Žensko pitanje u Srbiji: u XIX i XX veku
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| Main Author: | |
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| Format: | Book |
| Published: |
Beograd
Devedestečetvrta [u.a.]
1996
|
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Physical Description: | 281 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 8682449099 |
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Record in the Search Index
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| adam_txt |
SADRŽAJ
UVOD
.5
FEMINIZAM U EVROPI U
XIX
VEKU
.;.·.,.7
1.
Feminizam naprelazu u
XIXvek
.7
2.
Položaj žene u kapitalizmu
-
ideje i pokreti
.
':.
.9
3.
Teoretičar liberalnog feminizma Dž.
S.
MU
.12
4.
Teorija socijalističkog feminizma
.14
5.
Ostvarivanje prava na jednako obrazovanje
.16
6.
Pravo glasa
.17
7.
Ženski pokret u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama
.'.:.18
ŽENE U VOJVODINU U SRBIJI-PRVA POLOVINA
XIX VEKA
.20
1.
Opštcprilike, počeci pismenosti
.'.20
2.
Položaj žene početkom
XIX veka
.21
3.
Žene u Vojvodini i prve učenice
.;.:«.22
4.
Prosvetitelji i
prue
ideje
о
školovanju
.23
5.
Počeci kulturnog preobražaja u Srbiji.
.26
6.
Posela
.27
7.
Pravni položaj žene
.29
UJEDINJENA OMLADINA SRPSKA I EMANCIPACIJA ŽENA
.30
1.
Osnivanje Ujedinjene omladine srpske
.:.30
2.
UOS i
organizován
je žena
.:.31
3.
Ideolozi. UOS
о
ulozi žene
.'.'.34
4.
Draga Dejanović
-
prva feministkinja
.36
5.
Shvatanje Svetozara Markovića
о
ženskom pitanju
.'.,.37
6.
Omladinska- i socijalistička štampa
.44
OBRAZOVANJE ŽENA U SRBLIIU
XIX
VEKU
.51
1.
Osnovno obrazovanje ženske
dece
.51
2.
Viša. ženska škola
.
ύ
.53
3.
Ženska
deca,
u gimnazijama
.55
4.
Studentkinje na Velikoj školi i na Univerzitetu
.·.;'.58
PRVA GENERACIJA SOCIJALISTKINJA U
SRBŁJI
.61
1.
Socijalistkinje
-
prve studentkinje u inostranstvu
.'.61
2.
Rad i sudbina prve generacije socijalistkinja
.62
3.
Ilka Markovié
.64
ŽENSKA DRUŠTVA
.66
1.
Prva ženska društva
-
osnivanje i počeci rada
.66
2.
Žensko društvo
-
škole i ustanove
.;.
¡.
.67
.3.
Osnivanje novih ženskih društava
.69
MEĐUNARODNE ŽENSKE ORGANIZACIJE I SRPSKI NARODNI ŽENSKI SAVEZ
. 71
1. Mirovni pokreti, i žene
.·.·.71
2.
Međunarodne ženske organizacije i osnivanje Srpskog ženskog saveza
.73
3.
Rad Srpskog narodnog ženskog saveza
.-.75
ZANIMANJA I ZAPOSLENOST ŽENA POČETKOM
XX
VEKA
.78
2.
Zanimanja žena
.78
2.
Položaj žena u. zanimanjima
.:■.79
3.
Učiteljice, nastavnice,
lekarkę
.80
4.
Prva. ženska- radnička organizacija
-
Svest
.'.:.82
б.
Sekretarijat žena socijaldemokrata
.,.83
5
ŽENSKA ŠTAMPA
.85
1.
Prvi ženski časopis u Srbiji
-
„Vospitatel ženskii"
.85
2.
„Domaćica" i druga ženska štampa do Prvog svetskog rata
.
і
.86
ŽENEURATOVMA
.:.89
KRATAK OSVRT NA POLOŽAJ ŽENA U ZEMLJAMA KOJE SU
1918.
GODINE
UŠLE U SASTAV KRALJEVINE SRBA HRVATA I SLOVENACA
.91
1.
Bosna, i Hercegovina.
.·. 91
2.
Crna Gora.
. 93
3.
Hrvatska.
. 95
4.
Makedonija
. 97
5.
Slovenija
.
.;·.
. 98
ŽENSKI POKRET U JUGOSLAVIJI
1918-1941.■.;'.100
1.
Opšti podaci
.100
2.
Ženski, radnički pokret
.101
3.
Narodni ženski savez Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca
.104
4.
Društvo za prosvećivanje žene i zaštitu njenih prava
-
Ženski pokret
.109
5.
Alijansa ženskih pokreta
.112
6.
