Granicite v Kavkaz: geopolitičeski i meždunarodnopraven diskurs
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Bulgarian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Sofija
Paradigma
2007
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Borders in the Caucasus |
| Beschreibung: | 265 S. Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9789543260454 |
Internformat
MARC
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Granicite v Kavkaz |b geopolitičeski i meždunarodnopraven diskurs |c Nina Djulgerova |
| 264 | 1 | |a Sofija |b Paradigma |c 2007 | |
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| 500 | |a In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Borders in the Caucasus | ||
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| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015684160&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Abstract |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804136566237429760 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Съдържание
УВОД
глава първа
ДИНАМИКА НА ПРОМЕНИТЕ
(ТЕОРЕТИЧНИ АКЦЕНТИ)
§ 1.
идентичност
§ 2.
втора глава
КАВКАЗ
КЪМ ПОСТСЪВЕТСКА
§ 1.
към постсъветска конфедерация?
§ 2.
на изборите
§ 3.
§ 4.
трета глава
КАВКАЗКИЯТ ФРОНТИЪР
§ 1.
Границите на историческото право
§ 2.
§ 3.
граници в Кавказ
§ 4.
гообразие
глава четвърта
ТЕМПОРАЛНИ ГРАНИЦИ НА КАВКАЗКИТЕ
АЛТЕРНАТИВИ
§ 1.
§2.
амбиции
ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ
КАВКАЗ В ПЛЕН НА ГЛОБАЛНИТЕ
ИЛЮЗИИ И РЕГИОНАЛНИТЕ КАПАНИ
РЕЗЮМЕ
ГРАНИЦИТЕ В КАВКАЗ
МЕЖДУНАРОДНОПРАВЕН ДИСКУРС)
summary
BORDERS IN THE CAUCASUS
(A Geopolitical and International Discourse)
The Caucasus is a region which, after more than two centuries
within the boundaries of the Russian (Soviet) empire, is again turning
into a frontier space marked by changes, confrontation and multiple
problems. The collapse of the Soviet system is creating the vacuum
and reviving the instability that delineates the new contours of global
and regional confrontation. The end of the bipolar model, based on
ideological opposition of the two superpowers (the USSR and USA),
is leading to the beginning of a basically new phase in the international
relations. Each state-legal modification, particularly the one with the
Soviet Union, predetermines new geopolitical parameters in the global
space. The numerous international entities that emerged on the territory
of the former USSR form the new component of the international world
-
The disintegration of the bipolar model updates accents and prob¬
lems that largely determine the substantial characteristic of modern-day
international relations. The issue of borders and their legal institution
and regulation is turning into a basis for processes, which determine
the specifics of post-Soviet space. Territorial-ethnic and confessional
disputes are becoming a permanent component of division by borders.
Attempts at revising or changing the existing borders and territories
are becoming an excuse for local conflicts to develop into interstate
confrontation. Acute clashes on territorial-ethnic grounds are a constant
phenomenon predominantly in the Caucasus region.
The Caucasus region is a typical example of the transformations
that accompany the fragmentation of post-Soviet space. The sovereignty
crisis of the Caucasus states created after the disintegration of the Soviet
Union is in direct link with the borders delineating present-day Cau-
Резюме
casus;
are intertwining. They are part of the restored big game of global and
regional players in the Eurasian region following the departure of Middle
(Central) Asia and the Caucasus from the unitary state-political system
of the Russian (Soviet) Empire.
Borders are a term cognitively linked with geopolitics which, at
the end of the
leading streams in the theory of international relations. Land expanses
bound with numerous and diverse communication networks is being
transformed into a geopolitical space that takes the shape of an active
subject and object of public and political relations. The politics of the
space itself, where political events are taking place, poses the necessity
of describing the space proper. The conception of geopolitics as a change
in the understanding of geographic space and politics is the result of a
modification in the cognitive conception of the world.
Borders in the post-Soviet space are one of the major segments
of international regulation. It is in immediate connection also with the
issue to what extent the frontier as a concept and essence is part of
the dynamic processes in the Caucasus region and to what extent the
common or different between them defines the specifics of processes
in the Caucasus area. Each of these notions has its own characteristic
and specific parameters which, applied to the object of study, create an
opportunity for adequately presenting geopolitical and international
aspects of the problem.
