Verfügbarkeit: Breduščie sredi nas

Breduščie sredi nas: niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ

Gespeichert in:

Bibliographische Detailangaben
Hauptverfasser:	Butovskaja, M. L. (VerfasserIn), Dʹjakonov, I. Ju (VerfasserIn), Vančatova, M. A. (VerfasserIn)
Format:	Buch
Sprache:	Russian
Veröffentlicht:	Moskva Naučnyj Mir 2007
Schlagworte:	Betteln Osteuropa Russland
Online-Zugang:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Beschreibung:	PST: Dwelling among us. - In kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache
Beschreibung:	275 S., [17] Bl. Ill., graph. Darst.
ISBN:	9785891764095

Internformat

MARC


LEADER	00000nam a2200000 c 4500
001	BV023173012
003	DE-604
005	20080526
007	t
008	080219s2007 ad\|\| \|\|\|\| 00\|\|\| rus d
020			\|a 9785891764095 \|9 978-589-176-409-5
035			\|a (OCoLC)229895847
035			\|a (DE-599)BVBBV023173012
040			\|a DE-604 \|b ger \|e rakwb
041	0		\|a rus
049			\|a DE-12
084			\|a 7,41 \|2 ssgn
100	1		\|a Butovskaja, M. L. \|e Verfasser \|4 aut
245	1	0	\|a Breduščie sredi nas \|b niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ \|c M. L. Butovskaja ; I. Ju. Dʹjakonov ; M. A. Vančatova
246	1	3	\|a Dwelling among us
264		1	\|a Moskva \|b Naučnyj Mir \|c 2007
300			\|a 275 S., [17] Bl. \|b Ill., graph. Darst.
336			\|b txt \|2 rdacontent
337			\|b n \|2 rdamedia
338			\|b nc \|2 rdacarrier
500			\|a PST: Dwelling among us. - In kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache
650	0	7	\|a Betteln \|0 (DE-588)4145087-5 \|2 gnd \|9 rswk-swf
651		7	\|a Osteuropa \|0 (DE-588)4075739-0 \|2 gnd \|9 rswk-swf
651		7	\|a Russland \|0 (DE-588)4076899-5 \|2 gnd \|9 rswk-swf
689	0	0	\|a Russland \|0 (DE-588)4076899-5 \|D g
689	0	1	\|a Betteln \|0 (DE-588)4145087-5 \|D s
689	0	2	\|a Osteuropa \|0 (DE-588)4075739-0 \|D g
689	0		\|5 DE-604
700	1		\|a Dʹjakonov, I. Ju. \|e Verfasser \|4 aut
700	1		\|a Vančatova, M. A. \|e Verfasser \|4 aut
856	4	2	\|m Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen \|q application/pdf \|u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016359659&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA \|3 Inhaltsverzeichnis
856	4	2	\|m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen \|q application/pdf \|u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016359659&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA \|3 Abstract
940	1		\|n oe
999			\|a oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016359659
942	1	1	\|c 306.09 \|e 22/bsb \|g 47
942	1	1	\|c 306.09 \|e 22/bsb \|g 471