Nova. feministička, društva
.114
7.
Omladinske sekcije i omladinke u ženskom pokretu
.116
8.
Stvaranje masovnog ženskog pokreta
.„.118
9.
Nastajanje antifašističkog ženskog pokreta
.'.
Λ
.
л.
119
10.
Ženski, listovi
.121
11.
Nesuglasice u Alijansi ženskih pokreta
.'.122
12.
„Žena danas" i akcija zapravo glasa
.: 123
13.
Prestanak rada Alijanse ženskih pokreta
.125
14.
Komunistička partija Jugoslavije i žensko pitanje
.127
ŽENE U RATU-ANTIFAŠISTIČKI
FRONT
ŽENA
. 130
1.
Otpor okupatoru
. 130
2.
Žene i pripreme za oružani otpor
.130
3.
Organizovanjc žena
-
definisanje njihovih ciljeva i zadataka
.::.134
4.
Zene
u vojnom sanitetu i žene borkinje
.■.135
5.
Stradanja žena u Srbiji
.'.:.140
6.
Osnivanje Antifašističkog fronta žena Jugoslavije
.141
7.
Osnivanje Antifašističkog fronta žena u Srbiji
. 144
8.
Zene
u organima vlasti
.145 '
9.
Druge žeiiske organizacije u ratu
.146
ANTIFAŠISTIČKI
FRONT
ŽENA U OBNOVI IIZGRADMI
. 148
1.
Slobodne i. ravnopravne
.
¿
.:. 148
2.
Prve akcije žena posle završetka rata
.
v
.149
3.
Prvi petogodišnji plan i aktivnost žena
.:.*. 152
4.
Dečje ustanove, zapošljavanje žena
.154
5.
Skidanje
zara,
i feredže
.'.,.155
6.
Rad na prosvećivanju žena
.156
7.
Pravni položaj žena
.157
8.
Međunarodne veze
.159
UKIDANJE ANTIFAŠISTIČKOG FRONTA ŽENA I OSNIVANJE SAVEZA
ŽENSKIH DRUŠTAVA
.161
1.
Žene su subjekti, svog vlastitog oslobođenja
.,.,.;.161
2.
Posebno organizovanje žena -da ili ne?
.'. 162
3.
Organizovati
žene suprotno iskustvima prakse
.165
4.
Otpori i kompromisi
.!,.,'.,.166
SAVEZ ŽENSKIH DRUŠTAVA JUGOSLAVIJE
(1953-1961).171
1.
Smanjivanje aktivnosti žena u novini uslovima
.171
2.
Rad na selu
-
opismenjavanje, zdravstveno i dofiiaćičko prosvećivanje
.173
3.
Zaposlenost i položaj žene u radu
.'.174
4.
Promene
položaja žene u braku iporodici
.:.175
5.
Modernizacije u oblasti domaćinstva i svakodnevnog života
.176
6.
„Porodica i domaćinstvo"
.179
7.
Zapošljavanje žena
.180
8.
Ukidanje Saveza ženskih društava
.181
KONFERENCIJA ZA DRUŠTVENU AKTIVNOST ŽENA
(1961-1965).185
1.
Od samostalne organizacije do postepenog integrisanja u SSRN
.185
2.
Problemi dcčjc zaštite
.:.;.187
3.
Planiranje porodice
.187
4.
Problemi društvenog položaja žene u samoupravnom'društvu
.189
5.
Konferencija za društvenu aktivnost žena kao pomoćno
telo
Socijalističkog saveza
. 192
6.
Pokušaji posebnog organizovanja žena
.195
7.
„Ženadanas"
.196
8.
Međunarodne veze
.196
FOTOGRAFIJE
.'.197
NOVE INICIJATIVE
.219
PRILOG
.223
OSNOVNI STATISTIČKI PODACI
О
POLOŽAJU ŽENE U JUGOSLAVLII
.223
1.
Posleratna situacija
-
opšte napomene
.223
2.
Stanovništvo
.224
3.
Iskorcnjiuanje nepismenosti
.225
4.
Učenice u osnovnim, nižim i srednjim školama
.227
5.
Studentkinjc
пл
višim i visokim školama, fakultetima, i umetničkim akademijama
. 229
6.
Zaposlenost žena
.230
7.
Zdravstvena zaštita žene
.'.
.;.·
.231
5.
Dečj
e
ustanove
.233
9.
Učešće žena u Saveznoj, republičkim, pokrajinskim i opštinskim skupštinama
.233
TABELE
.236
UMESTO ZAKLJUČAKA
.251
SUMMARY
.256
1.
Serbia, and
Vojvodina
(1804-1918).256
2.