From geopolitical (the border and its versions) and historical
(the frontier) viewpoint each of the two notions determines both the
parameters of the space it limits and the various degree of unstable
equilibrium within and around it. The possibilities of asserting or ex¬
panding the existing borders are in direct dependence on the strength
and capabilities of power structures and their standing among the
border population. Both the frontier and the border create conditions
for the formation of societies with their own laws and rules which, in
conformity with the realities connected with their internal and external
factors, succeed in confirming or not the goals set for realization. A case
in point is the Caucasus region in which, following the disintegration
■253 —
ГРАНИЦИТЕ В КАВКАЗ
of the Soviet Union and the creation of the CIS, attempts to establish,
redraw and assert the borders, are turning into its basic characteristic.
Complex and multi-layer processes, which characterize the transi¬
tion to post-Soviet fragmentation, are realized within the wide spectrum
of irredentist and secessionist acts. Soviet federalism in its hybrid form
is relevantly manifested in the disintegration actions of Caucasus play¬
ers. The immanent contradictions of the Stalinist-national-administra¬
tive division are revealed in full size in the interstate and
confrontations.
The Caucasus space is individualized into two independent subjects
-
tion, and the Southern Caucasus (Transcaucasia)
factors
individualization of the two geopolitical zones problems and processes
are passing through them enhancing the symbiosis of national-ethnic and
political-economic segments. The Southern Caucasus is individualized
as a special territory that focuses the attention and actions of regional
and global players. Passing into the sphere of independent international
subjects the states of the region are entering their system of dynamic
confrontation.
Attempts at applying complete and shared sovereignty in the
Caucasus region have traditionally ended in military conflicts, contact
groups and permanently expanding presence of the international factor
in their legal solution. The striving to active re-federalization of the
Black Sea-Caspian area, accompanying the disintegrating Soviet system,
remains unrealized. The inertia of state-political traditions, perennial
accumulation of nationalistic tension and the absence of a centralized
power vertical predetermines both the ethnic-territorial conflicts and the
preservation, to stronger or weaker degree, of federalism as major form
of state-political sovereignty in the South Caucasian region. The absence
of real state integrity in Georgia and Azerbaijan is
the degree of conflict character, but not the legal characteristic of the
existing state system.
Following L. Thompson s thesis about the parameters of frontier
in its Caucasian version as a space where inter-penetration of societies
— 254 —
Резюме
is taking place , there inevitably arise several inferences. To a certain
extent they correct the basic postulates of the pithy characteristic of the
notion used by the American scholar.
•f The present in the Caucasus region revives the past. The prin¬
ciple of historical right, which preserved its latent form during
the Soviet period, is revived during the 90 s with the primary
goal of disintegration and assertion of the right of independent
existence of its own ethnic entity. The administrative assertion
of new borders for the post-Soviet independent subjects inspires
ethnic and confessional conflicts in the region.
S
expands the perimeter of unpredictability in achieving specific
targets. The integrity sought by Georgia and Azerbaijan is pass¬
ing through conflicts, war defeats, international actions and
weakening of the national and regional security. The ethnically
monolithic Armenia, enclosed within the geopolitical belt of
Turkey and Azerbaijan, is blazing its trail to Europe and Rus¬
sia through militarization of its society and moderate relations
with Georgia.
S
apparatus of international organizations, the Russian Federa¬
tion and the Caucasian region makes difficult the solution of
the numerous problems of ethnic, confessional, political and
social-economic aspect. The diverse support on the political,
economic and military plane by prestigious international insti¬
tutions and organizations that have passed through the filter of
Caucasian interests and plans as a whole, hardly helps to resolve
the problems in the long term, yet it asserts foreign presence
and weakens the chance for independent solution of conflicts
by the regional players.
•Ѓ
is again turning into a space In which state borders
confirmed at the beginning of the
de
to their modification (Abkhazia, South Ossetia, the Nagorno
-255-
ГРАНИЦИТЕ
Karabkh
quo (Georgia and Azerbaijan).
•f Both historical reminiscences and present-day accents of state-
political and ethnic-confessional processes in the Caucasian
region are yielding no arguments in favour of the solution of
the multiple regional problems. What is more, fragmentation
is enhancing and deepening the confrontation. The integrity
of Georgia or Azerbaijan will hardly stimulate the processes
of consolidation in the region or strengthen their positions in
the region, the post-Soviet space or on the global plane. More
likely is the possibility that, if this plan of theirs is realized,
there will be an increase of their dependence on the regional
or global players stronger than them (Russia,
or Turkey).