Datensatz im Suchindex

_version_	1804137436198993920
adam_text	ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ ВВЕДЕНИЕ .............................................................................................................. 9 Ошва ¡, ИСТОРИЯ НИЩЕНСТВА (РОССИЯ, ЕВРОПА И АЗИЯ) .............. 13 МЕЖДУ ВОСТОКОМ И ЗАПАДОМ ............................................................. 13 РОССИЯ ....................................................................................................... 13 История взаимоотношения нищих и общества .................................... 14 Система благотворительных практик в дореволюционной России ................................................................................................ 14 Численность нищих в дореволюционной России ......................... 18 Структура сообщества нищих в дореволюционной России ........ 20 Географическое распределение нищих в дореволюционной России ................................................................................................ 22 Нищенство как поведенческая специализация в дореволюционной России: феномен нищенских гнезд ............. 23 Стратегии профессионального нищенства в дореволюционной России ............................................................ 28 Причины большого распространения нищенства в дореволюционной России ............................................................ 32 Этнографические факторы нищенства в дореволюционной России ................................................................................................ 37 Нищие-дети ....................................................................................... 38 НИЩЕНСТВО В ЕВРОПЕ ............................................................................... 41 ЧЕХИЯ ......................................................................................................... 41 История взаимоотношения нищих и общества .................................... 41 Система благотворительных практик ............................................ 41 Численность нищих в Чехословацкой Республике ....................... 45 Причины большого распространения нищенства в Чехословацкой Республике в 30-ые годы XX в .......................... 47 Деятельность полицейского управления по искоренению нищенства ......................................................................................... 47 Нищие в Праге и отношение к ним граждан в 30-ых годах XX в ........................................................................... 49 Стратегии и портреты профессиональных нищих в Чехословацкой Республике .......................................................... 50 Ночлежки и нищие в Чехословацкой Республике ......................... 52 Нищие-дети в Чехословацкой Республике и социальная помощь им ................................................................. 52 РАЗВИТИЕ СИСТЕМЫ ПРИЗРЕНИЯ НИЩИХ В ЗАПАДНОЙ ЕВРОПЕ ............................................................................. 55 НИЩЕНСТВО В АЗИИ (КИТАЙ) .................................................................. 61 История формирования группы нищих в Китае ........................... 61 Китайский нищий как мистическая фигура .................................. 67 ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ Причины перехода в социальную группу нищих в Китае (по материалам первой половины XX в.) ........................................ 69 Стратегии нищенства в Китае XIX - начала XX вв ........................ 70 Места проживания нищих ................................................................. 72 Нищие в современном Китае ............................................................ 73 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ ................................................................................................... 74 Глава 2. СОВРЕМЕННОЕ НИЩЕНСТВО В РОССИИ И ВОСТОЧНОЙ ЕВРОПЕ: ОБЩАЯ ХАРАКТЕРИСТИКА, СТРУКТУРА ГРУППЫ, СТРАТЕГИИ ПОВЕДЕНИЯ ............................. 76 НИЩИЕ В РОССИИ ......................................................................................... 76 Анализ надписей на табличках ................................................................... 76 Городские нищие в России: итоги этологических полевых исследований ................................................................................................. 82 Вагонные нищие ............................................................................................ 84 Соотношение разных категорий нищих в различных видах транспорта ...................................................................................................... 87 Стратегии попрошайничества ...................................................................... 88 А ктивная агрессия ............................................................................. 88 Пение и игра на инструментах как релизер «реципрокного альтруизма» .............................................................. 89 Отстраненное (неэмоциональное) поведение ................................. 90 Чистота и опрятность как фактор успешности нищего .................. 91 Взаимосвязь успешности нищего с его стратегиями поведения иэтничностью ............................................................................................... 91 Половые различия в этническом фаворитизме ........................................... 93 НИЩИЕ В ПРАГЕ ............................................................................................... 94 НИЩИЕ ВО ФЛОРЕНЦИИ: КТО ОНИ? .......................................................... 98 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ ................................................................................................... 106 Глава 3. НИЩЕНСТВО: ВЗГЛЯД ИЗНУТРИ ..................................................... 112 КРОСС-КУЛЬТУРНОЕ СРАВНЕНИЕ АВТОБИОГРАФИЧЕСКОЙ ИНФОРМАЦИИ О ЛЮДЯХ, ПРОСЯЩИХ МИЛОСТЫНЮ: РОССИЯ, РУМЫНИЯ, ЧЕХИЯ ......................................................................... 112 ИСТОРИИ ЖИЗНИ И ПСИХОЛОГИЧЕСКИЕ ОСОБЕННОСТИ ЛЮДЕЙ, ПРОСЯЩИХ МИЛОСТЫНЮ .......................................................... 119 Россия ............................................................................................................. 119 Чехия ............................................................................................................... 132 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ ................................................................................................... 144 Глава 4. СРЕДНЕАЗИАТСКИЕ ЦЫГАНЕ: ИСТОРИЯ И СОВРЕМЕННОСТЬ {ММ, Бутовская, В.Н. Шестакова) ........................ 146 В условиях современного мегаполиса ......................................................... 146 В дореволюционный период ........................................................................ 147 Происхождение .............................................................................................. 149 Общая характеристика: внешний вид, язык, религия, ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ образ жизни .................................................................................................... 151 Семейно-брачные традиции и устройство общины ................................... 153 Политика советской власти по отношению к среднеазиатским цыганам .......................................................................................................... 153 Среднеазиатские цыгане в современном российском мегаполисе ..................................................................................................... 154 Семейные установки и стратегии репродуктивного поведения .............. 159 Брачный возраст ............................................................................................ 165 Выбор брачного партнера ............................................................................. 166 Родительский вклад ....................................................................................... 172 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ ................................................................................................... 185 Глава 5. ПСИХОЛОГИЧЕСКИЕ ОСОБЕННОСТИ ЛЮДЕЙ, ПРОСЯЩИХ МИЛОСТЫНЮ ...................................................................... 186 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ .................................................................................................. 204 Глава 6. НИЩИЕ КАК СТИГМАТИЗИРОВАННАЯ ГРУППА: ВОСПРИЯТИЕ ГРУППЫ НИЩИХ В ОБЩЕСТВЕ (РОССИЯ И ВОСТОЧНАЯ ЕВРОПА) ........................................................ 206 Влияние пола, возраста, социального статуса и этнической принадлежности на склонность к подаянию милостыни нищим ............................................................................................................. 206 Почему нищие успешны в анонимном обществе ...................................... 212 Тендерные различия ...................................................................................... 213 Подаяние милостыни людьми с высоким статусом - кросс-культурная универсальная тенденция? ............................................. 214 Характеристики нищих, лежащие в основе успеха: подтверждение теории этнического непотизма .......................................... 215 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ .................................................................................................. 216 Глава 7. МОТИВАЦИОННЫЕ МЕХАНИЗМЫ ПОДАЯНИЯ МИЛОСТЫНИ: КРОСС-КУЛЬТУРНОЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЕ (РОССИЯ И ЧЕХИЯ) ...................................................................................... 217 Дифференцированность восприятия различных категорий нищих в России и Чехии ............................................................................... 223 Основные показатели, характеризующие образ нищего в России и Чехии ........................................................................................... 227 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ ................................................................................................... 234 Глава 8. НИЩИЕ В ОБЩЕСТВЕ: ЭВОЛЮЦИОННЫЕ ТЕОРИИ КАК ТЕОРЕТИЧЕСКАЯ БАЗА ДЛЯ ИНТЕРПРЕТАЦИИ ФЕНОМЕНА ПОПРОШАЙНИЧЕСТВА .................................................... 238 SUMMARY ............................................................................................................... 250 ЛИТЕРАТУРА ........................................................................................................... 265 SUMMARY Introduction This book analyzes the phenomenon of begging in past and present. We are trying to show its essence and to reveal the etiological, psychological, and cultural mecha¬ nisms that secure the positive response to the beggars requests for help on the part of representatives of the wider society. The very act of begging is extremely ancient. It is know for all the time üíq humankind exists; what is more, it might be even more ancient than the humankind itself- for example, the begging for meat is known among the chimpanzees, our closest relatives (Бутовская, Файнберг, 1993; Бутовская, Сухова, Кузнецова, 1998). The sharing of meat among the band members in the hunter-gather¬ ers is a corner-stone of their culture and it is strictly observed with respect to all the group members, both relatives and non-relatives. Within the context of their contacts with food-producing societies many hunter-gatherer groups get marginalized and some of their members (or even whole bands) start to beg in a rather active way among their neighbors, agriculturalists and herders, or to beg for money, food, or cloths among the European tourists. Thus, for example, those Bushmen, Bak Pygmies, or Hadza who changed their traditional way of life to a sort of marginalized existence as hired person¬ nel, or those being sedentarized by local governments, whom the governments disac¬ customed to get their subsistence by themselves with their crumbs . A sort of facul¬ tative begging could be performed by whole rural communities; they could move to the cities to do this trade between the busy seasons of their agricultural activities. A clear example for this is provided by the beggars of present-day Addis Ababa (as will be shown below, analogous facultative strategies were also observed with respect to some villages of the Russian Empire, Western Europe, and China). in the modern worid a new forms of successful begging become possible; they employ modern sophisticated technological means, in particular the Internet. In the World-Wide Web one can find a sort of beggars sites where one can place his or her supplication for financial help. One may beg money in the Internet for various purposes - to pay for one s study in a university, to perform a surgery (even a cosmetic one), to pay for one s dears funerals, to help a child. One may even get across rather astonish¬ ing supplications: to help to cover one s mortgage, to make a round-the-globe journey, or even ... to by a Hummer vehicle! In feet, what is surprising are not such requests tliemselves; what is really surprising that those supplicants manage to find those who SUMMARY 251 are ready to provide help for them. One of the first Internet users who took advantage of this scheme to raise funds for one s education was a Chinese youth. He placed at one of the Internet sites an open letter asking each user to provide him with a modest financial help by transferring to his account just $1. The results were beyond any expectations. The number of sympathizers turned out to be so great, that the aspiring student s ac¬ count accumulated $1,000,000. It is evident that the need of modern people to perform charitable acts turns out to be so acute that they are ready to make donations to an anonymous Internet user, even having never met him or her face to face. In the post-industrial era people s ways of life experience extremely rapid changes; we observe fast transformations of the means of production, technological opportuni¬ ties at one s working place and home environment. In modern post- industria I society a human becomes autonomized, we observe the break of family ties, a sharp limitation of contacts even with very close relatives (parents - children, sibling - sibling). However, the active response to the supplications for help does not reduce. It is very probable that altruism should be regarded as one of the fundamental human essences that has solid innate predispositions. The human need for cooperation and reciprocity is so great that modern people are ready to perform charitable acts with respect to unknown people, to donate anonymously to those whom they will never meet again (and if meet they will not recognize them anyway). It is easy to find in academic and popular literature numerous reproaches toward ethologists and evolutionary psychologists (sociobiologists) expressing the disagree¬ ment with the latter s statements on the natural basis for the human aggression and egoism (Лоренц, 2001; Докннз, 1993). However, ethoJogists also maintain that the natural basis also exists for the human cooperative and altruistic behavior. Numerous models of the evolution of altruism proposed in the recent decades by the students of the evolution of behavior differentiate many versions of this behavior and propose to account for it on the basis of the notions of individual and group selection (Axelrod, Hamilton, 1981 ; Bateson et al., 1987; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis 2000; O Gorman et al., 2005; Wiessner, 2005). In this book it will be shown that the beggars do not form a uni¬ fied community of the marginalized people, and the donors behavior is different with respect to different groups of donors. Charitable behavior toward different categories of beggars has fundamentally different motifs (or, frequently, complexes of motifs) and needs different interpretation. Modern theories of altruism will be used in this book to account for various begging strategies and the selectivity in providing help on the part of different categories of people (men and women, students, working age people, pen¬ sioners, military and non-military personnel, representatives of local population and migrants). In recent 15 years the beggary became a usual phenomenon in Russia and the other countries of the former USSR, as well as in all the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The beggars themselves formed a special social group with its own economic strategy and specific form of employment, its own rales of-behavior and traditions (Dean, Melrose, 1999, p.84), a group that re-appeared within the. context of post-social- 252 SUMMARY ist realities. Our analysis of modern beggary in Russia indicates that the new beggars repro¬ duce in its main features the practices that existed in the pre-revolution Russian soci¬ ety (Butovskaya et al., 2000). Similar conclusions on the presence of stable strategies and practices of beggary in time and the continuity of the beggary archetypes can be arrived at when one studies