Yugoslavia Between the Two Wars
(1918-1941).258
3.
Women in the People's Liberation War
(1941-1945).
Л
.
л
.
v
.260
4.
Women's Issue in Socialist Yugoslavia
.261
ODABRANA
LITERATURA
.266
IMENSKI REGISTAR
.271
SUMMARY
1.
Serbia and
Vojvodina (1804-1918)
At the beginning of the
XIV
century, Serbia became a vassal state of the
Ottoman Empire. The conquering armies.of the empire crossed over its territories
on their way towards central Europe. The Austrian-Turkish wars, the withdrawal
of Turkey from Europe at the end of the
XVII
and
XVIII
centuries, all that took
place on Serbian territory. The land was devastated, and the people fleeing from
war moved Northwest into Croatia, and north into the southern, scarcely popula¬
ted, parts of Hungary
-
into today's
Vojvodina.
It is believed that at the beginning
of the
XVII
century only
50
to
60
thousand inhabitants lived in Serbia, in very bad
economic and cultural conditions, constantly exposed to illnesses, famine and per¬
secution.
' ·,
After the First and Second Serbian Uprising
(1804-1813
and
1815),
Serbia
managed to attain a great degree of internal
autonomy
from Turkish rule, and it
began to independently develop its new state. Serbian men and women who in the
early migrations settled on the territories of former Austria and especially the ones
in
Vojvodina
took part in the economic and cultural life of their new homeland and
they were able toeconomically and in other ways help Serbia to develop its econo¬
mic, state and cultural institutions. They were the people who brought to Serbia
the first ideas about the emancipation and education of women. The first Serbian
educators and rationalist thinkers in YojvoSma Zaharije
Orfelin, Dositej
Obrado-
vić
and a women Jevstaluj'a
Arsič
promoted the idea of educating women at the
end of the
XVIII
and beginning of the
XIX
century and Dimitrije
Davidović
and
Jovan Sterija Popović
undertook concrete measures to implement these ideas. Po-
pović
founded the first Serbian school system in which boys and girls had equal
opportunities for education in elementary schools, and special schools for girls in
which they could get higher education. In the beginning boys and girls attended
the same schools, later special schools for girls were opened. The first such school
was opened in
Paraćiu,
in
1845
and the next one in Belgrade, The resistance of the
peasant, patriarchal Serbia to the education of girls was very" strong, so the number
of girls in schools increased very slowly and most'girls remained illiterate. Girls
were not allowed to attend the gymnasiums (secondary schools) which were foun¬
ded at that time, nor the Lice, which schooled the clerks for the government admi¬
nistration.
Since the third decade of the
XIX
century, Serbia in order to overcome its
backwardness, systematically sent its students to study abroad, These young people
brought back to Serbia new ideas regarding cultvire, science and politics,
ás weü
260
as the idea that girls should receive a broader education. At the same time girls
from rich families were educated by private teachers at home or sent to private
institutions abroad. In order to fulfil the need for a higher education of girls, the
Higher School for Girls was founded in Belgrade in
1863.
Its aim was to give the
girls the same
levei
of education as boys had in the gymnasium, and to educate girls
who wanted to become teachers. A young nineteen year old girl educated in Russia,
born in
Vojvodina -
Katariua Dordevic-Milovukwaa appointed headmistress of the
school and she successfully headed it for thirty years. It was a four year school in
the beginning but very soon it became a six year school which existed until the end
of the century when it was transformed into two schools: the Teacher's School for
Women and the First Women's Gymnasium.
The position of women in society and family was regulated by the Civil Code,
passed in
1844,
which expressed the basic concepts of bourgeois society formulated
in the Napoleonic Civil Code and was accepted.by many European countries. Na¬
turally, Serbia added its own specific provisions. According to that law, a married
women was the property of the husband. She had the same status as miners, spend-
tlirifts, and good-for-nothings. Without the husbands consent she could not under¬
take any legal vonture. The husband was the head of the family. He represented
the wife he decided where she would live. It was the wife's duty to obey the husband,
to serve him. to maintain the house, to raise the children. The sons in the family
excluded the daughters from inheritance. It was forbidden to investigate father¬
hood. The wife was not able to become the guardian of her own children after her
husbands death. Marriage and divorce was under the jtirisdic'tion of the church.
This Civil Code was in effect in Serbia for one· hundred years
-
until
1945.
Although
its legal norms are no longer in effect, the relation between the men and women
in the family has hardly changed at all. Without a doubt, this has had its influence
on the position of women in society.
