii quickly got blurred
-
which was an obvious
consequence of the similarity between the two institutions both with respect to legal
effects and advantages resulting from the establishment of such a type of relations.
485
However, the awareness of different origins of both institutions remained strong until
the very end of the period analysed here.
It was not until the crisis of the Lombard state in the 820s that one could observe
the rise of the vassal clientage as an instrument of the king's policy towards the King¬
dom's political elites and as a tool used by the noblemen to strengthen their position.
At that time royal vassals began to be treated as a particularly privileged group. It was
no coincidence that the period saw an increasing number of Lombards being included
among royal vassals. The slow spread of the Frankish forms of personal relations does
not seem to have been caused by discrimination of the Lombards, but was a result of
the local socio-political conditions. A change in those conditions made the Frankish
model more attractive to all social groups
-
including those that, because of their
different traditions, were reluctant to adopt foreign legal solutions. More and more
often joining royal vassals was considered by the political
élites
to be an alternative
career path, together with holding a public office or choosing a career in the church.
During the times of the independent Kingdom the assumption of the status of a royal
gasindius was treated in a similar manner.
However, in the period I have analysed in the book vassal ties in Italy were not
as significant as they were north of the Alps. Despite the fact that capitularies credit
royal vassals with obligations similar to those they had in
Francia,
diplomatic sour¬
ces do not confirm that they performed any regular public functions. Just like the
gasindii in the independent Lombard Kingdom, vassals were used by the rulers to carry
out special missions: at such moments, however, they were given ad-hoc powers
delegated by the monarch. Those special missions aside, vassals did not encroach on
the jurisdiction of local officials.
The sources do not demonstrate an unequivocal link between the establishment
of vassalage and granting of land as benefice. Even if we take into account the fact
that granting of benefices usually left no trace on paper, this silence seems significant.
What hampered the spread of benefice as an institution was probably local customs
in which a personal relation was associated with granting of hereditary property rather
than various forms of temporary grants.
Another characteristic feature of the Carolingian Italy was the minor military
significance of vassal clientage. The appearance of vassals associated with the kings,
the aristocracy or the clergy did not undermine one of the most important elements
that guaranteed the stability of the state, namely, the organisation of the Kingdom's
armed forces. Just like in the independent Kingdom, the core of the army was constitu¬
ted by a levy in mass of free men who had certain public duties as well as king's,
counts' and bishops' vassals. This resembles the situation in the indepehdent Kingdom
in which the gasindii did not have any specific military obligations.
Interestingly, there are almost no testimonies suggesting feudalisation of gover¬
nance structures under Carolingian rule. The presence of vassals holding various
administrative offices would become more marked at the turn of the 9th and
10*
centuries. The break-up of the structures of the Lombard-Carolingian state following
486
Louis
Iľs
death and the chaos of the subsequent decades of fighting for the throne of
Pavia led to an increased presence of vassals in various social and political groups and
functions.
The Carolingian conquest undoubtedly meant a political breakthrough in the
history of the Kingdom
-
it did not, however, cause either an institutional or a major
social breakthrough, though it undoubtedly contributed to the intensification of
processes that were already visible in the late Lombard period. The attractiveness of the
local model of state organisation, a model that gave the ruler a very strong position
vis-à-vis
the aristocracy was not lost on the Carolingians who were able to adapt it
quickly to their own needs. At the same time, the local social and organisational rela¬
tions, strengthened by their 200-year-old tradition and a sense of identity among the
élites,
were reluctant to give in to the pressure of foreign models. A combination of
those factors was responsible for the fact that Italy
-
unlike other regions recently
incorporated into the Carolingian rule
-
did not experience a quick transplantation of
examples and models of the state characteristic for the territories located between the
Rhein
and the Loire.
Translated by Anna Kijak |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Pieniądz, Aneta 1974- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1057717142 |
| author_facet | Pieniądz, Aneta 1974- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Pieniądz, Aneta 1974- |
| author_variant | a p ap |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV022868744 |
| contents | Bibliogr. s. 449-479. Indeks |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)169938064 (DE-599)BVBBV022868744 |
| era | Geschichte 774-875 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 774-875 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Włochy / 774-887 (Dominacja karolińska) jhpk Włochy - 774-887 (Dominacja karolińska) jhpk Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Włochy / 774-887 (Dominacja karolińska) Włochy - 774-887 (Dominacja karolińska) Italien |
| id | DE-604.BV022868744 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T18:46:21Z |
| indexdate | 2025-01-02T17:09:46Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788322927861 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016073885 |
| oclc_num | 169938064 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-B220 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-B220 |
| physical | 502 S. 21 cm |
| psigel | DHB_JDG_ISBN_1 |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Wydawn. Uniw. Wrocławskiego |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Monografie Fundacji na Rzecz Nauki Polskiej / Seria Humanistyczna |
| spelling | Pieniądz, Aneta 1974- Verfasser (DE-588)1057717142 aut Tradycja i władza Królestwo Włoch pod panowaniem Karolingów 774 - 875 Aneta Pieniądz Wrocław Wydawn. Uniw. Wrocławskiego 2007 502 S. 21 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Monografie Fundacji na Rzecz Nauki Polskiej / Seria Humanistyczna Na okł. skrócona nazwa serii: Monografie FNP. Seria Humanistyczna Bibliogr. s. 449-479. Indeks Karolinger Dynastie : 500-1085 (DE-588)118721003 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 774-875 gnd rswk-swf Włochy / 774-887 (Dominacja karolińska) jhpk Włochy - 774-887 (Dominacja karolińska) jhpk Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 gnd rswk-swf Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 g Karolinger Dynastie : 500-1085 (DE-588)118721003 p Geschichte 774-875 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016073885&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016073885&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Pieniądz, Aneta 1974- Tradycja i władza Królestwo Włoch pod panowaniem Karolingów 774 - 875 Bibliogr. s. 449-479. Indeks Karolinger Dynastie : 500-1085 (DE-588)118721003 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)118721003 (DE-588)4027833-5 |
| title | Tradycja i władza Królestwo Włoch pod panowaniem Karolingów 774 - 875 |
| title_auth | Tradycja i władza Królestwo Włoch pod panowaniem Karolingów 774 - 875 |
| title_exact_search | Tradycja i władza Królestwo Włoch pod panowaniem Karolingów 774 - 875 |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Tradycja i władza Królestwo Włoch pod panowaniem Karolingów 774 - 875 |
| title_full | Tradycja i władza Królestwo Włoch pod panowaniem Karolingów 774 - 875 Aneta Pieniądz |
| title_fullStr | Tradycja i władza Królestwo Włoch pod panowaniem Karolingów 774 - 875 Aneta Pieniądz |
| title_full_unstemmed | Tradycja i władza Królestwo Włoch pod panowaniem Karolingów 774 - 875 Aneta Pieniądz |
| title_short | Tradycja i władza |
| title_sort | tradycja i wladza krolestwo wloch pod panowaniem karolingow 774 875 |
| title_sub | Królestwo Włoch pod panowaniem Karolingów 774 - 875 |
| topic | Karolinger Dynastie : 500-1085 (DE-588)118721003 gnd |
| topic_facet | Karolinger Dynastie : 500-1085 Włochy / 774-887 (Dominacja karolińska) Włochy - 774-887 (Dominacja karolińska) Italien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016073885&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016073885&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT pieniadzaneta tradycjaiwładzakrolestwowłochpodpanowaniemkarolingow774875 |