■f Following L. Thompson s thesis about the frontier, its closure
is realized after the unified power has established political
and economic dominance over them . This was realized by the
Russian Empire in the
the Soviet era. There remains open the major question when
and who will be the next international player that would repeat
Russia s realized goals or would modify the consolidation plan,
which remained in history?
At the beginning if the 21st century the Caucasus is turning into a
kind of barometer for the positions of the global and regional players
in the international stratification outlining the dynamism of processes
in the Eurasian area. This phenomenon is particularly intensifying
after the revolution of the roses in Georgia late in
so-called second disintegration of the Soviet Union started. The at¬
tempt for a radical change in some of the post-Soviet republics, such as
Georgia and the Ukraine trough the replacement of the political elite, is
transforming the political vocabulary but is leading to no drastic results.
This, however, is expanding the possibilities and alternatives for new
configurations in the Caucasian buffer zone. In the times of increasing
dependency on strategic raw materials and the growing importance of
the Black Sea-Caspian space in the plans of regional and global factors,
■256 —
Резюме
the participation models are multiplied through the prism of motivated,
yet depending on the current situation, ambitions. Each player in the
Caucasian patience game is participating with its own goals outlining the
boundaries of its strategies. They, however, are subordinate to two basic
interdependent factors determinant of the current accents of Caucasian
presence in geopolitical and geo-strategic projections
integrity of South Caucasian states and control over the deposits of
energy resources and their routes of transportation.
Caucasian alternatives are bound with the interests, stronger or
weaker, manifested by the global and regional players in this area.
Geographic parameters of the thematic binding of interested parties
are not changing the fact that problems in the Black Sea-Caucasian
region in their pure form are limited to the energy resources and to their
transportation, whereas the non-recognized states case is a comfort¬
able function allowing any motivated presence in the Caucasus and an
active (in most cases
committees, commissions, seminars and sessions.
The time limits of Caucasian alternatives are passing through the
prism of a familiar scenario which, over the past centuries, has been
repeating itself over again. The struggle for power concentrates well-
known subjects, new accents, but also predictable reference points.
Russian and the USA are repeating a situation from the
19th century. Therein England (instead of the USA) united the states
of the European Concert in the fight against the Russian Empire for
influence over the sick man at the Bosphorus *. Then, like today, Rus¬
sia is the hated enemy/partner needed for the temporary configurations,
energy plans and regional scenarios.
The main contradiction that divides and determines in the long run
the strategy of each participant in the Black sea-Caspian area are the
corridor borders having a multicolor nuance. The black borders (oil),
the green borders (Islam), the blue borders (sea ports and military bases
along the Black sea coast of the Caucasus) outline the numerous prob¬
lems of diverse nature. They will continue deepening instead of solving
the processes of confrontation that abound in the region.
The time parameters of their overcoming is shaping not so much
— 257 —
ГРАНИЦИТЕ
the chronological border than the international-legal and social-cultural
parameters of the problems. The process of disintegration in the Cauca¬
sian buffer zone proves the inefficiency of this form of existence. A time
solution of the reverse process is only possible after the global issue of
the international world order is determined. Who will be the decisive
world factor
*
— 258-
|
| adam_txt |
Съдържание
УВОД
глава първа
ДИНАМИКА НА ПРОМЕНИТЕ
(ТЕОРЕТИЧНИ АКЦЕНТИ)
§ 1.
идентичност
§ 2.
втора глава
КАВКАЗ
КЪМ ПОСТСЪВЕТСКА
§ 1.
към постсъветска конфедерация?
§ 2.
на изборите
§ 3.
§ 4.
трета глава
КАВКАЗКИЯТ ФРОНТИЪР
§ 1.
Границите на историческото право
§ 2.
§ 3.
граници в Кавказ
§ 4.
гообразие
глава четвърта
ТЕМПОРАЛНИ ГРАНИЦИ НА КАВКАЗКИТЕ
АЛТЕРНАТИВИ
§ 1.
§2.