At the beginning of the
XIX
century, the United Serbian Youth, a political,
national organisation based in
Novi Sad
(Vojvodina)
accepted and promoted contem¬
porary feminist ideas. The organisation existed from
1866-1871
in
Vojvodina
and
Serbia. The goal of the organisation was to liberate and unite the Serbian people
who lived under Hungarian and Ottoman rule. To realise that goal it was neces¬
sary for women to participate in its realisation. Their role was, to awaken, inspire
and guard the national conscience and to educate children and youth in the natio¬
nal spirit. That could only be attained by an educated women, who was respected
by her family. In that organisation women had equal status to men, and the ideolo¬
gists of the organisation promoted the idea that women were equal.
Draga Dejano-
vić
(1840-1871).
a young poetess who died young in childbirth, was prominent
among them.
One of the best known ideologists of the United Serbikn Youth, Svetozar
Markovié
(1846-1875).
considered the women's issue as one the most important
motivating· factors of the struggle of the Serbian society for its national liberation,
for the radical change of social relations toward socialism, and for its
démocrati¬
sation
in internal relations. His feminism was inspired by the
ДЬегаі
feminism of
J. S, Mill, by the ideas of Russian revolutionary democrats
N. G. Černiševski
and
by the Marxist feminism of his contemporaries. Thanks to Mm, J. S. Mill's: „On
the Oppression of Women",
N. G. Černiševskľs
novel: „What is to be done" (which
261
dealt with the economic and social equality of women) the· Communist Manifest,
were all translated into Serbian by
1871.
In many of his articles, he advocated and
promoted the total economic, cultural and socio-political liberation of women.
United Youth was banned by the Hungarian authorities, but its members especially
the ones in Serbia, who worked in the government administration and in the edu¬
cation system, and who had high positions, continued to advocate the right of
women to education. Thanks to them, women were allowed to attend the gymnasi¬
um in
1874,
and in
1888
they were allowed to attend the High School (equivalent
to the university) wliich was the only such school: in Serbia. Thus, the women of
Serbia relatively early won their right to education of all levels.
The first Serbian Women's Society was founded in
Vojvodina 1864,
and in
1875
the first Women's Society was founded in Belgrade. Its members were mostly
the educated wives of prominent members of society, teachers from the Higher
Women's School. The first president of the society was the Headmistress of the
school
- Katarina Milovuk.
The goal of the society was the education of women
and helping poor women learn a skill. Very rsoon after the formation of the society,
two Serbian-Turkish wars broke out, so the society helped the state organise hospi¬
tals, mirse the wounded and to alleviate the consequences of war. In
1897
it founded
the first worker's school for women, where the girls were taught sewing and embro¬
idery. The society had its branches in the provinces. It published its magazine „The
Housewife" from
1879-1941.
Beside the Women's Society, in Belgrade at the end
of the
XIX
and the beginning of the XX century a few more educational and huma¬
nitarian women's organisations were formed. All these organisations were promo¬
ted by the International Council of Women (IGW) organised and united into the
Serbian National Women's Council (SNWC).
'
;·
The Council became the member of the International Women Suffrage
Alliance (IAW), having adapted into its statues the struggle for women's right to
vote.
.
With the formation of the working class, at the beginning of the twentieth
century the first women worker's society was formed
(1903).
It tried to organise
exploited women workers and worker's wives. It was connected with the Social-
Democratic Party, which was formed the same year, and had the same demands as
the workers' party. Women pressed for the general and direct right to vote, for equal
conditions of work for men and women^ and'for the protection of motherhood. Very
shortly after it was formed, the society stopped working. Its goals were then trans¬
ferred to the trade unions, and in
1910
a Secretariat of Socialist Women was formed
within the Social-Democratic Party. According to its statute, any separate form of
organising for women was forbidden.
In the Balkan Wars of
1912
and
1913,
and in the First World War, the activity
of women's organisations in Serbia was connected to the war efforts of the country,
in which the women generously participated.
2.
Yugoslavia Between the Two Wars
(Ш8-1941)
After the First World War a new country was formed on the Balkans: the
ffingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenians. The new country was not only made
262
up of the previously independent states, Serbia and Montenegro, but also of terri¬
tories which were part of the Austria-Hungarian Empire or the Ottoman Empire,
whose inhabitants were predominately Slavs but not only Slavs. It was a country
of different nationalities, religions, of different cultural and historic heritage, in
wliich the inequalities between men and women were visible. There was
aląo
a very
great inequality in the position of women depending on the nation, or religion they
belonged to, that is, what country they
uved
in before· the formation of the new
state. Despite this, women quickly found a common language. The first goal of all
the women's humanitarian organisations was to alleviate the terrible consequences
of war. This was equally hard on war widows and war orphans from either side of
the front. Such organisations were predominant in all the countries which formed
the Kingdom.