this phenomenon in the Czech Republic, Rumania, and Poland (Butovskaya et al., 2004 a,b; Rheinheimer, 2003;Vancatova et al., 2003). This books confirms the presence of a distinct historical-cultural continuity of the beggary strategies with respect to Russia and the Czech Republic. We also compare our results with historical and modern data on other countries of Central Europe, as well as the countries of Western Europe and Asia (first of all China) (Ануфриев, 1911 ; Голосенко, 1996; Левенстим, 1900; Матиньен, 1914; Прыжов, 1997; Butovskaya et al., 2004 a,b; Misra, 1971; Rheinheimer, 2003; Lu, 1999; Vancatova et al, 2003). IIyasov and Plotnikova maintain that «for the 1990s we have grounds to consider beggary as one of the forms of employment « (Ильясов, Плотникова, 1994, с. 150). As will be shown in this book, our data confirm this statement in a rather unequivocal way. The persons practicing beggary may do this by groups (as is done, for example, by Asian Gypsies who come to Moscow and St.Petersburg for a sort of seasonal employ¬ ment by large kin groups), but they could have a relatively individuai business (in this case some beggars may avoid informing their relatives of the real nature of their activities, the real source of their income). Chapter 1 History of Begging (Russia, Europe, Asia) Our historical analysis of the phenomenon of beggary in Russia, Central and West¬ ern Europe, as well as China makes it possible to arrive at a number of generalizations on the causes of the development of this phenomenon and its subsequent stable repro¬ duction. Beggary as a mass phenomenon develops as a result of the sharp worsening of eco¬ nomic situation in a given country (that could be caused by catastrophic crop failures, natural disasters, production crises etc.) and socio-political cataclysms (wars, sharp policy changes by the elites, revolutions, and so on). Under these circumstances a sub¬ stantial part of beggars is constituted by refugees, uprooted and totally impoverished former peasants, craftsmen and lower urban strata. They tend to beg by whole families. Refugees from distant areas tend to move to cities in big groups consisting of close and distant relatives, as well as their neighbors. With the normalization of situation and the appearance of possibilities of getting stable incomes in the productive sector, such forced beggars tend to return to their native places and to resume their usual activities. Unfortunately, a part of this mass acquires taste for beggary style of life and SUMMARY 253 moves to the category of professional beggars who do not want to work in the productive sector any more. Among the factors that contribute to the making of such a decision are personal characteristics of an individual (his or her natural laziness, lack of responsibility, dis¬ like of any firm working schedules, tendencies toward alcoholism and gambling, and so on). However, socio-economic factors are of no less importance in this respect (and the state administration frequently does not want to notice them): in some cases, the income got for honest (and sometimes very tiresome) daily work turns out to be signifi¬ cantly lower than the income from beggary. Meanwhile it is important to understand that such a situation is not accounted for by allegedly high incomes of the beggars (though mass media in modern Russia and the Czech Republic often portray the situ¬ ation just in this way). The actual situation is just the opposite: the beggars incomes are rather low, but, unfortunately, the honest incomes frequently turn out to be even lower. Essentially, the formation of the social group of professional beggars frequently turns out to be a result of ineffective economic policies, when it becomes unprofitable to work, because the payment for work does not provide for basic needs of a worker (and his or her family, if he or she is the only bread-winner (that is, payment for one s work turns out to be below the minimum cost of living). Historical, data indicate the presence of some universais in the society s attitudes toward the beggars: during the periods of economic and political stability the chari¬ table activities are supported by society: social prestige of the benefactors substantially grows (it is, for example, supported by the Church, as was observed in Russia before the Revolution, or the medieval Holy Roman Empire before the Reformation). We will further show that donation of gifts, and sharing of food and other resources that are wide spread in all the traditional cultures, starting with hunter-gatherers (Mocc, 1996; Hawkes, 1991,1993; Hawkes, O Connell, Blurton-Jones, 2001; Marlowe, 1999; Price, 2003; Smith, Bliege Bird, 2000; Wiessner, 2002) have a number of traits that are simi¬ lar to the modern charitable schemes. Chapter 2 Modern Begging in Russia and Eastern Europe: General Characteristics, Group Structure, Behavior Strategies The beggary is a wide-spread practice in the whole of the modern world. Success of begging practices in the anonymous environment can be explained with the help of modern ethological theory. People tend to respond to universal species-specific ges¬ tures and images as altruism releasers (Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1989). A powerful stimulus is represented by an image of a baby, or a little child. This is especially typical for women. It has been demonstrated that if a pram stands near the border of a street, passing worn- 254 ____________________________ SUMMARY en turn their heads in its direction more frequently than man do (Schleidt et al., 1980). Such experiments with children resemble the images used by beggars as stimulators of help motivation. Many releasers used by beggars are effective notwithstanding any eth¬ nic and racial borders, because all the ethnic groups and races belong to the Homo sapi¬ ens sapiens species and share common fundamental phenotype and behavior repertoire. There are some cultural foundations for the providing of help to strangers from one s own ethnic group, or the other ethnic groups. As has been demonstrated in a number of studies (including our own study), the beggary is wide-spread in all the large cities of Russia, including Moscow and St. Petersburg. At least four possible explanations can be proposed in order to account for this fact: 1) interethnic solidarity may be stimulated by the ancient cultural tradition of reciprocity that is typical for any agricultural society, whereas Russia was an agricultural country until rather recent times. As is well known, these were precisely the feelings of duty and solidarity that served as the main motifs to provide help to beggars in traditional agricultural societies (D Hondt, Vandewiele, 1984); 2) the Orthodox Christianity insist on the importance of compassion towards beggars. Christianity, Islam, and Judaism consider the alms-giving as benefaction, and alms-givers maintain that they follow the ancient tradition to he!p the others (Gmelch, Gmelch, 1978; Shichor, Ellis, 1981); 3) Socialist values (such as collectivism and egal- itarianism) are still strong in Russia, the Czech Republic, or Rumania. On the other hand, the social attitude toward the beggars is rather ambivalent, as the sympathy with often transforms into frustration, and the desire to help beggars leads in a paradoxical way to the active avoidance of meetings with them; 4) finally, as has been shown above, the releasers exploited by the beggars may be regarded as species-specific; hence, they act irrespective of ethnic boundaries, especially when they signal vulnerability of the given age and ethnic categories, or actual need (hunger, wound, etc.). As all the people, the beggars get integrated into society by choosing an appropriate behavior repertoire, in the meantime basing themselves on their intuitive knowledge of the altruism releasers. In our sample of Moscow beggars who worked in the carriages of the underground and sub-urban trains most were women. Most men were not healthy physically. Among the three ethnic groups described by us with respect to Moscow, only the Russian sample was represented by all the age and gender categories. We found only Russian and Moidovan beggars in the subway. In the meantime the gypsies (who demonstrate the most pronounced differences from Russians with respect to their appearance) were mostly female children. Our data indicate a high degree of favoritism with respect to the representatives of one s own ethnic group in comparison with the beggars from the other ethnic groups. It was found that every ethnic group has a spe¬ cific image and a specific set of techniques. Similar results were obtained with respect to the Gypsy and Rumanian beggars in Bucharest (B. Croitore and C. Strungaru, per¬ sonal communication, 1999). Behavior strategies of Russians in Moscow are the most diverse, however, the style of active personalization is the most frequent, whereas the submission style is much more rare. The Gypsies behavior is the most ritualized and depersonalized. The Moldovans emphasize their refugee status, that is the lack of ac- SUMMARY 255 commodation and money for food; they used culture-specific means of addressing the audience, including first of all the personal addressing and submissive behavior. Our conclusions on the leading alms-giving stimuli obtained with respect to the Moscow sample of beggars are mostly confirmed by data collected in Prague, Bucha¬ rest, and Florence (Photographs 2.53-2,54). We found the universal character of such releasers as the children age, and helplessness due to invalidity and old age (Photo¬ graphs 2.55-2.57). In Prague where the begging by children is prohibited by law, pets (first of all kittens and puppies) often play the role of identical stimulus, by provok¬ ing unconscious maternal feelings among the women. Contrary to this, in Bucharest packed with beggars from rural areas who worked by whole families pets are never used in order to stir the pity of potential alms-givers. In all the cities that we have stud¬ ied the ethnic factor plays a statistically significant role in the beggars1 success. Chapter 3 Begging: Look from Inside A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Autobiographic Information of Alms-Seekers: Russia, Rumania, the Czech Republic Interviews with beggars and their nanve stories on the realities of their contempo¬ rary lives and their past cannot leave anybody indifferent. In most cases, according to autobiographies, these people were decent citizens, they worked or studied made plans for future, and these plans did not include any perspectives of beggary as a mode of their subsistence. Many respondents became beggars in conditions of radical social transformation. Some new beggars moved to this way of life, because their scanty pensions were not sufficient for their survival. Some others became beggars after they had been expropriated by swindlers. Still others failed to obtain new qualifications and jobs after their enterprises (collective farms, agricultural cooperatives) where they had been working for many years were closed. Only a small percentage of beggars can be classified as true parasites who do not want to work and who have never worked. Our sample include beggars not only with a secondary, but even higher education who failed (due to various reasons) to get adapted to new realities. Fiction and reality are tightly intertwined in a single narrative of a beggar. Myths co-exist side by side with true facts of real life. It is not infrequent when story-tell¬ ers are consistent in their narratives: we have an impression that having started their fantasies they get involved in their stories, and as true fiction writers they get captured by their own stories and try to correspond to the created image. A few typical motifs can be identified within these stories: I . A story-teller starts with the memories of the happy past not obscured by anything that is interrupted by social transformations in the respective country, death of their relatives (the family bread-winners), whereby the author fails to adapt to the new situation; 2. Bad and good alms-givers populate the 256 SUMMARY stories. There is a guardian angel (for example, in the form of a young businessman) who regularly donates to an old female beggar large sums of money; 3. A story-teller complains of his or her unfortunate existence and her or his inability to find a job; 4. In a number of stories we find whole miracle tales about supernatural luck in the field of beggary. Within this series one may mention such stories as one relating how an old female beggar managed to save money for a car (a house, an apartment) for her nephew, or how a young female beggar got a marriage proposal on the part of a rich foreigner, or how a young male beggar was adopted by a businessman. Folklore-mythological motifs on the possibility for beggars to achieve happiness and wealth are wide-spread within the beggars subculture and appear to have a function to console them. It is in no way surprising that among the beggars we got across quite a number of people with evident psychiatric dysfunctions. Their narratives resembled a sort of de¬ tective stories, but they differed from a normal beggar mythmaking by an inconsistency of their plots. Chapter 4 Central Asian Gypsies in Conditions of Modern Megapolis The data that we collected among the Central Asian Gypsies in Moscow in 1998— 2001 and 2005-2006 make it possible to make certain conclusions regarding their way of life, social structure, marriage relations and parental behavior in modern conditions, as well as their relations with other ethnic groups. The Lyuli tend to keep to their tra¬ ditional family patterns in Moscow as they do in their homeland, in Central Asia. The presence of this ethnic group in a new environment does not affect their strategies of reproductive behavior because of their social isolation and the marginal status of this group. It is likely that the age of marriage and the marriage mate choice models will remain intact among them. According to our respondents all the marriages are made in their homeland, for this purpose the Gypsy tupan always return to Central Asia. The at¬ titude towards the Centra! Asian Gypsies on the part of their Central Asian neighbors is negative, first of all because of their beggary practices. AH our Tajik and Uzbek respon¬ dents maintained that they would never get married to a lyuli. If such an attitude continues, the Central Asian Gypsies will remain a closed endogamous group for a long time. Chapter 5 Psychological Peculiarities of Alms-Seekers Our analysis of the beggars psychological portraits indicates the following: 1. The beggary lifestyle leads to the development in a beggar of a negative (stigmatizing) SUMMARY 257 stereotype of the beggars group. The basis for its development appears to be formed by the attitude to beggars on the part of the wider society; 2. With the accumulation of the alms-seeking experience a beggar tends to develop a certain disidentification with the beggars group with respect to all the main personal characteristics; 3. One s identification with a group implies a continuous process of one s personal subjective values with the values of the respective group. The avoidance to perform such reflexive activities impedes one s integration into the respective group already at the first stages of this process and provokes the development of a marginal identity; 4. The alms-seek¬ ing leads to significant negative changes in the emotional-value sphere of the elderly beggars; 5. The specter of emotional feelings among the beggars is dominated by the feelings of helplessness, despair, being doomed and self-accusation. The beggars ap¬ pear to have a depressive emotional status; 6. The value system of the female beggars can be identified as impoverished and being in the state of crisis. The family still re¬ mains a significant value for them; 7.The alms-seeking practices are connected with the stigmatizaţi on of a beggar by the wider society, which leads to the break-down of stable self-identification. Chapter 6 Beggars as a Stigmatized Group: Perception of the Beggars by the Wider Society (Russia and Eastern Europe) Our data indicate the presence of significant gender differences as regards the at¬ titude toward beggars. Women are more inclined to give alms because of the direct sympathy, whereas men more frequently give alms basing themselves on their group identity and cultural stereotypes. Social status of our respondents is also a major deter¬ minant with respect to charitable acts toward beggars. People with a higher social status tend to give alms more frequently than people with a lower social status. Ethnic nepo¬ tism with respect to beggars is more typical for male rather than female respondents. These results correlate very well with the results of observations of interaction within the pairs of alms-seekers and alms-givers. Chapter 7 Motivation Mechanisms of the Alms-Giving: A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Russia and the Czech Republic In this chapter we make generalizations on motivation mechanisms of the alms¬ giving and identify the models of the attitude toward other that have formed by now 258 SUMMARY within the Russian and Czech cultures. In the Russian society a beggar is understood both as a passive victim of the state (in this case the alms-giver tends to identify herself or himself with the beggar) and as a threatening, socially dangerous person: a mafia member, a swindler, a drug-dealer. The beggary implies a special attitude toward the work and property that is typical within any postindustrial economic system. A beg¬ gar finds himself or herself beyond the border of the commonly accepted standards. The characteristics that we found with respect to the attitude of the society toward the beggar s otherness correlate rather well with the results obtained by Tverdohleb (Твердохлеб 2002) with respect to the attitudes toward people with psychiatric disor¬ ders. In the minds of our respondents the degree of atypicality and strangeness of the beggars was comparable with the one of the people with psychiatric disorders. These results indicate in a rather clear way the degree of psychological distance between the ordinary members of our society and the alms-seekers. In the Czech Republic we found other models of the attitude toward beggars. Such forms of the attitude toward Other imply the value of individual experience irrespective of its correspondence to one s own mode of existence. Chapter 8 Beggars in Society: Evolutionary Theories as a Theoretical Basis for Interpretation of the Phenomenon of the Begging The beggary phenomenon is usually analyzed in historical, sociological, and socio- anthropological perspectives (Голосенко 1996; see the part considering the history of begging). Most frequently anthropologists analyze this phenomenon from the posi¬ tions of cultural relativism. We can find detailed analyses of the beggary phenomenon in individual cultures that take into consideration concrete cultural traditions, ethical norms and religious ideas (Brown, 1991). The beggary is considered as a form of em¬ ployment of a part of the population, whereas the begging strategies are interpreted by some scholars in the framework of Hoffmann s theory of the drama of social interac¬ tion. The beggars perform as a sort of theater actors, successfully exploiting the feel¬ ings of compassion and sympathy of the ordinary population (Кудрявцева, 2001). In the recent decades in North America, Europe, and Russia we observe a wide diffusion of the begging on the part of young members of informal youth groups (hippies, punks, etc.). It is quite frequent when a groups of young people with dogs hitch-hikes through various cities of Europe and America, performing simple music with guitars and other musical instruments, singing modern and folklore music, and begging. In some cases we observe a certain division of functions: some members of the group perform music, and the other (one or two members) ask the passers-by. The askers move around SUMMARY 259 listeners and collect money, seeking alms from the passers-by. Sometimes the askers behavior may become explicitly importunate. The interactionist approach developed by ethologists and evolutionary psycholo¬ gists makes it possible to evaluate the beggars behavior and to understand the basic factors that make such strategies possible and successful. We analyze our own field data within this approach. Taking into consideration the fact that the human behavior was formed under the influence of evolutionary factors and can be considered as a result of interaction between the evolving psychological mechanisms and environment (Buss, 1996; Dunbar, 1999; Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1989; Tooby, Cosmides, 1992), we pay espe¬ cial attention to the analysis of the processes of interaction between the alms-seekers and the alms-givers, and estimate these actions taking into consideration individual and group advantages, expenses on the part of the givers and benefits received by the beggars. The beggary phenomenon is considered in this book by taking into account the leading mechanisms of the human psyche that govern the human social behav¬ ior (or, modules in terminology of evolutionary psychology, or innate permitting mechanisms in the ethological terms) (Зорина, Полетаева, Резникова, 1999; Buss, 1999). Modern anthropologists and ethologists consider the altruism as a fundamentai hu¬ man characteristic (Артемова, 1992; Бутовская, Файнберг, 1992, 1993; Бутовская и др., 1995; Эфраимсон, 1971; Axelrod, Hamilton, 1981; Boyd, Richardson, 1987, 1988; Gintis, 2000; Zahavi, 1995; Wiessner, 2005). However, the exact mechanisms of altruism and co-operation in human society are a subject of rather intensive discus¬ sions. The evolution of altruism and co-operation remains an object of continuous re¬ search on the part of both biologists and specialists in the humanities. According to some authors, the altruistic motivation is provoked by empathie feelings (the hypoth¬ esis on the link between empathy and altruism) (Batson et αϊ, 1997). In the framework of the kin selection theory reciprocity and cooperation among the relatives have a cer¬ tain egoistic subtext (Hamilton, 1964), because by helping a relative an individual helps to diffuse the genes that she or lie has in common with this relative in the next generation (the essence of this phenomenon is described by the notion of inclusive fitness ). From the perspective of reciprocal altruism the help is provided to those who could behave altruistically toward the donor in future (Trivers, 1971). Some scientists propose to consider the issue of the origins of co-operation from the position of cultural group selection (Boyd, Richardson, 1985). Gintis et al (2003) suggest that altruism and co-operation could have developed under the influence of the gene-culture coevolution. In the framework of this theory scientist return to the group selection model and sug¬ gest that those group characteristics (group size, limited migration, frequent internal conflicts) that amplify the pressure of group selection may co-evolve with cooperative behavior. Co-operation is partly based on the developed human capability to institu¬ tionalize the social space characterized by a low level of internal conflicts and low phe- notypic diversity. The suppression of the within-group competition and the promotion 260______________________________________________________________________ SUMMARY of the within-group co-operation appear to have been supported by the natural selec¬ tion at the early stages of human evolution (Boehum, 1999). The leveling mechanisms found in the hunter-gatherer bands (monogamy and food-sharing in particular) may be regarded as a result of such evolutionary processes. Though at the individual level such institutions were energetically costly and did not secure much personal profit, at the intergroup level such practices provided evident advantages. Though in the academic literature altruism has been usually analyzed in the context of reciprocity and cooperation, the punishment can aiso be a manifestation of altru¬ ism. Theoretical models proposed by Boyd and Richardson (1992) and developed in research by other scientists (Gintis, 2000; Boyd et ai, 2003) indicate that a punishment for altruistic purposes may contribute to the diffusion of such versions of altruistic behavior, which would not have been possible in absence of the threat of such a punish¬ ment. However, the altruism sustained by punishment does not lead to the total eradi¬ cation of the free-riders . In reaìity, in every society we observe a sort of behavioral dimorphism: altruists and bread-winners co-exist with consumers-cheaters, whereas punishers co-exist with those who totally avoid the punishment of any cheaters. The phenomenon of altruistic punishment partly forms the foundation for the moral norms in the human society and is based on a complex of innate psychological attitudes that formed under the pressure of natural selection (O Gorman et al.t 2005). For the explanation of the co-operation phenomenon scientists frequently use as a conceptual instrument the game theory (they apply here both analytical and simulation models) (Axelrod, Hamilton, 1981; Nowak, May, 1992; Nowak et al., 2004).· Such models generate quite simple results that can be understood quite easily. However, un¬ fortunately, the opposite side of this simplicity is a sketchy understanding of the price paid by the altruists (the cost of the altruistic acts), as well as a limited repertoire of the possible behavior reactions in the situation of social interaction. Such limitations have been eliminated in the model that has been proposed by Burtsev and Turchin (2006). Their model does not only aliow to estimate conditions, under which one behavior strategy replaces another within the process of evolution, but also makes it possible to reproduce the very process that generates new strategies on the basis of a wide spec¬ trum of available possibilities. The evolutionary approach regards the charily as a multifunctional phenomenon. Its essence cannot be reduced exclusively to manifestations of a pure (true, unselfish) altruism. Such behaviors could be versions of kin altruism, or delayed reciprocal altru¬ ism, and in the meantime they can serve some egoistic (selfish) aims: to raise one s so¬ cial prestige and status, to secure social partnership, to attract potential sexual partners, and so on. We try to interpret the interactions between alms-seekers and alms-givers in the frameworks of the kin altruism theory (Hamilton, 1964), the reciprocal altruism theory (Trivers, 1971), the demonstration hypothesis (Hawkes, 1990), and the repro¬ ductive success theory (Trivers, 1972; Buss, Schmitt, 1993; Goldberg, 1995). Among hunter-gatherers and horticulturalists one observes a wide-spread phenom¬ enon of the sharing of meat obtained by hunting. Such altruistic acts are interpreted SUMMARY 261 by many scholars as manifestations of reciprocal altruism. On the other hand, some students of hunter-gatherers pay attention to the facts indicating that the sharing of scarce valuable resources (in particular, meat) frequently resembles attempts by suc¬ cessful hunters to demonstrate their masculine qualities (the demonstration hypoth¬ esis) (Hawkes, 1990). Such a demonstration let a hunter raise his social status and enhance his reproductive opportunities: contrary to wide-spread beliefs, the men hunt not to provide food for their families, but rather to share the obtained meat among the others (outside their families) with evident sexual motives (Hawkes, 1990; 1991). This hypothesis is confirmed by field observations among the Hadza in Tanzania, the !Kung Bushmen, the Ache in Paraguay, the Hiwi in Venezuela, and the Torres Straits aborigines (Bliege-Bird, Bird, 1997; Blurton Jones, 1997; Gurven et al, 2000; Kaplan et al, 2000). As usual, the men specialize in hunting some concrete game species and gradually become skilled experts who know the respective species habits, the places were respective animals can be found and the optimum ways to hunt them. Successful hunters attract everybody s attention and approval, which guarantees to them a wider circle of potential sexual partner among the females, and potential allies among the males (Hawkes, 1993). We believe that the demonstrative behavior hypothesis is quite applicable to the modern situation, though, of course, the alms-givers perform their demonstration up to a considerable degree subconsciously. It is also quite reasonable to suppose that the probability that our acquaintances will see our benefaction is rather low. However, a charitable action raise one s own status in the mind of an alms-giver and makes it possible for her or him to feel more self-confident; and if one gives alms systematically, his or her behavior will be sooner or later noticed by the other (includ¬ ing those who know the alms-giver personally) and will contribute to the formation of one s more positive social image. This hypothesis is confirmed by our field observa¬ tions in Moscow and Prague (persons with higher incomes give alms significantly more frequently than those with lower incomes). In the period of hard economic crises, wars, natural disasters (droughts, volcano eruptions, tsunamis, etc.), pandemics (e.g., the medieval Black Death pandemic) the number of beggars grows dramatically, and the possibilities of social help decrease. Within such situations charitable structures start applying the principle of selective help. As one would expect on the basis of the evolutionary theory, the first factor de¬ termining those who deserves help is the group affiliation (here the laws of reciprocal and kin altruism come into play). As was mentioned above, in medieval Europe (e.g., in Germany) a sharp distinction was made between our beggars (that is beggars belonging to the given town community) and the alien beggars (foreigners, vaga¬ bonds, personnel of nomadic circuses, nomadic petty craftsmen, begging peasants from neighboring villages). The same principle was applied in Czechoslovakia in the 1920s and 1 930s and Russia before the Revolution (the benefactors preferred to help concrete known poor people, whereas the priests tried to distribute the collected alms between their parishioners and not any alien begging vagabonds. The factor of ours versus aliens remains determinant in the present days: our field research in Moscow and 262 SUMMARY Prague indicates that the inhabitants of these cities prefer to give alms to those who are more similar to them physically and who is closed in accordance to the local cultural traditions (Butovskaya et al, 2000a; Butovskaya, Diakonov, Salter, 2002; Butovskaya et al., 2004). The clear preference for the ours can be also interpreted in the framework of the theory of delayed reciprocity (the old people worked and fought for the sake of our group when they were young, and now they deserve our care in return). It is high¬ ly remarkable than in Moscow of our days the elderly men frequently seek alms be¬ ing dressed in military uniforms with their military decorations and medals on them, whereas young male invalids exploit heavily images of heroes of the Afghan, or Chech¬ en wars (Butovskaya et al, 2004). One cannot avoid paying attention to a regularity that is common for all cultures: the leading factor stimulating the alms-giving is the state of the alms-seeker. In all the cultures invalids, ill and feeble-minded, or infirm elderly people provoke sympathy and compassion. This point was noticed by our respondents in all the countries that we studied (Russia, the Czech Republic, Italy, Rumania, Tanzania, Indonesia, Egypt). In all the countries (though this is actively suppressed by the state services) the beg¬ gars try to exploit the ¡mage of a baby (that could be a baby in its mother s hands, or small children around her), near churches we frequently find begging invalid or feeble¬ minded children. Here we confront a rather effective application by the beggars of the baby scheme (ethologists have shown that the image of a baby provokes among adults a subconscious feeling of warmness and sympathy, a desire to help) (Бутовская, 2004a; Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1989). In those places where the exploitation of children for these purposes is effectively prohibited, the beggars start using pet kids {e.g., puppies and kittens) that serve as surrogates for the baby scheme (modern Russia, the Czech Republic, Italy, Germany, the USA, Canada and other developed countries). Direct longitudinal observations of the alms-seeking dynamics indicate that the individual begging strategies experience gradual evolution and become more effective both due to the accumulation of a beggar s own experience and due the exchange of experience with other beggars (transmission of traditions within a subculture), as well as by the application of advice given by the sympathizing public (both alms-giv¬ ers and observers). Exchange of valuable information is an example of reciprocal altruism among the beggars themselves. As has been shown by some researchers, the exchange of valuable information that raises one s individual success in the search for valuable resources is one of the manifestations of reciprocal altruism in human groups (Palmer, 1991). The cooperation between the beggars is also realized in a number of other ways: the distribution of working time at a profitable place , the sharing of the beggars attributes - one beggars could borrow a puppy from the others (we ob¬ served such cases in Russia, the Czech Republic, and Italy), or even a child (mostly this practice is used by the European and Asian Gypsies). Finally, many beggars form a sort of communes: they live together, spend together their spare time, and, what is very important, they share their incomes. The more successful bread-winners treat SUMMARY 263 the others to food and alcoholic drinks (we observed such cases directly on numerous occasions in Prague and Florence). In this case we observe a reproduction of the model of food-sharing among the hunter-gatherers and horticulturalists with