амбиции
ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ
КАВКАЗ В ПЛЕН НА ГЛОБАЛНИТЕ
ИЛЮЗИИ И РЕГИОНАЛНИТЕ КАПАНИ
РЕЗЮМЕ
ГРАНИЦИТЕ В КАВКАЗ
МЕЖДУНАРОДНОПРАВЕН ДИСКУРС)
summary
BORDERS IN THE CAUCASUS
(A Geopolitical and International Discourse)
The Caucasus is a region which, after more than two centuries
within the boundaries of the Russian (Soviet) empire, is again turning
into a frontier space marked by changes, confrontation and multiple
problems. The collapse of the Soviet system is creating the vacuum
and reviving the instability that delineates the new contours of global
and regional confrontation. The end of the bipolar model, based on
ideological opposition of the two superpowers (the USSR and USA),
is leading to the beginning of a basically new phase in the international
relations. Each state-legal modification, particularly the one with the
Soviet Union, predetermines new geopolitical parameters in the global
space. The numerous international entities that emerged on the territory
of the former USSR form the new component of the international world
-
The disintegration of the bipolar model updates accents and prob¬
lems that largely determine the substantial characteristic of modern-day
international relations. The issue of borders and their legal institution
and regulation is turning into a basis for processes, which determine
the specifics of post-Soviet space. Territorial-ethnic and confessional
disputes are becoming a permanent component of division by borders.
Attempts at revising or changing the existing borders and territories
are becoming an excuse for local conflicts to develop into interstate
confrontation. Acute clashes on territorial-ethnic grounds are a constant
phenomenon predominantly in the Caucasus region.
The Caucasus region is a typical example of the transformations
that accompany the fragmentation of post-Soviet space. The sovereignty
crisis of the Caucasus states created after the disintegration of the Soviet
Union is in direct link with the borders delineating present-day Cau-
Резюме
casus;
are intertwining. They are part of the restored 'big game' of global and
regional players in the Eurasian region following the departure of Middle
(Central) Asia and the Caucasus from the unitary state-political system
of the Russian (Soviet) Empire.
Borders are a term cognitively linked with geopolitics which, at
the end of the
leading streams in the theory of international relations. Land expanses
bound with numerous and diverse communication networks is being
transformed into a geopolitical space that takes the shape of an active
subject and object of public and political relations. The politics of the
space itself, where political events are taking place, poses the necessity
of describing the space proper. The conception of geopolitics as a change
in the understanding of geographic space and politics is the result of a
modification in the cognitive conception of the world.
Borders in the post-Soviet space are one of the major segments
of international regulation. It is in immediate connection also with the
issue to what extent the frontier as a concept and essence is part of
the dynamic processes in the Caucasus region and to what extent the
common or different between them defines the specifics of processes
in the Caucasus area. Each of these notions has its own characteristic
and specific parameters which, applied to the object of study, create an
opportunity for adequately presenting geopolitical and international
aspects of the problem.
From geopolitical (the border and its versions) and historical
(the frontier) viewpoint each of the two notions determines both the
parameters of the space it limits and the various degree of unstable
equilibrium within and around it. The possibilities of asserting or ex¬
panding the existing borders are in direct dependence on the strength
and capabilities of power structures and their standing among the
border population. Both the frontier and the border create conditions
for the formation of societies with their own laws and rules which, in
conformity with the realities connected with their internal and external
factors, succeed in confirming or not the goals set for realization. A case
in point is the Caucasus region in which, following the disintegration
■253 —
ГРАНИЦИТЕ В КАВКАЗ
of the Soviet Union and the creation of the CIS, attempts to establish,
redraw and assert the borders, are turning into its basic characteristic.
Complex and multi-layer processes, which characterize the transi¬
tion to post-Soviet fragmentation, are realized within the wide spectrum
of irredentist and secessionist acts. Soviet federalism in its hybrid form
is relevantly manifested in the disintegration actions of Caucasus play¬
ers. The immanent contradictions of the Stalinist-national-administra¬
tive division are revealed in full size in the interstate and
confrontations.
The Caucasus space is individualized into two independent subjects
-
tion, and the Southern Caucasus (Transcaucasia)
factors
individualization of the two geopolitical zones problems and processes
are passing through them enhancing the symbiosis of national-ethnic and
political-economic segments. The Southern Caucasus is individualized
as a special territory that focuses the attention and actions of regional
and global players. Passing into the sphere of independent international
subjects the states of the region are entering their system of dynamic
confrontation.