At the initiative of the Serbian National Women's Alliance in Belgrade in
1919,
and with delegates from all parts of the country present, the National Women's
Alliance of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians was founded and in a short time organi¬
sed most women's organisations in Yugoslavia; From
1929,
it was known as: the
Yugoslav Women's Alliance. In
1919
the Secretariat of Women Social-Democrats
renewed its work in Serbia and it was at their initiative that the Secretariat for
Women was founded at the Yugoslav Congress of the Socialist Worker's Party
(communists). It lasted for only two years because the Communist Party which
was the third party in parliament was bauned, and the work dealing with women
was transferred to the unions. The third important women's organisation, which
was not connected to any of the parties, was the Society for the Education of Women
and the Protection of its Rights which was also formed at that time. It changed its
name to The Women's Movement in
1923.
Societies with the same name were for¬
med in several cities of Yugoslavia, and in
1926
they were associated into the Alliance
of Women's Movements. It was a feminist organisation whose main aim was to
educate women, struggle for the right to vote and equality of men and women in
all sectors of social life.
In
1919
and
1920
all three organisations devoted a great deal of their acti¬
vity to the suffragist cause, expecting the new law to give them voting rights as
promised to them by the leaders of some political parties.
Yugoslavia as a state inherited six legal systems which, among other things,
regulated the position of women. In some parts Turkish law was in'effect, as well
as the Muslim system of religious law. A characteristic of all these legal systems
was that they all limited the rights of women
-
because they were women. Action
to change this situation bonded all women's organisations in Yugoslavia, and through¬
out their existence they endeavoured to improve the legal position of women. They
submitted petitions and memoranda to the government and the Assembly, publicly
reacted to the discriminatory laws against women, and occasionally organised
public manifestations.
Between the two wars several of women's organisations were formed: The
Little Women's Entente
(1923),
the Association of University Educated Women
(1927),
the Women's Party
(1927).
During the dictatorship
(1927-1934)
they, were
banned along with other parties, and they did not renew their work afterwards.
The Women's League For Peace and Freedom was founded in
1931.
The young
feminists mostly came from the women's student societies, which existed at the
263
universities in Zagreb, Ljubljana and Belgrade. The basic demands of the women's
movement until
1941
were equality of civil rights for women, as well as the right
to vote. Not one of these demands was fulfilled.
In
thé
middle of the thirties new generations of young women, students or
workers, joined the existing women's organisations. The open struggle against the
threat of fascism, for the unity of all progressive forces into the National Front,
for freedom, independence and the
démocratisation
of the country, opened the possi¬
bility for a new generation of women to pose the women's Issue in a new way. In
all parts of Yugoslavia, in many women's organisations especially in the Youth Secti¬
ons, there were young women who independently and in a creative way managed
to merge the feminist movement with the movement against fascism, for the inde¬
pendence of the country. (After the period of dictatorship Yugoslavia had very close
economic and political connections with Germany and Italy.) For these young
women the struggle for women's rights was at the same time the struggle against
Nazism which advocated the return of the women to the position of the housewife
and as its basic role advocated bearing children. They stressed the everyday prob¬
lems of women from different social classes and with concrete actions tried to solve
these problems. In the course of their work they developed and cultivated their co¬
operation and solidarity. In the general anti-fascist movement, women were accepted
as equal partners with men and their demands for women's rights became the basic
demands for freedom and
démocratisation.
For the very first time a wide political
movement accepted the idea that freedom and democracy can apply to the oppressed
half of the population: to women.
Since the mid thirties, the regime had developed very close economic and
political ties with the Axis Powers: Berlin-Rome, resulted
ín
massive arrests and
the persecution of anti-fascists, the formation of concentration camps, murder of
striking workers and demonstrators and the formally joining the Tripartite Treaty.
The overthrow of the government, on the 27th of March
1941
frustrated the plan,
but. Yugoslavia was attacked by the Axis Powers and after a short war it surrendered
and was torn to pieces.
3.
Women in the People's Liberation War
(1941-1945)
».
In the summer of
1941.
the armed uprising broke out in all parts of Yugosla¬
via, headed by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia which dealt through the Supreme
Command of People's Liberation Army
(PLA)
Throughout the war on the territory
of Yugoslavia there were smaller or larger mutually connected liberated territories
where there were smaller towns which were freed and where the new government
was elected instead of the occupational or quisling forces. Since the beginning of
the war. the former members of the Youth Section of Women, the movement of the
University Educated Women and the other membersof the women's organisations
took part in the preparations for an armed, uprising. They formed different women's
committees who supported the
PLA
on occupied territory as well as on liberated
territories and in
1942
they became associated into the sole women's organisation
the Antifascist Women's Front
(AWF).