all its possible consequences (Hames, 1990). Those who share more frequently acquire a higher status within the given subculture and, consequently, some advantages (various services or a more favorable attitude on the part of female members of the group). The last point might be rather important, as, according to our observations, in most cities were we did our fieldwork (Prague, Bucharest, and Florence) the number of male beggars exceeded the one of female beggars. In addition to the universal psychological mechanisms that function in the frame¬ work of the module brain, a positive response to the beggars behavior is also con¬ nected with culturally specific behavior models. For Prague such an effective culturally specific mode of begging has turned out to be connected with a special begging pose (kneeling with basing oneself on one s elbows and putting down one s hand: demon¬ stration of the extreme submission). For Moscow thjs is the use of carton plates with the information on the causes of one s distress, fìlli with emotional epithets that stimulate the empathy of the passers-by. In Bucharest this is begging by whole families with children (these were mostly impoverished migrants from the rural areas). In Florence (Italy is known as a country with pronounced traditions of philoprogenitiveness) these are images of a pregnant mother with many children (it is widely used by local gypsies) and an elderly ill person. The phenomenon of sharing in subcultures of beggars not connected with each oth¬ er by kinship ties demands a special discussion, and in this case the application of the evolutionary theories of sharing and altruism appears rather appropriate. The redistri¬ bution of the obtained resources supports the social status within the beggars commu¬ nity and limits the probability of theft and violence within the we-group . The causes of the resource sharing in the beggars groups are well accounted for by Blurton-Jones (1984) model that was denoted as the one of Tolerated Theft and proposed earlier for the hunter-gatherers. Its essence is that for a successful hunter it is rather costly to guard and protect his bag from his hungry kin, whereas it is much more advantageous for him to share it. Firstly, the meat cannot be preserved for a long time and it is very difficult to store it; secondly, it is very difficult to guard it, let alone that it implies the constant presence around the place where the meat is stored; finally, the results of hunt¬ ing activities are usually fairly unpredictable, and the successful hunter of today may need his neighbor s help tomorrow. Our data on the interactions between the alms-seekers and alms-givers, the analysis of the psychological state of new beggars and interviews with the alms-givers suggest that the demographic situation with beggars in Moscow and Prague varies in time. In the early 1990s we observe a rapid growth of the number of beggars, the influx of the refugees from the former Soviet republics, and the exploitation by beggars of the images of burnt down persons , victims of floods and civil wars. For this period the reaction of the ordinary citizens can be characterized as gullibility with respect to the 264 SUMMARY mythological narratives of beggars and clear sympathy. The beggars were regarded as members of the same society, as belonging to our group . Active positive response to begging reflected deeply embedded socialist egalitarian stereotypes. Many of our respondents felt uncomfortable when they saw poorly dressed people who asked for bread and help - which can be interpreted as an unconscious attempt to hold up the infragroup stratification of society manifested in the growing differences in the level of life and appearance. However, with the growth of the number of those beggars who exploited the strategies of, say, burnt down people , robbed , refugees from the war areas , veterans/invalids of the Afghan/Chechen war the citizens compassion decreased. This phenomenon is accounted for rather well by the theory of identification of the free-riders exploiting the altruistic motivations of the others. When the number of cheaters exceeds a critical threshold, the resource sharing with them stops, and we observe the action of the mechanism of the group divestiture. The analysis of the modern beggary in Russia indicates that the new beggars mostly reproduce this practice as it existed in the Russian society before the Revolution (Ануфриев, 1911; Голосенко, 1996; Левенстим, 1900; Прыжов, 1997; Butovskaya, Diakonov, Smirnov, Salter, 2000). The presence of strategies and practices of beggary that are stable in time and the continuity of the beggary archetypes is confirmed by our data collected in the Czech Republic, Rumania, and Italy, as well as by materials collected by other researchers in Poland (Butovskaya et al., 2004 a,b; Rheinheimer, 2003;Vancatova et al., 2003). The analytical review of the history of beggary in China also indicates a cultural continuity of the basic begging strategies and the social attitude toward beggars (Матиньен, 1914; Lu, 1999). These facts are not surprising: in additional to universal signals (both non-verbal and verbal) indicating one s need for help, each culture has a complex system of cul¬ tural codes that is comprehensible for its members from their childhood. Such codes are deeply embedded in everybody s mind and form a part of her or his personality; they are tightly interwoven in one s mind with the life aspiration of the individual and largely determine one s interaction with the others. The aim of this book is to study the beggary phenomenon as a complex cultural phenomenon supported by fundamental mechanisms of behavior of humans as social beings. We have traced the historical roots of beggary in Russia, Western Europe and China in order to demonstrate the cross-cultural similarities of this phenomenon. Our analysis of the modern beggary models and the beggary practices of the past indicate the archetypicality of this phenomenon and the presence of the fundamental ethologi- cal roots of this phenomenon. Naturally, we have not managed to dot all i s and to give answers to all the relevant questions. We have touched just the peak of an iceberg; however, we hope that the presented materials and theoretical discussions on the nature of beggary will stimulate our colleagues and students to start intensive research in the anthropology of beggary that will make it possible to identify new factors of the inter¬ action between the beggars* subculture and the larger society that we have missed in this monograph.
adam_txt	ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ ВВЕДЕНИЕ . 9 Ошва ¡, ИСТОРИЯ НИЩЕНСТВА (РОССИЯ, ЕВРОПА И АЗИЯ) . 13 МЕЖДУ ВОСТОКОМ И ЗАПАДОМ . 13 РОССИЯ . 13 История взаимоотношения нищих и общества . 14 Система благотворительных практик в дореволюционной России . 14 Численность нищих в дореволюционной России . 18 Структура сообщества нищих в дореволюционной России . 20 Географическое распределение нищих в дореволюционной России . 22 Нищенство как поведенческая специализация в дореволюционной России: феномен нищенских гнезд . 23 Стратегии профессионального нищенства в дореволюционной России . 28 Причины большого распространения нищенства в дореволюционной России . 32 Этнографические факторы нищенства в дореволюционной России . 37 Нищие-дети . 38 НИЩЕНСТВО В ЕВРОПЕ . 41 ЧЕХИЯ . 41 История взаимоотношения нищих и общества . 41 Система благотворительных практик . 41 Численность нищих в Чехословацкой Республике . 45 Причины большого распространения нищенства в Чехословацкой Республике в 30-ые годы XX в . 47 Деятельность полицейского управления по искоренению нищенства . 47 Нищие в Праге и отношение к ним граждан в 30-ых годах XX в . 49 Стратегии и портреты профессиональных нищих в Чехословацкой Республике . 50 Ночлежки и нищие в Чехословацкой Республике . 52 Нищие-дети в Чехословацкой Республике и социальная помощь им . 52 РАЗВИТИЕ СИСТЕМЫ ПРИЗРЕНИЯ НИЩИХ В ЗАПАДНОЙ ЕВРОПЕ . 55 НИЩЕНСТВО В АЗИИ (КИТАЙ) . 61 История формирования группы нищих в Китае . 61 Китайский нищий как мистическая фигура . 67 ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ Причины перехода в социальную группу нищих в Китае (по материалам первой половины XX в.) . 69 Стратегии нищенства в Китае XIX - начала XX вв . 70 Места проживания нищих . 72 Нищие в современном Китае . 73 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ . 74 Глава 2. СОВРЕМЕННОЕ НИЩЕНСТВО В РОССИИ И ВОСТОЧНОЙ ЕВРОПЕ: ОБЩАЯ ХАРАКТЕРИСТИКА, СТРУКТУРА ГРУППЫ, СТРАТЕГИИ ПОВЕДЕНИЯ . 76 НИЩИЕ В РОССИИ . 76 Анализ надписей на табличках . 76 Городские нищие в России: итоги этологических полевых исследований . 82 Вагонные нищие . 84 Соотношение разных категорий нищих в различных видах транспорта . 87 Стратегии попрошайничества . 88 А ктивная агрессия . 88 Пение и игра на инструментах как релизер «реципрокного альтруизма» . 89 Отстраненное (неэмоциональное) поведение . 90 Чистота и опрятность как фактор успешности нищего . 91 Взаимосвязь успешности нищего с его стратегиями поведения иэтничностью . 91 Половые различия в этническом фаворитизме . 93 НИЩИЕ В ПРАГЕ . 94 НИЩИЕ ВО ФЛОРЕНЦИИ: КТО ОНИ? . 98 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ . 106 Глава 3. НИЩЕНСТВО: ВЗГЛЯД ИЗНУТРИ . 112 КРОСС-КУЛЬТУРНОЕ СРАВНЕНИЕ АВТОБИОГРАФИЧЕСКОЙ ИНФОРМАЦИИ О ЛЮДЯХ, ПРОСЯЩИХ МИЛОСТЫНЮ: РОССИЯ, РУМЫНИЯ, ЧЕХИЯ . 112 ИСТОРИИ ЖИЗНИ И ПСИХОЛОГИЧЕСКИЕ ОСОБЕННОСТИ ЛЮДЕЙ, ПРОСЯЩИХ МИЛОСТЫНЮ . 119 Россия . 119 Чехия . 132 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ . 144 Глава 4. СРЕДНЕАЗИАТСКИЕ ЦЫГАНЕ: ИСТОРИЯ И СОВРЕМЕННОСТЬ {ММ, Бутовская, В.Н. Шестакова) . 146 В условиях современного мегаполиса . 146 В дореволюционный период . 147 Происхождение . 149 Общая характеристика: внешний вид, язык, религия, ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ образ жизни . 151 Семейно-брачные традиции и устройство общины . 153 Политика советской власти по отношению к среднеазиатским цыганам . 153 Среднеазиатские цыгане в современном российском мегаполисе . 154 Семейные установки и стратегии репродуктивного поведения . 159 Брачный возраст . 165 Выбор брачного партнера . 166 Родительский вклад . 172 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ . 185 Глава 5. ПСИХОЛОГИЧЕСКИЕ ОСОБЕННОСТИ ЛЮДЕЙ, ПРОСЯЩИХ МИЛОСТЫНЮ . 186 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ . 204 Глава 6. НИЩИЕ КАК СТИГМАТИЗИРОВАННАЯ ГРУППА: ВОСПРИЯТИЕ ГРУППЫ НИЩИХ В ОБЩЕСТВЕ (РОССИЯ И ВОСТОЧНАЯ ЕВРОПА) . 206 Влияние пола, возраста, социального статуса и этнической принадлежности на склонность к подаянию милостыни нищим . 206 Почему нищие успешны в анонимном обществе . 212 Тендерные различия . 213 Подаяние милостыни людьми с высоким статусом - кросс-культурная универсальная тенденция? . 214 Характеристики нищих, лежащие в основе успеха: подтверждение теории этнического непотизма . 215 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ . 216 Глава 7. МОТИВАЦИОННЫЕ МЕХАНИЗМЫ ПОДАЯНИЯ МИЛОСТЫНИ: КРОСС-КУЛЬТУРНОЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЕ (РОССИЯ И ЧЕХИЯ) . 217 Дифференцированность восприятия различных категорий нищих в России и Чехии . 223 Основные показатели, характеризующие образ нищего в России и Чехии . 227 ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ . 234 Глава 8. НИЩИЕ В ОБЩЕСТВЕ: ЭВОЛЮЦИОННЫЕ ТЕОРИИ КАК ТЕОРЕТИЧЕСКАЯ БАЗА ДЛЯ ИНТЕРПРЕТАЦИИ ФЕНОМЕНА ПОПРОШАЙНИЧЕСТВА . 238 SUMMARY . 250 ЛИТЕРАТУРА . 265 SUMMARY Introduction This book analyzes the phenomenon of begging in past and present. We are trying to show its essence and to reveal the etiological, psychological, and cultural mecha¬ nisms that secure the positive response to the beggars' requests for help on the part of representatives of the wider society. The very act of begging is extremely ancient. It is know for all the time üíq humankind exists; what is more, it might be even more ancient than the humankind itself- for example, the begging for meat is known among the chimpanzees, our closest relatives (Бутовская, Файнберг, 1993; Бутовская, Сухова, Кузнецова, 1998). The sharing of meat among the band members in the hunter-gather¬ ers is a corner-stone of their culture and it is strictly observed with respect to all the group members, both relatives and non-relatives. Within the context of their contacts with food-producing societies many hunter-gatherer groups get marginalized and some of their members (or even whole bands) start to beg in a rather active way among their neighbors, agriculturalists and herders, or to beg for money, food, or cloths among the European tourists. Thus, for example, those Bushmen, Bak Pygmies, or Hadza who changed their traditional way of life to a sort of marginalized existence as hired person¬ nel, or those being "sedentarized" by local governments, whom the governments disac¬ customed to get their subsistence by themselves with their "crumbs". A sort of "facul¬ tative begging" could be performed by whole rural communities; they could move to the cities to do this "trade" between the busy seasons of their agricultural activities. A clear example for this is provided by the beggars of present-day Addis Ababa (as will be shown below, analogous facultative strategies were also observed with respect to some villages of the Russian Empire, Western Europe, and China). in the modern worid a new forms of successful begging become possible; they employ modern sophisticated technological means, in particular the Internet. In the World-Wide Web one can find a sort of "beggars' sites" where one can place his or her supplication for financial help. One may beg money in the Internet for various purposes - to pay for one's study in a university, to perform a surgery (even a cosmetic one), to pay for one's dears' funerals, to help a child. One may even get across rather astonish¬ ing supplications: to help to cover one's mortgage, to make a round-the-globe journey, or even . to by a "Hummer" vehicle! In feet, what is surprising are not such requests tliemselves; what is really surprising that those supplicants manage to find those who SUMMARY 251 are ready to provide help for them. One of the first Internet users who took advantage of this scheme to raise funds for one's education was a Chinese youth. He placed at one of the Internet sites an open letter asking each user to provide him with a modest financial help by transferring to his account just $1. The results were beyond any expectations. The number of sympathizers turned out to be so great, that the aspiring student's ac¬ count accumulated $1,000,000. It is evident that the need of modern people to perform charitable acts turns out to be so acute that they are ready to make donations to an anonymous Internet user, even having never met him or her face to face. In the post-industrial era people's ways of life experience extremely rapid changes; we observe fast transformations of the means of production, technological opportuni¬ ties at one's working place and home environment. In modern post- industria I society a human becomes autonomized, we observe the break of family ties, a sharp limitation of contacts even with very close relatives (parents - children, sibling - sibling). However, the active response to the supplications for help does not reduce. It is very probable that altruism should be regarded as one of the fundamental human essences that has solid innate predispositions. The human need for cooperation and reciprocity is so great that modern people are ready to perform charitable acts with respect to unknown people, to donate anonymously to those whom they will never meet again (and if meet they will not recognize them anyway). It is easy to find in academic and popular literature numerous reproaches toward ethologists and evolutionary psychologists (sociobiologists) expressing the disagree¬ ment with the latter's statements on the natural basis for the human aggression and egoism (Лоренц, 2001; Докннз, 1993). However, ethoJogists also maintain that the natural basis also exists for the human cooperative and altruistic behavior. Numerous models of the evolution of altruism proposed in the recent decades by the students of the evolution of behavior differentiate many versions of this behavior and propose to account for it on the basis of the notions of individual and group selection (Axelrod, Hamilton, 1981 ; Bateson et al., 1987; Boyd et al., 2003; Gintis 2000; O'Gorman et al., 2005; Wiessner, 2005). In this book it will be shown that the beggars do not form a uni¬ fied community of the marginalized people, and the donors' behavior is different with respect to different groups of donors. Charitable behavior toward different categories of beggars has fundamentally different motifs (or, frequently, complexes of motifs) and needs different interpretation. Modern theories of altruism will be used in this book to account for various begging strategies and the selectivity in providing help on the part of different categories of people (men and women, students, working age people, pen¬ sioners, military and non-military personnel, representatives of local population and migrants). In recent 15 years the beggary