Attempts at applying complete and shared sovereignty in the
Caucasus region have traditionally ended in military conflicts, contact
groups and permanently expanding presence of the international factor
in their legal solution. The striving to active re-federalization of the
Black Sea-Caspian area, accompanying the disintegrating Soviet system,
remains unrealized. The inertia of state-political traditions, perennial
accumulation of nationalistic tension and the absence of a centralized
power vertical predetermines both the ethnic-territorial conflicts and the
preservation, to stronger or weaker degree, of federalism as major form
of state-political sovereignty in the South Caucasian region. The absence
of real state integrity in Georgia and Azerbaijan is
the degree of conflict character, but not the legal characteristic of the
existing state system.
Following L. Thompson's thesis about the parameters of frontier
in its Caucasian version 'as a space where inter-penetration of societies
— 254 —
Резюме
is taking place', there inevitably arise several inferences. To a certain
extent they correct the basic postulates of the pithy characteristic of the
notion used by the American scholar.
•f The present in the Caucasus region revives the past. The prin¬
ciple of historical right, which preserved its latent form during
the Soviet period, is revived during the 90's with the primary
goal of disintegration and assertion of the right of independent
existence of its own ethnic entity. The administrative assertion
of new borders for the post-Soviet independent subjects inspires
ethnic and confessional conflicts in the region.
S
expands the perimeter of unpredictability in achieving specific
targets. The integrity sought by Georgia and Azerbaijan is pass¬
ing through conflicts, war defeats, international actions and
weakening of the national and regional security. The ethnically
monolithic Armenia, enclosed within the geopolitical belt of
Turkey and Azerbaijan, is blazing its trail to Europe and Rus¬
sia through militarization of its society and moderate relations
with Georgia.
S
apparatus of international organizations, the Russian Federa¬
tion and the Caucasian region makes difficult the solution of
the numerous problems of ethnic, confessional, political and
social-economic aspect. The diverse support on the political,
economic and military plane by prestigious international insti¬
tutions and organizations that have passed through the filter of
Caucasian interests and plans as a whole, hardly helps to resolve
the problems in the long term, yet it asserts foreign presence
and weakens the chance for independent solution of conflicts
by the regional players.
•Ѓ
is again turning into a space In which state borders
confirmed at the beginning of the
de
to their modification (Abkhazia, South Ossetia, the Nagorno
-255-
ГРАНИЦИТЕ
Karabkh
quo (Georgia and Azerbaijan).
•f Both historical reminiscences and present-day accents of state-
political and ethnic-confessional processes in the Caucasian
region are yielding no arguments in favour of the solution of
the multiple regional problems. What is more, fragmentation
is enhancing and deepening the confrontation. The integrity
of Georgia or Azerbaijan will hardly stimulate the processes
of consolidation in the region or strengthen their positions in
the region, the post-Soviet space or on the global plane. More
likely is the possibility that, if this plan of theirs is realized,
there will be an increase of their dependence on the regional
or global players stronger than them (Russia,
or Turkey).
■f Following L. Thompson's thesis about the frontier, its closure
is realized 'after the unified power has established political
and economic dominance over them'. This was realized by the
Russian Empire in the
the Soviet era. There remains open the major question when
and who will be the next international player that would repeat
Russia's realized goals or would modify the consolidation plan,
which remained in history?
At the beginning if the 21st century the Caucasus is turning into a
kind of barometer for the positions of the global and regional players
in the international stratification outlining the dynamism of processes
in the Eurasian area. This phenomenon is particularly intensifying
after the 'revolution of the roses' in Georgia late in
so-called 'second disintegration' of the Soviet Union started. The at¬
tempt for a radical change in some of the post-Soviet republics, such as
Georgia and the Ukraine trough the replacement of the political elite, is
transforming the political vocabulary but is leading to no drastic results.
This, however, is expanding the possibilities and alternatives for new
configurations in the Caucasian buffer zone. In the times of increasing
dependency on strategic raw materials and the growing importance of
the Black Sea-Caspian space in the plans of regional and global factors,
■256 —
Резюме
the participation models are multiplied through the prism of motivated,
yet depending on the current situation, ambitions. Each player in the
Caucasian patience game is participating with its own goals outlining the
boundaries of its strategies. They, however, are subordinate to two basic
interdependent factors determinant of the current accents of Caucasian
presence in geopolitical and geo-strategic projections
integrity of South Caucasian states and control over the deposits of
energy resources and their routes of transportation.