Women in the military forces and in the new
civil government were accepted as equal participants from the very beginning. In
Щ
the first written documents about the people's liberation committees in
1942,
women received the active and passive right to vote and they participated, as elected
members of these committees, in the civil government. Women could occupy all
positions in the regular army formations, which were formed by the end of
1941,
but most women were in the medical corps, had political positions in the head¬
quarters or were in positions dealing with education, culture and development of
ethic norms. There were very few women who had military ranks.
Most women worked in supplying, signal corps, medical units, transport
and in the intelligence service. Many women did these jobs on'-the occupied terri¬
tories (maintained courier services, hiding and treating the wounded, distributing
illegally printed matter, hiding people who were fleeing, establishing the broken
connections.).
25.000
women were killed in battle (out of a total number of
305.000
killed).
425.000
people were wounded
- 40.000
of them women.
3.000
women are war inva¬
lids with serious injuries. The
PLA
had
80.000
soldiers in
1941.
About
20.000
of
these survived the war
- 3.344
of them women who were awarded the
Certifícate
of Service in the Partisan Forces since
1941.
About
2.500
women received officer's commissions and a few thousand be¬
came non-commissioned officers.
A few thousand women were awarded war medals for courage and their
services in supporting
PLA.
The highest medal for courage in war was awarded to
91
women out of
1.322
soldiers and commanders in war.
4.
Women's Issue in Socialist Yugoslavia
After the war, a socialist system was established in Yugoslavia.
Even before the end of World War II, all laws containing; discriminatory
norms against women were abolished by the Interim Assembly and could not be
applied, The Constitution that was adopted in
1946
only confirmed the economic,
social and political equality that the women had already won in the war.
•
The Antifascist Front of Women, whose network existed in towns and villa¬
ges, continued their activities after the war.
They organised women to work on alleviating the enormous material and
psychological damage inflicted by the war (for example about
280.000
children lost
one or both of their parents during the war and the women tookcharge of them). At
the same time, the AFW began the struggle against the century
-
long prejudices
against women, which were mainly reflected in family relations and in traditional
customs in all social spheres. In spite of the proclaimed equality of women, these
were reflected in various ways, particularly in backward educational and cultural
environment. For instance, the illiteracy of the population above ten years of age,
especially among women, was as high from
53,9%
to
78%
in some .parts of Yugoslavia.
Although primary education was compulsory, many parents did not allow their chil¬
dren to attend school
-
they said it was not necessary
för
them. Health and hygienic
standards were at a very low level, and the rate of infant
mortality
was very high. The
rate of women employment was extremely low, and that was mainly in the lowest
265
category of unskilled labour. In vocational „schools, except for those of medical or
educational orientation, there were practically no women.
Γη
predominantly
Muslim parts (Bosnia, Kosovo.
Sandžak,
parts of Serbia and Montenegro), women
were mostly confined to their homes, wearing traditional zars and veils. In many
parts of the country, they were ignorant of their rights and they did not know how
to exercise them. These were all issues that the AFW dealt with, by attempting to
gradually improve the position of women through practical programmes, with very
little expert and financial assistance coming from the authorities. In direct contacts
with the women, they uncovered the specific problems that the women from various
social backgrounds were facing, brought them to public attention, seeking ways to
solve them. The education of women that aimed to achieve their equality was a
specific form of the AFW activity.
The feminist programmes which were laid down between the two wars
were incorporated in the laws that were being adopted and it could be said that
that they were legally formulated by the mid-sixties. The position of women in the
socialist society was constantly improving, but this was coupled with unremitting
efforts of women's organisations to surmount the general economic and cultural
backwardness and the conservative patriarchal level of consciousness.
There were two distinct approaches regarding the existence, aims and tasks
of women's organisations in the post
-
war period. According to one of them, the
women "s issue is a class issue, therefore in a socialist society, where the working
class is in power, the economic growth brings about, in itself, the improvement of
social and personal standard, of the level of social awareness and equality between
the sexes. It is a general social issue which does not require separate women's
organisations. A single comprehensive political organisation is sufficient, that is
to guide society as a whole on the way to developed socialisrii. The other approach
came from the standpoint that the aim of a socialist society was to liberate not only
a class, but also the woman as a human being. Without denying the class issue in
the women's
issile,
this approach assumed that even in socialism, the liberation of
women could not be achieved automatically, along with the change of economic and
political relations. The problem is much more complex, since the subdued position
of women is not only due to class antagonism, but also to the antagonism produced
by the division of labour within the family that is reflected in all spheres of life. A
premeditated and long
-
term activity is necessary to unmask these antagonisms.