became a usual phenomenon in Russia and the other countries of the former USSR, as well as in all the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The beggars themselves formed a special social group with its own economic strategy and specific form of employment, its own rales of-behavior and traditions (Dean, Melrose, 1999, p.84), a group that re-appeared within the. context of post-social- 252 SUMMARY ist realities. Our analysis of modern beggary in Russia indicates that the "new beggars" repro¬ duce in its main features the practices that existed in the pre-revolution Russian soci¬ ety (Butovskaya et al., 2000). Similar conclusions on the presence of stable strategies and practices of beggary in time and the continuity of the beggary archetypes can be arrived at when one studies this phenomenon in the Czech Republic, Rumania, and Poland (Butovskaya et al., 2004 a,b; Rheinheimer, 2003;Vancatova et al., 2003). This books confirms the presence of a distinct historical-cultural continuity of the beggary strategies with respect to Russia and the Czech Republic. We also compare our results with historical and modern data on other countries of Central Europe, as well as the countries of Western Europe and Asia (first of all China) (Ануфриев, 1911 ; Голосенко, 1996; Левенстим, 1900; Матиньен, 1914; Прыжов, 1997; Butovskaya et al., 2004 a,b; Misra, 1971; Rheinheimer, 2003; Lu, 1999; Vancatova et al, 2003). IIyasov and Plotnikova maintain that «for the 1990s we have grounds to consider beggary as one of the forms of employment « (Ильясов, Плотникова, 1994, с. 150). As will be shown in this book, our data confirm this statement in a rather unequivocal way. The persons practicing beggary may do this by groups (as is done, for example, by Asian Gypsies who come to Moscow and St.Petersburg for a sort of seasonal employ¬ ment by large kin groups), but they could have a relatively individuai "business" (in this case some beggars may avoid informing their relatives of the real nature of their activities, the real source of their income). Chapter 1 History of Begging (Russia, Europe, Asia) Our historical analysis of the phenomenon of beggary in Russia, Central and West¬ ern Europe, as well as China makes it possible to arrive at a number of generalizations on the causes of the development of this phenomenon and its subsequent stable repro¬ duction. Beggary as a mass phenomenon develops as a result of the sharp worsening of eco¬ nomic situation in a given country (that could be caused by catastrophic crop failures, natural disasters, production crises etc.) and socio-political cataclysms (wars, sharp policy changes by the elites, revolutions, and so on). Under these circumstances a sub¬ stantial part of beggars is constituted by refugees, uprooted and totally impoverished former peasants, craftsmen and lower urban strata. They tend to beg by whole families. Refugees from distant areas tend to move to cities in big groups consisting of close and distant relatives, as well as their neighbors. With the normalization of situation and the appearance of possibilities of getting stable incomes in the productive sector, such forced beggars tend to return to their native places and to resume their usual activities. Unfortunately, a part of this mass "acquires taste" for beggary style of life and SUMMARY 253 moves to the category of professional beggars who do not want to work in the productive sector any more. Among the factors that contribute to the making of such a decision are personal characteristics of an individual (his or her natural laziness, lack of responsibility, dis¬ like of any firm working schedules, tendencies toward alcoholism and gambling, and so on). However, socio-economic factors are of no less importance in this respect (and the state administration frequently does not want to notice them): in some cases, the income got for honest (and sometimes very tiresome) daily work turns out to be signifi¬ cantly lower than the income from beggary. Meanwhile it is important to understand that such a situation is not accounted for by allegedly high incomes of the beggars (though mass media in modern Russia and the Czech Republic often portray the situ¬ ation just in this way). The actual situation is just the opposite: the beggars' incomes are rather low, but, unfortunately, the "honest" incomes frequently turn out to be even lower. Essentially, the formation of the social group of professional beggars frequently turns out to be a result of ineffective economic policies, when it becomes unprofitable to work, because the payment for work does not provide for basic needs of a worker (and his or her family, if he or she is the only bread-winner (that is, payment for one's work turns out to be below the minimum cost of living). Historical, data indicate the presence of some universais in the society's attitudes toward the beggars: during the periods of economic and political stability the chari¬ table activities are supported by society: social prestige of the benefactors substantially grows (it is, for example, supported by the Church, as was observed in Russia before the Revolution, or the medieval Holy Roman Empire before the Reformation). We will further show that donation of gifts, and sharing of food and other resources that are wide spread in all the traditional cultures, starting with hunter-gatherers (Mocc, 1996; Hawkes, 1991,1993; Hawkes, O'Connell, Blurton-Jones, 2001; Marlowe, 1999; Price, 2003; Smith, Bliege Bird, 2000; Wiessner, 2002) have a number of traits that are simi¬ lar to the modern charitable schemes. Chapter 2 Modern Begging in Russia and Eastern Europe: General Characteristics, Group Structure, Behavior Strategies The beggary is a wide-spread practice in the whole of the modern world. Success of begging practices in the anonymous environment can be explained with the help of modern ethological theory. People tend to respond to universal species-specific ges¬ tures and images as altruism releasers (Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1989). A powerful stimulus is represented by an image of a baby, or a little child. This is especially typical for women. It has been demonstrated that if a pram stands near the border of a street, passing worn- 254 _ SUMMARY en turn their heads in its direction more frequently than man do (Schleidt et al., 1980). Such experiments with children resemble the images used by beggars as stimulators of help motivation. Many releasers used by beggars are effective notwithstanding any eth¬ nic and racial borders, because all the ethnic groups and races belong to the Homo sapi¬ ens sapiens species and share common fundamental phenotype and behavior repertoire. There are some cultural foundations for the providing of help to strangers from one's own ethnic group, or the other ethnic groups. As has been demonstrated in a number of studies (including our own study), the beggary is wide-spread in all the large cities of Russia, including Moscow and St. Petersburg. At least four possible explanations can be proposed in order to account for this fact: 1) interethnic solidarity may be stimulated by the ancient cultural tradition of reciprocity that is typical for any agricultural society, whereas Russia was an agricultural country until rather recent times. As is well known, these were precisely the feelings of duty and solidarity that served as the main motifs to provide help to beggars in traditional agricultural societies (D'Hondt, Vandewiele, 1984); 2) the Orthodox Christianity insist on the importance of compassion towards beggars. Christianity, Islam, and Judaism consider the alms-giving as benefaction, and alms-givers maintain that they follow the ancient tradition to he!p the others (Gmelch, Gmelch, 1978; Shichor, Ellis, 1981); 3) Socialist values (such as collectivism and egal- itarianism) are still strong in Russia, the Czech Republic, or Rumania. On the other hand, the social attitude toward the beggars is rather ambivalent, as the sympathy with often transforms into frustration, and the desire to help beggars leads in a paradoxical way to the active avoidance of meetings with them; 4) finally, as has been shown above, the releasers exploited by the beggars may be regarded as species-specific; hence, they act irrespective of ethnic boundaries, especially when they signal vulnerability of the given age and ethnic categories, or actual need (hunger, wound, etc.). As all the people, the beggars get integrated into society by choosing an appropriate behavior repertoire, in the meantime basing themselves on their intuitive knowledge of the altruism releasers. In our sample of Moscow beggars who worked in the carriages of the underground and sub-urban trains most were women. Most men were not healthy physically. Among the three ethnic groups described by us with respect to Moscow, only the Russian sample was represented by all the age and gender categories. We found only Russian and Moidovan beggars in the subway. In the meantime the gypsies (who demonstrate the most pronounced differences from Russians with respect to their appearance) were mostly female children. Our data indicate a high degree of favoritism with respect to the representatives of one's own ethnic group in comparison with the beggars from the other ethnic groups. It was found that every ethnic group has a spe¬ cific image and a specific set of techniques. Similar results were obtained with respect to the Gypsy and Rumanian beggars in Bucharest (B. Croitore and C. Strungaru, per¬ sonal communication, 1999). Behavior strategies of Russians in Moscow are the most diverse, however, the style of active personalization is the most frequent, whereas the submission style is much more rare. The Gypsies' behavior is the most ritualized and depersonalized. The Moldovans emphasize their refugee status, that is the lack of ac- SUMMARY 255 commodation and money for food; they used culture-specific means of addressing the audience, including first of all the personal addressing and submissive behavior. Our conclusions on the leading alms-giving stimuli obtained with respect to the Moscow sample of beggars are mostly confirmed by data collected in Prague, Bucha¬ rest, and Florence (Photographs 2.53-2,54). We found the universal character of such releasers as the children age, and helplessness due to invalidity and old age (Photo¬ graphs 2.55-2.57). In Prague where the begging by children is prohibited by law, pets (first of all kittens and puppies) often play the role of identical stimulus, by provok¬ ing unconscious maternal feelings among the women. Contrary to this, in Bucharest packed with beggars from rural areas who worked by whole families pets are never used in order to stir the pity of potential alms-givers. In all the cities that we have stud¬ ied the ethnic factor plays a statistically significant role in the beggars1 success. Chapter 3 Begging: Look from Inside A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Autobiographic Information of Alms-Seekers: Russia, Rumania, the Czech Republic Interviews with beggars and their nanve stories on the realities of their contempo¬ rary lives and their past cannot leave anybody indifferent. In most cases, according to autobiographies, these people were decent citizens, they worked or studied made plans for future, and these plans did not include any perspectives of beggary as a mode of their subsistence. Many respondents became beggars in conditions of radical social transformation. Some "new beggars" moved to this way of life, because their scanty pensions were not sufficient for their survival. Some others became beggars after they had been expropriated by swindlers. Still others failed to obtain new qualifications and jobs after their enterprises (collective farms, agricultural cooperatives) where they had been working for many years were closed. Only a small percentage of beggars can be classified as "true parasites" who do not want to work and who have never worked. Our sample include beggars not only with a secondary, but even higher education who failed (due to various reasons) to get adapted to new realities. Fiction and reality are tightly intertwined in a single narrative of a beggar. Myths co-exist side by side with true facts of real life. It is not infrequent when story-tell¬ ers are consistent in their narratives: we have an impression that having started their fantasies they get involved in their stories, and as true fiction writers they get captured by their own stories and try to correspond to the created image. A few typical motifs can be identified within these stories: I . A story-teller starts with the memories of the happy past not obscured by anything that is interrupted by social transformations in the respective country, death of their relatives (the family bread-winners), whereby the author fails to adapt to the new situation; 2. Bad and good alms-givers populate the 256 SUMMARY stories. There is a "guardian angel" (for example, in the form of a young businessman) who regularly donates to an old female beggar large sums of money; 3. A story-teller complains of his or her unfortunate existence and her or his inability to find a job; 4. In a number of stories we find whole miracle tales about supernatural luck in the field of beggary. Within this series one may mention such stories as one relating how an old female beggar managed to save money for a car (a house, an apartment) for her nephew, or how a young female beggar got a marriage proposal on the part of a rich foreigner, or how a young male beggar was adopted by a businessman. Folklore-mythological motifs on the possibility for beggars to achieve happiness and wealth are wide-spread within the beggars' subculture and appear to have a function to "console" them. It is in no way surprising that among the beggars we got across quite a number of people with evident psychiatric dysfunctions. Their narratives resembled a sort of de¬ tective stories, but they differed from a normal beggar mythmaking by an inconsistency of their plots. Chapter 4 Central Asian Gypsies in Conditions of Modern Megapolis The data that we collected among the Central Asian Gypsies in Moscow in 1998— 2001 and 2005-2006 make it possible to make certain conclusions regarding their way of life, social structure, marriage relations and parental behavior in modern conditions, as well as their relations with other ethnic groups. The Lyuli tend to keep to their tra¬ ditional family patterns in Moscow as they do in their homeland, in Central Asia. The presence of this ethnic group in a new environment does not affect their strategies of reproductive behavior because of their social isolation and the marginal status of this group. It is likely that the age of marriage and the marriage mate choice models will remain intact among them. According to our respondents all the marriages are made in their homeland, for this purpose the Gypsy tupan always return to Central Asia. The at¬ titude towards the Centra! Asian Gypsies on the part of their Central Asian neighbors is negative, first of all because of their beggary practices. AH our Tajik and Uzbek respon¬ dents maintained that they would never get married to a lyuli. If such an attitude continues, the Central Asian Gypsies will remain a closed endogamous group for a long time. Chapter 5 Psychological Peculiarities of Alms-Seekers Our analysis of the beggars' psychological portraits indicates the following: 1. The beggary lifestyle leads to the development in a beggar of a negative (stigmatizing) SUMMARY 257 stereotype of the beggars' group. The basis for its development appears to be formed by the attitude to beggars on the part of the wider society; 2. With the accumulation of the alms-seeking experience a beggar tends to develop a certain "disidentification" with the beggars' group with respect to all the main personal characteristics; 3. One's identification with a group implies a continuous process of one's personal subjective values with the values of the respective group. The avoidance to perform such reflexive activities impedes one's integration into the respective group already at the first stages of this process and provokes the development of a marginal identity; 4. The alms-seek¬ ing leads to significant negative changes in the emotional-value sphere of the elderly beggars; 5. The specter of emotional feelings among the beggars is dominated by the feelings of helplessness, despair, being doomed and self-accusation. The beggars ap¬ pear to have a depressive emotional status; 6. The value system of the female beggars can be identified as impoverished and being in the state of crisis. The family still re¬ mains a significant value for them; 7.The alms-seeking practices are connected with the stigmatizaţi on of a beggar by the wider society, which leads to the break-down of stable self-identification. Chapter 6 Beggars as a Stigmatized Group: Perception of the Beggars by the Wider Society (Russia and Eastern Europe) Our data indicate the presence of significant gender differences as regards the at¬ titude toward beggars. Women are more inclined to give alms because