Caucasian alternatives are bound with the interests, stronger or
weaker, manifested by the global and regional players in this area.
Geographic parameters of the thematic binding of interested parties
are not changing the fact that problems in the Black Sea-Caucasian
region in their pure form are limited to the energy resources and to their
transportation, whereas the 'non-recognized states' case is a comfort¬
able function allowing any motivated presence in the Caucasus and an
active (in most cases
committees, commissions, seminars and sessions.
The time limits of Caucasian alternatives are passing through the
prism of a familiar scenario which, over the past centuries, has been
repeating itself over again. The struggle for power concentrates well-
known subjects, new accents, but also predictable reference points.
Russian and the USA are repeating a situation from the
19th century. Therein England (instead of the USA) united the states
of the 'European Concert' in the fight against the Russian Empire for
influence over the 'sick man at the Bosphorus'*. Then, like today, Rus¬
sia is the hated enemy/partner needed for the temporary configurations,
energy plans and regional scenarios.
The main contradiction that divides and determines in the long run
the strategy of each participant in the Black sea-Caspian area are the
corridor borders having a multicolor nuance. The black borders (oil),
the green borders (Islam), the blue borders (sea ports and military bases
along the Black sea coast of the Caucasus) outline the numerous prob¬
lems of diverse nature. They will continue deepening instead of solving
the processes of confrontation that abound in the region.
The time parameters of their overcoming is shaping not so much
— 257 —
ГРАНИЦИТЕ
the chronological border than the international-legal and social-cultural
parameters of the problems. The process of disintegration in the Cauca¬
sian buffer zone proves the inefficiency of this form of existence. A time
solution of the reverse process is only possible after the global issue of
the international world order is determined. Who will be the decisive
world factor
*
— 258- |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Djulgerova, Nina 1956- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1158268572 |
| author_facet | Djulgerova, Nina 1956- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Djulgerova, Nina 1956- |
| author_variant | n d nd |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV022476757 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)219690506 (DE-599)BVBBV022476757 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Kaukasusländer (DE-588)4448813-0 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Kaukasusländer |
| id | DE-604.BV022476757 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T17:46:49Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T20:58:26Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789543260454 |
| language | Bulgarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-015684160 |
| oclc_num | 219690506 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 265 S. Kt. |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Paradigma |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Djulgerova, Nina 1956- Verfasser (DE-588)1158268572 aut Granicite v Kavkaz geopolitičeski i meždunarodnopraven diskurs Nina Djulgerova Sofija Paradigma 2007 265 S. Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Borders in the Caucasus Grenze (DE-588)4130793-8 gnd rswk-swf Kaukasusländer (DE-588)4448813-0 gnd rswk-swf Kaukasusländer (DE-588)4448813-0 g Grenze (DE-588)4130793-8 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015684160&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015684160&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Djulgerova, Nina 1956- Granicite v Kavkaz geopolitičeski i meždunarodnopraven diskurs Grenze (DE-588)4130793-8 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4130793-8 (DE-588)4448813-0 |
| title | Granicite v Kavkaz geopolitičeski i meždunarodnopraven diskurs |
| title_auth | Granicite v Kavkaz geopolitičeski i meždunarodnopraven diskurs |
| title_exact_search | Granicite v Kavkaz geopolitičeski i meždunarodnopraven diskurs |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Granicite v Kavkaz geopolitičeski i meždunarodnopraven diskurs |
| title_full | Granicite v Kavkaz geopolitičeski i meždunarodnopraven diskurs Nina Djulgerova |
| title_fullStr | Granicite v Kavkaz geopolitičeski i meždunarodnopraven diskurs Nina Djulgerova |
| title_full_unstemmed | Granicite v Kavkaz geopolitičeski i meždunarodnopraven diskurs Nina Djulgerova |
| title_short | Granicite v Kavkaz |
| title_sort | granicite v kavkaz geopoliticeski i mezdunarodnopraven diskurs |
| title_sub | geopolitičeski i meždunarodnopraven diskurs |
| topic | Grenze (DE-588)4130793-8 gnd |
| topic_facet | Grenze Kaukasusländer |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015684160&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015684160&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT djulgerovanina granicitevkavkazgeopoliticeskiimezdunarodnopravendiskurs |