In order to achieve a radical change of the position of women, a whole range of
diversified changes are imperative, not only in extending the material base of equ¬
ality, but first of all in raisingthe awareness of men and women regarding the posi¬
tion of the woman in the family and iu the society. It was only logical, bearing in
mind previous experiences, that the women and their organisations should have
the privilege and priority iu these activities, as subjects of their own liberation. It
is only the women, who are aware of their position, that can identify the obstacles
on the path of their liberation and formulate new measures to get rid of them. Accor¬
ding to that opinion, separate women's organisations are necessary in a socialist
society as well, and they are the centres
óf womèn:s
self-education. They are irre¬
placeable that way.
266
The political structures
-
The League of Communists and The Socialist
Alliance of the Working People adopted, basically, the first approach. However, this
concept was strongly resisted, as it was neither easy nor simple to abolish an orga¬
nisation that in the minds of women bore the credit for achieving equality and con¬
tinually improving their position. Therefore, the argument about the need for
women's organisations and their role in a socialist society ended in a compromise.
Besides the APW small women's societies were being founded in towns as places
where practical missions were carried out (starting kindergartens, creches, school
cafeterias etc.), and they would close down once their task had been fulfilled. The
AFW, as a unique women's organisation, was abolished in
1953,
and the League
of Women's Societies was formed instead, as an independent organisation but with
restricted objectives. It co-ordinated the activities of the existing women's societies
and from the very beginning opted for the education of women, mostly those living
in villages. The problems that were within the sphere of women's conscience
-
raising were left to the Socialist Alliance of the Working People. The Alliance of
Women's Societies automatically retained the role of the former AFW, while the
Socialist Alliance did' not fulfil the duties undertaken in
1953.
And it is only natural
that it was not able to do so, since the most rigid, patriarchal concepts regarding
the woman held on obstinately among the members and leadership, and they had
no motive whatsoever to renounce to their privileged position in
thé
'family and in
the society.
The next change took place in
1961.
By decision of the Socialist Alliance of
the Working People, The Alliance of Women's Societies was abolished, and the
Conference for the Social Activity of Women was founded instead. The idea was
that the Conference co-ordinate the activities of women's societies, state organs
and individual institutions dealing with problems concerning the position of women,
to present these problems to the Socialist Alliance which would, in turn, exercise
its authority by influencing respective economic, social and state institutions to
solve them. The conference was to a certain degree independent from the Socialist
Alliance, but-it lost tliis independence as early as the seventies, by becoming its
internal body named the Conference for the Issues of the Position of Women in the
Conference of the Socialist Alliance.
Along with the disappearance of women's organisations, the intensive inte¬
rest to change the relations between the sexes in the family and society died out.
Part of the socialist programme was to achieve the equality between men
and women in all spheres of life. It was therefore comparatively easy to lay down
the governing laws in this sphere. Those rights that depended on disposable mate¬
rial and financial resources were more difficult to legalise, because it was neces¬
sary to obtain priorities in relation to other social needs; that was achieved owing
to the AFW and the Alliance of Women's Societies. In Yugoslavia, total, free medical
care was achieved for all those employed both in the social and private sector as
well as for farmers, and a separate system of health protection for women and chil¬
dren existed (dispensaries for pre-school and school children, children's general
and specialised hospitals, counselling services for pregnant women and for contra¬
il
ception, etc.); Maternity leave was continuously being extended, and pending the
disintegration of Yugoslavia the mothers in Serbia were entitled to one year of
maternity leave, which could be extended to three years
-
in case of illness of the
elüld,
or five years if the child was handicapped. Either the mother or the father
can take this leave, depending on their agreement. Employees, if their income does
not exceed a certain amount per family member, receive an allowance for three
children at most.
This has lately been used to stimulate birth in areas with low birth-rate
(where the average number of children in a family is below two), or to discourage
birth in areas with high birth-rate (with more than three children in a family), since
the amount of the allowance depends on that. The allowance for the third child is
higher. All the mothers are entitled to a maternity allowance (it was introduced as
a social measure, but now it is an incentive to have children); The right to abortion
free of charge, under certain conditions, was granted in
1952,
and since
1963
there
have been no limitations to this right up to ten weeks of pregnancy.
The rate of employment among women has risen to about
40%
of the entire
working population. Although the number of qualified women rose more quickly
than the number of qualified men, the women are still less qualified than men.
They work mainly in the traditionally feminine branches of economy, where all
the workers' salaries are by
20
to
30%
lower,.than in profitable spheres of economy.
Otherwise, all women have access to
áll
professions, except in
lhe
Police Forces
and in the Army.
It cannot be said that the Conference for the Social Activity of Women did
not have
aii
impact on the adoption of certain laws which formally extended women's
rights. But there are fewer and fewer women who know their rights, and the majo¬
rity of them respect the renewed traditional habits and customs, aiid not the law.