of the direct sympathy, whereas men more frequently give alms basing themselves on their group identity and cultural stereotypes. Social status of our respondents is also a major deter¬ minant with respect to charitable acts toward beggars. People with a higher social status tend to give alms more frequently than people with a lower social status. Ethnic nepo¬ tism with respect to beggars is more typical for male rather than female respondents. These results correlate very well with the results of observations of interaction within the pairs of alms-seekers and alms-givers. Chapter 7 Motivation Mechanisms of the Alms-Giving: A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Russia and the Czech Republic In this chapter we make generalizations on motivation mechanisms of the alms¬ giving and identify the models of the attitude toward "other" that have formed by now 258 SUMMARY within the Russian and Czech cultures. In the Russian society a beggar is understood both as a passive victim of the state (in this case the alms-giver tends to identify herself or himself with the beggar) and as a threatening, socially dangerous person: a mafia member, a swindler, a drug-dealer. The beggary implies a special attitude toward the work and property that is typical within any postindustrial economic system. A beg¬ gar finds himself or herself beyond the border of the commonly accepted standards. The characteristics that we found with respect to the attitude of the society toward the beggar's "otherness" correlate rather well with the results obtained by Tverdohleb (Твердохлеб 2002) with respect to the attitudes toward people with psychiatric disor¬ ders. In the minds of our respondents the degree of atypicality and strangeness of the beggars was comparable with the one of the people with psychiatric disorders. These results indicate in a rather clear way the degree of psychological distance between the ordinary members of our society and the alms-seekers. In the Czech Republic we found other models of the attitude toward beggars. Such forms of the attitude toward "Other" imply the value of individual experience irrespective of its correspondence to one's own mode of existence. Chapter 8 Beggars in Society: Evolutionary Theories as a Theoretical Basis for Interpretation of the Phenomenon of the Begging The beggary phenomenon is usually analyzed in historical, sociological, and socio- anthropological perspectives (Голосенко 1996; see the part considering the history of begging). Most frequently anthropologists analyze this phenomenon from the posi¬ tions of cultural relativism. We can find detailed analyses of the beggary phenomenon in individual cultures that take into consideration concrete cultural traditions, ethical norms and religious ideas (Brown, 1991). The beggary is considered as a form of em¬ ployment of a part of the population, whereas the begging strategies are interpreted by some scholars in the framework of Hoffmann's theory of the drama of social interac¬ tion. The beggars perform as a sort of theater actors, successfully exploiting the feel¬ ings of compassion and sympathy of the ordinary population (Кудрявцева, 2001). In the recent decades in North America, Europe, and Russia we observe a wide diffusion of the begging on the part of young members of informal youth groups (hippies, punks, etc.). It is quite frequent when a groups of young people with dogs hitch-hikes through various cities of Europe and America, performing simple music with guitars and other musical instruments, singing modern and folklore music, and begging. In some cases we observe a certain division of functions: some members of the group perform music, and the other (one or two members) "ask" the passers-by. The "askers" move around SUMMARY 259 listeners and collect money, seeking alms from the passers-by. Sometimes the "askers"' behavior may become explicitly importunate. The interactionist approach developed by ethologists and evolutionary psycholo¬ gists makes it possible to evaluate the beggars' behavior and to understand the basic factors that make such strategies possible and successful. We analyze our own field data within this approach. Taking into consideration the fact that the human behavior was formed under the influence of evolutionary factors and can be considered as a result of interaction between the evolving psychological mechanisms and environment (Buss, 1996; Dunbar, 1999; Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1989; Tooby, Cosmides, 1992), we pay espe¬ cial attention to the analysis of the processes of interaction between the alms-seekers and the alms-givers, and estimate these actions taking into consideration individual and group advantages, expenses on the part of the givers and benefits received by the beggars. The beggary phenomenon is considered in this book by taking into account the leading mechanisms of the human psyche that govern the human social behav¬ ior (or, "modules" in terminology of evolutionary psychology, or "innate permitting mechanisms" in the ethological terms) (Зорина, Полетаева, Резникова, 1999; Buss, 1999). Modern anthropologists and ethologists consider the altruism as a fundamentai hu¬ man characteristic (Артемова, 1992; Бутовская, Файнберг, 1992, 1993; Бутовская и др., 1995; Эфраимсон, 1971; Axelrod, Hamilton, 1981; Boyd, Richardson, 1987, 1988; Gintis, 2000; Zahavi, 1995; Wiessner, 2005). However, the exact mechanisms of altruism and co-operation in human society are a subject of rather intensive discus¬ sions. The evolution of altruism and co-operation remains an object of continuous re¬ search on the part of both biologists and specialists in the humanities. According to some authors, the altruistic motivation is provoked by empathie feelings (the hypoth¬ esis on the link between empathy and altruism) (Batson et αϊ, 1997). In the framework of the kin selection theory reciprocity and cooperation among the relatives have a cer¬ tain "egoistic subtext" (Hamilton, 1964), because by helping a relative an individual helps to diffuse the genes that she or lie has in common with this relative in the next generation (the essence of this phenomenon is described by the notion of "inclusive fitness"). From the perspective of reciprocal altruism the help is provided to those who could behave altruistically toward the donor in future (Trivers, 1971). Some scientists propose to consider the issue of the origins of co-operation from the position of cultural group selection (Boyd, Richardson, 1985). Gintis et al (2003) suggest that altruism and co-operation could have developed under the influence of the gene-culture coevolution. In the framework of this theory scientist return to the group selection model and sug¬ gest that those group characteristics (group size, limited migration, frequent internal conflicts) that amplify the pressure of group selection may co-evolve with cooperative behavior. Co-operation is partly based on the developed human capability to institu¬ tionalize the social space characterized by a low level of internal conflicts and low phe- notypic diversity. The suppression of the within-group competition and the promotion 260_ SUMMARY of the within-group co-operation appear to have been supported by the natural selec¬ tion at the early stages of human evolution (Boehum, 1999). The leveling mechanisms found in the hunter-gatherer bands (monogamy and food-sharing in particular) may be regarded as a result of such evolutionary processes. Though at the individual level such institutions were energetically costly and did not secure much personal profit, at the intergroup level such practices provided evident advantages. Though in the academic literature altruism has been usually analyzed in the context of reciprocity and cooperation, the punishment can aiso be a manifestation of altru¬ ism. Theoretical models proposed by Boyd and Richardson (1992) and developed in research by other scientists (Gintis, 2000; Boyd et ai, 2003) indicate that a punishment for altruistic purposes may contribute to the diffusion of such versions of altruistic behavior, which would not have been possible in absence of the threat of such a punish¬ ment. However, the altruism sustained by punishment does not lead to the total eradi¬ cation of the "free-riders". In reaìity, in every society we observe a sort of behavioral dimorphism: altruists and bread-winners co-exist with consumers-cheaters, whereas punishers co-exist with those who totally avoid the punishment of any cheaters. The phenomenon of altruistic punishment partly forms the foundation for the moral norms in the human society and is based on a complex of innate psychological attitudes that formed under the pressure of natural selection (O'Gorman et al.t 2005). For the explanation of the co-operation phenomenon scientists frequently use as a conceptual instrument the game theory (they apply here both analytical and simulation models) (Axelrod, Hamilton, 1981; Nowak, May, 1992; Nowak et al., 2004).· Such models generate quite simple results that can be understood quite easily. However, un¬ fortunately, the opposite side of this simplicity is a sketchy understanding of the price paid by the altruists (the cost of the altruistic acts), as well as a limited repertoire of the possible behavior reactions in the situation of social interaction. Such limitations have been eliminated in the model that has been proposed by Burtsev and Turchin (2006). Their model does not only aliow to estimate conditions, under which one behavior strategy replaces another within the process of evolution, but also makes it possible to reproduce the very process that generates new strategies on the basis of a wide spec¬ trum of available possibilities. The evolutionary approach regards the charily as a multifunctional phenomenon. Its essence cannot be reduced exclusively to manifestations of a "pure" (true, unselfish) altruism. Such behaviors could be versions of kin altruism, or delayed reciprocal altru¬ ism, and in the meantime they can serve some egoistic (selfish) aims: to raise one's so¬ cial prestige and status, to secure social partnership, to attract potential sexual partners, and so on. We try to interpret the interactions between alms-seekers and alms-givers in the frameworks of the kin altruism theory (Hamilton, 1964), the reciprocal altruism theory (Trivers, 1971), the "demonstration" hypothesis (Hawkes, 1990), and the repro¬ ductive success theory (Trivers, 1972; Buss, Schmitt, 1993; Goldberg, 1995). Among hunter-gatherers and horticulturalists one observes a wide-spread phenom¬ enon of the sharing of meat obtained by hunting. Such altruistic acts are interpreted SUMMARY 261 by many scholars as manifestations of reciprocal altruism. On the other hand, some students of hunter-gatherers pay attention to the facts indicating that the sharing of scarce valuable resources (in particular, meat) frequently resembles attempts by suc¬ cessful hunters to demonstrate their masculine qualities (the demonstration hypoth¬ esis) (Hawkes, 1990). Such a demonstration let a hunter raise his social status and enhance his reproductive opportunities: contrary to wide-spread beliefs, the men hunt not to provide food for their families, but rather to share the obtained meat among the others (outside their families) with evident sexual motives (Hawkes, 1990; 1991). This hypothesis is confirmed by field observations among the Hadza in Tanzania, the !Kung Bushmen, the Ache in Paraguay, the Hiwi in Venezuela, and the Torres Straits aborigines (Bliege-Bird, Bird, 1997; Blurton Jones, 1997; Gurven et al, 2000; Kaplan et al, 2000). As usual, the men specialize in hunting some concrete game species and gradually become skilled experts who know the respective species' habits, the places were respective animals can be found and the optimum ways to hunt them. Successful hunters attract everybody's attention and approval, which guarantees to them a wider circle of potential sexual partner among the females, and potential allies among the males (Hawkes, 1993). We believe that the demonstrative behavior hypothesis is quite applicable to the modern situation, though, of course, the alms-givers perform their demonstration up to a considerable degree subconsciously. It is also quite reasonable to suppose that the probability that our acquaintances will see our "benefaction" is rather low. However, a charitable action raise one's own status in the mind of an alms-giver and makes it possible for her or him to feel more self-confident; and if one gives alms systematically, his or her behavior will be sooner or later noticed by the other (includ¬ ing those who know the alms-giver personally) and will contribute to the formation of one's more positive social image. This hypothesis is confirmed by our field observa¬ tions in Moscow and Prague (persons with higher incomes give alms significantly more frequently than those with lower incomes). In the period of hard economic crises, wars, natural disasters (droughts, volcano eruptions, tsunamis, etc.), pandemics (e.g., the medieval Black Death pandemic) the number of beggars grows dramatically, and the possibilities of social help decrease. Within such situations charitable structures start applying the principle of selective help. As one would expect on the basis of the evolutionary theory, the first factor de¬ termining those who deserves help is the group affiliation (here the laws of reciprocal and kin altruism come into play). As was mentioned above, in medieval Europe (e.g., in Germany) a sharp distinction was made between "our" beggars (that is beggars belonging to the given town community) and the "alien" beggars (foreigners, vaga¬ bonds, personnel of nomadic circuses, nomadic petty craftsmen, begging peasants from neighboring villages). The same principle was applied in Czechoslovakia in the 1920s and 1 930s and Russia before the Revolution (the benefactors preferred to help concrete known poor people, whereas the priests tried to distribute the collected alms between their parishioners and not any alien begging vagabonds. The factor of "ours" versus "aliens" remains determinant in the present days: our field research in Moscow and 262 SUMMARY Prague indicates that the inhabitants of these cities prefer to give alms to those who are more similar to them physically and who is closed in accordance to the local cultural traditions (Butovskaya et al, 2000a; Butovskaya, Diakonov, Salter, 2002; Butovskaya et al., 2004). The clear preference for the "ours" can be also interpreted in the framework of the theory of delayed reciprocity (the old people worked and fought for the sake of our group when they were young, and now they deserve our care in return). It is high¬ ly remarkable than in Moscow of our days the elderly men frequently seek alms be¬ ing dressed in military uniforms with their military decorations and medals on them, whereas young male invalids exploit heavily images of heroes of the Afghan, or Chech¬ en wars (Butovskaya et al, 2004). One cannot avoid paying attention to a regularity that is common for all cultures: the leading factor stimulating the alms-giving is the state of the alms-seeker. In all the cultures invalids, ill and feeble-minded, or infirm elderly people provoke sympathy and compassion. This point was noticed by our respondents in all the countries that we studied (Russia, the Czech Republic, Italy, Rumania, Tanzania, Indonesia, Egypt). In all the countries (though this is actively suppressed by the state services) the beg¬ gars try to exploit the ¡mage of a baby (that could be a baby in its mother's hands, or small children around her), near churches we frequently find begging invalid or feeble¬ minded children. Here we confront a rather effective application by the beggars of the "baby scheme" (ethologists have shown that the image of a baby provokes among adults a subconscious feeling of warmness and sympathy, a desire to help) (Бутовская, 2004a; Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1989). In those places where the exploitation of children for these purposes is effectively prohibited, the beggars start using pet kids {e.g., puppies and kittens) that serve as surrogates for the "baby scheme" (modern Russia, the Czech Republic, Italy, Germany, the USA, Canada and other developed countries). Direct longitudinal observations of the alms-seeking dynamics indicate that the individual begging strategies experience gradual evolution and become more effective both due to the accumulation of a beggar's own experience and due the exchange of experience with other beggars (transmission of traditions within a subculture), as well as by the application of advice given by the sympathizing public (both alms-giv¬ ers and observers). Exchange of valuable information is an example of reciprocal altruism among the beggars themselves. As has been shown by some researchers, the exchange of valuable information that raises one's individual success in the search for valuable resources is one of the manifestations of reciprocal altruism in human groups (Palmer, 1991). The cooperation between the beggars is also realized in a number of other ways: the distribution of "working" time at a "profitable place", the sharing of the beggars' "attributes" - one beggars could borrow a puppy from the others (we ob¬ served such cases in Russia, the Czech Republic, and Italy), or even'a child (mostly this practice is used by the European and Asian Gypsies). Finally, many beggars form a sort of communes: they live together, spend together their spare time, and, what is very important, they share their incomes. The more successful "bread-winners" treat SUMMARY 263 the others to food and alcoholic drinks (we observed such cases directly on numerous occasions in Prague and Florence). In this case we observe a reproduction of the model of food-sharing among the hunter-gatherers and horticulturalists with all its possible consequences (Hames, 1990). Those who share more frequently acquire a higher status within the given subculture and, consequently, some advantages (various services or a more favorable attitude on the part of female members of the group). The last point might be rather important, as, according to our observations, in most cities were we did our fieldwork (Prague, Bucharest, and Florence) the number of male beggars exceeded the one of female beggars. In addition to the universal psychological mechanisms that function in the frame¬ work of the module brain, a positive response to the beggars' behavior is also con¬ nected with culturally specific behavior models. For Prague such an effective culturally specific mode of begging has turned out to be connected with a special begging pose (kneeling with basing oneself on one's elbows and putting down one's hand: demon¬ stration of the extreme submission). For Moscow thjs is the use of carton plates with the information on the causes of one's distress, fìlli with emotional epithets that stimulate the empathy of the passers-by. In Bucharest this is begging by whole families with children (these were mostly impoverished migrants from the rural areas). In Florence (Italy is known as a country with pronounced traditions of philoprogenitiveness) these are images of a pregnant mother with many children (it is widely used by local gypsies) and an elderly ill person. The phenomenon of sharing in subcultures of beggars not connected with each oth¬ er by kinship ties demands a special discussion, and in this case the application of the evolutionary theories of sharing and altruism appears rather appropriate. The redistri¬ bution of the obtained resources supports the social status within the beggars' commu¬ nity and limits the probability of theft and violence within the "we-group". The causes of the resource sharing in the beggars' groups are well accounted for by Blurton-Jones (1984) model that was denoted as the one of "Tolerated Theft" and proposed earlier for the hunter-gatherers. Its essence is that for a successful hunter it is rather costly to guard and protect his bag from his hungry kin, whereas it is much more advantageous for him to share it. Firstly, the meat cannot be preserved for a long time and it is very difficult to store it; secondly, it is very difficult to guard it, let alone that it implies the constant presence around the place where the meat is stored; finally, the results of hunt¬ ing activities are usually fairly unpredictable, and the successful hunter of today may need his neighbor's help tomorrow. Our data on the interactions between the alms-seekers and alms-givers, the analysis of the psychological state of new beggars and interviews with the alms-givers suggest that the demographic situation with beggars in Moscow and Prague varies in time. In the early 1990s we observe a rapid growth of the number of beggars, the influx of the refugees from the former Soviet republics, and the exploitation by beggars of the images of "burnt down persons", victims of floods and civil wars. For this period the reaction of the ordinary citizens can be characterized as gullibility with respect to the 264 SUMMARY "mythological" narratives of beggars and clear sympathy. The beggars were regarded as members of the same society, as belonging to "our group". Active positive response to begging reflected deeply embedded socialist egalitarian stereotypes. Many of our respondents felt uncomfortable when they saw poorly dressed people who asked for bread and help - which can be interpreted as an unconscious attempt to hold up the infragroup stratification of society manifested in the growing differences in the level of life and appearance. However, with the growth of the number of those beggars who exploited the strategies of, say, "burnt down people", "robbed", "refugees from the war areas", "veterans/invalids of the Afghan/Chechen war" the citizens' compassion decreased. This phenomenon is accounted for rather well by the theory of identification of the "free-riders" exploiting the altruistic motivations of the others. When the number of cheaters exceeds a critical threshold, the resource sharing with them stops, and we observe the action of the mechanism of the group divestiture. The analysis of the modern beggary in Russia indicates that the "new beggars" mostly reproduce this practice as it existed in the Russian society before the Revolution (Ануфриев, 1911; Голосенко, 1996; Левенстим, 1900; Прыжов, 1997; Butovskaya, Diakonov, Smirnov, Salter, 2000). The presence of strategies and practices of beggary that are stable in time and the continuity of the beggary archetypes is confirmed by our data collected in the Czech Republic, Rumania, and Italy, as well as by materials collected by other researchers in Poland (Butovskaya et al., 2004 a,b; Rheinheimer, 2003;Vancatova et al., 2003). The analytical review of the history of beggary in China also indicates a cultural continuity of the basic begging strategies and the social attitude toward beggars (Матиньен, 1914; Lu, 1999). These facts are not surprising: in additional to universal signals (both non-verbal and verbal) indicating one's need for help, each culture has a complex system of cul¬ tural codes that is comprehensible for its members from their childhood. Such codes are deeply embedded in everybody's mind and form a part of her or his personality; they are tightly interwoven in one's mind with the life aspiration of the individual and largely determine one's interaction with the others. The aim of this book is to study the beggary phenomenon as a complex cultural phenomenon supported by fundamental mechanisms of behavior of humans as social beings. We have traced the historical roots of beggary in Russia, Western Europe and China in order to demonstrate the cross-cultural similarities of this phenomenon. Our analysis of the modern beggary models and the beggary practices of the past indicate the archetypicality of this phenomenon and the presence of the fundamental ethologi- cal roots of this phenomenon. Naturally, we have not managed to dot all "i's" and to give answers to all the relevant questions. We have touched just the peak of an iceberg; however, we hope that the presented materials and theoretical discussions on the nature of beggary will stimulate our colleagues and students to start intensive research in the anthropology of beggary that will make it possible to identify new factors of the inter¬ action between the beggars* subculture and the "larger society" that we have missed in this monograph.
any_adam_object	1
any_adam_object_boolean	1
author	Butovskaja, M. L. Dʹjakonov, I. Ju Vančatova, M. A.
author_facet	Butovskaja, M. L. Dʹjakonov, I. Ju Vančatova, M. A.
author_role	aut aut aut
author_sort	Butovskaja, M. L.
author_variant	m l b ml mlb i j d ij ijd m a v ma mav
building	Verbundindex
bvnumber	BV023173012
ctrlnum	(OCoLC)229895847 (DE-599)BVBBV023173012
format	Book
fullrecord	<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><collection xmlns="http://www.loc.gov/MARC21/slim"><record><leader>02001nam a2200457 c 4500</leader><controlfield tag="001">BV023173012</controlfield><controlfield tag="003">DE-604</controlfield><controlfield tag="005">20080526 </controlfield><controlfield tag="007">t</controlfield><controlfield tag="008">080219s2007 ad\|\| \|\|\|\| 00\|\|\| rus d</controlfield><datafield tag="020" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">9785891764095</subfield><subfield code="9">978-589-176-409-5</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(OCoLC)229895847</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(DE-599)BVBBV023173012</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="040" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-604</subfield><subfield code="b">ger</subfield><subfield code="e">rakwb</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="041" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">rus</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="049" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-12</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="084" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">7,41</subfield><subfield code="2">ssgn</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="100" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Butovskaja, M. L.</subfield><subfield code="e">Verfasser</subfield><subfield code="4">aut</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="245" ind1="1" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Breduščie sredi nas</subfield><subfield code="b">niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ</subfield><subfield code="c">M. L. Butovskaja ; I. Ju. Dʹjakonov ; M. A. Vančatova</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="246" ind1="1" ind2="3"><subfield code="a">Dwelling among us</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="264" ind1=" " ind2="1"><subfield code="a">Moskva</subfield><subfield code="b">Naučnyj Mir</subfield><subfield code="c">2007</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="300" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">275 S., [17] Bl.</subfield><subfield code="b">Ill., graph. Darst.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="336" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="b">txt</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacontent</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="337" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="b">n</subfield><subfield code="2">rdamedia</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="338" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="b">nc</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacarrier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="500" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">PST: Dwelling among us. - In kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1="0" ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Betteln</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4145087-5</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="651" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Osteuropa</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4075739-0</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="651" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Russland</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4076899-5</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Russland</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4076899-5</subfield><subfield code="D">g</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="1"><subfield code="a">Betteln</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4145087-5</subfield><subfield code="D">s</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="2"><subfield code="a">Osteuropa</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4075739-0</subfield><subfield code="D">g</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="5">DE-604</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="700" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Dʹjakonov, I. Ju.</subfield><subfield code="e">Verfasser</subfield><subfield code="4">aut</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="700" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Vančatova, M. A.</subfield><subfield code="e">Verfasser</subfield><subfield code="4">aut</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="2"><subfield code="m">Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen</subfield><subfield code="q">application/pdf</subfield><subfield code="u">http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016359659&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA</subfield><subfield code="3">Inhaltsverzeichnis</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="2"><subfield code="m">Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen</subfield><subfield code="q">application/pdf</subfield><subfield code="u">http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016359659&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA</subfield><subfield code="3">Abstract</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="940" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="n">oe</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="999" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016359659</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="942" ind1="1" ind2="1"><subfield code="c">306.09</subfield><subfield code="e">22/bsb</subfield><subfield code="g">47</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="942" ind1="1" ind2="1"><subfield code="c">306.09</subfield><subfield code="e">22/bsb</subfield><subfield code="g">471</subfield></datafield></record></collection>
geographic	Osteuropa (DE-588)4075739-0 gnd Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 gnd
geographic_facet	Osteuropa Russland
id	DE-604.BV023173012
illustrated	Illustrated
index_date	2024-07-02T19:58:32Z
indexdate	2024-07-09T21:12:16Z
institution	BVB
isbn	9785891764095
language	Russian
oai_aleph_id	oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016359659
oclc_num	229895847
open_access_boolean
owner	DE-12
owner_facet	DE-12
physical	275 S., [17] Bl. Ill., graph. Darst.
publishDate	2007
publishDateSearch	2007
publishDateSort	2007
publisher	Naučnyj Mir
record_format	marc
spelling	Butovskaja, M. L. Verfasser aut Breduščie sredi nas niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ M. L. Butovskaja ; I. Ju. Dʹjakonov ; M. A. Vančatova Dwelling among us Moskva Naučnyj Mir 2007 275 S., [17] Bl. Ill., graph. Darst. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier PST: Dwelling among us. - In kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Betteln (DE-588)4145087-5 gnd rswk-swf Osteuropa (DE-588)4075739-0 gnd rswk-swf Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 gnd rswk-swf Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 g Betteln (DE-588)4145087-5 s Osteuropa (DE-588)4075739-0 g DE-604 Dʹjakonov, I. Ju. Verfasser aut Vančatova, M. A. Verfasser aut Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016359659&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016359659&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Butovskaja, M. L. Dʹjakonov, I. Ju Vančatova, M. A. Breduščie sredi nas niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ Betteln (DE-588)4145087-5 gnd
subject_GND	(DE-588)4145087-5 (DE-588)4075739-0 (DE-588)4076899-5
title	Breduščie sredi nas niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ
title_alt	Dwelling among us
title_auth	Breduščie sredi nas niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ
title_exact_search	Breduščie sredi nas niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ
title_exact_search_txtP	Breduščie sredi nas niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ
title_full	Breduščie sredi nas niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ M. L. Butovskaja ; I. Ju. Dʹjakonov ; M. A. Vančatova
title_fullStr	Breduščie sredi nas niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ M. L. Butovskaja ; I. Ju. Dʹjakonov ; M. A. Vančatova
title_full_unstemmed	Breduščie sredi nas niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ M. L. Butovskaja ; I. Ju. Dʹjakonov ; M. A. Vančatova
title_short	Breduščie sredi nas
title_sort	breduscie sredi nas niscie v rossii i stranach evropy istorija i sovremennostʹ
title_sub	niščie v Rossii i stranach Evropy ; istorija i sovremennostʹ
topic	Betteln (DE-588)4145087-5 gnd
topic_facet	Betteln Osteuropa Russland
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016359659&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016359659&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
work_keys_str_mv	AT butovskajaml bredusciesredinasniscievrossiiistranachevropyistorijaisovremennostʹ AT dʹjakonoviju bredusciesredinasniscievrossiiistranachevropyistorijaisovremennostʹ AT vancatovama bredusciesredinasniscievrossiiistranachevropyistorijaisovremennostʹ AT butovskajaml dwellingamongus AT dʹjakonoviju dwellingamongus AT vancatovama dwellingamongus

Verfügbarkeit

Es ist kein Print-Exemplar vorhanden.

Fernleihe Bestellen Achtung: Nicht im THWS-Bestand! Inhaltsverzeichnis

MARC

Datensatz im Suchindex

Es ist kein Print-Exemplar vorhanden.

Ähnliche Einträge