So it happens that they do not react at being deprived of certain rights that they
had already obtained. For example, the former,
1974
Constitution provided for the
right of a woman to decide whether and wJien she will have children. The omission
of this article from the present Constitution was disregarded by the women them¬
selves. Something similar happened when fees for abortion were introduced. The
anti-abortion campaign that was launched recently did not stir the women to defend
their right, to this.
Therefore, the change of the social system was not automatically followed by
women's emancipation. The bureaucratic system institutionalised all activities
tliat were aiming to improve and alter the position of women and transferred them to
state and para-state organs, while the women were deprived of their organisation at
the same time. In the growing social crises that has been visible since the seventies,
the women were found locked up in their houses, disorganised and split apart. Instead
of further emancipation, women were exposed to a mighty attack of conservative
patriarchal standards, whereas women's rights and women's dignity were altogether
neglected.
With a little tardiness, new ideas on women's.liberation that had appeared
in the world, began gaining ground in Yugoslavia, too. They were accepted by a
268
group of young
inteüectuals
who, along with feminists from Europe, presented new
feminist theories to the public at their gathering in Belgrade in
1979.
Following
that venue, women's groups named Women and Society were formed in Belgrade
and Zagreb. They were the core of various feminist study and activist groups.
A senseless and preposterous war revealed in a cruel way all the depth of
patriarchal layers and traditions and the abject position of wpmen in the family
and society in such an environment. Unable to take part in decision-making on
crucial issues, they accepted the role of victims typical of a patriarchal society.
That role was forced upon them by undefined war goals and an unprecedented
destruction of the human mind, economy, cultural and material possessions, based on
an ideology of extreme nationalism, coupled with the theory and practise of ethnic
cleansing as its utmost achievement. The vast majority of women, whether they
live in the war-affected areas, as refugees, or in republics that did not directly take
part in the war, have the same role
-
how to preserve their families or what has
been left of them.
Feminists from all groups that have been founded in the republics of ex-
Yugoslavia have managed to maintain a fruitful mutual activity in feminist and
humanitarian programmes, in spite of the war, with the support and solidarity
coming from feminist groups from many countries in the world. In this way, through¬
out the war, they worked for peace, the preservation of existing women's rights,
and fought for an open democratic society.
269 |
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| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Božinović, Neda 1917-2001 |
| author_GND | (DE-588)123195926 |
| author_facet | Božinović, Neda 1917-2001 |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Božinović, Neda 1917-2001 |
| author_variant | n b nb |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV021292330 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)230769867 (DE-599)BVBBV021292330 |
| era | Geschichte 1800-1996 gnd Geschichte gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1800-1996 Geschichte |
| format | Book |
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| illustrated | Illustrated |
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| physical | 281 S. Ill. |
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| publisher | Devedestečetvrta [u.a.] |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Božinović, Neda 1917-2001 Verfasser (DE-588)123195926 aut Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku Neda Božinović Beograd Devedestečetvrta [u.a.] 1996 281 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1800-1996 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Soziale Situation (DE-588)4077575-6 gnd rswk-swf Frauenbewegung (DE-588)4071428-7 gnd rswk-swf Frau (DE-588)4018202-2 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 g Frau (DE-588)4018202-2 s Soziale Situation (DE-588)4077575-6 s Geschichte 1800-1996 z DE-604 Frauenbewegung (DE-588)4071428-7 s Geschichte z Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen https://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:443/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=014613162&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen https://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:443/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=014613162&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Božinović, Neda 1917-2001 Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku Soziale Situation (DE-588)4077575-6 gnd Frauenbewegung (DE-588)4071428-7 gnd Frau (DE-588)4018202-2 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4077575-6 (DE-588)4071428-7 (DE-588)4018202-2 (DE-588)4054598-2 |
| title | Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku |
| title_auth | Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku |
| title_exact_search | Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku |
| title_full | Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku Neda Božinović |
| title_fullStr | Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku Neda Božinović |
| title_full_unstemmed | Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku Neda Božinović |
| title_short | Žensko pitanje u Srbiji |
| title_sort | zensko pitanje u srbiji u xix i xx veku |
| title_sub | u XIX i XX veku |
| topic | Soziale Situation (DE-588)4077575-6 gnd Frauenbewegung (DE-588)4071428-7 gnd Frau (DE-588)4018202-2 gnd |
| topic_facet | Soziale Situation Frauenbewegung Frau Serbien |
| url | https://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:443/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=014613162&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA https://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:443/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=014613162&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT bozinovicneda zenskopitanjeusrbijiuxixixxveku |