Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei: studiu de caz în comuna Ponor-Alba
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Romanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Cluj-Napoca
Presa Univ. Clujeană
2006
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The Romanian village in the social space of poverty |
| Beschreibung: | 196 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9736104389 9789736104381 |
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| adam_text | CUPRINS
Prefaţă
......................................................................................................7
Introducere
.............................................................................................13
Capitolul
I:
SĂRĂCIA ŞI SPAŢIUL SOCIAL AL SĂRĂCIEI
............17
1.
Sărăcia
-
cadrul teoretic şi conceptual
...............................................18
1.1.
Sărăcia ca lipsă a resurselor
.......................................................18
1.2.
Sărăcia şi standardul de viaţă
.....................................................19
2.
Metodologii de apreciere a sărăciei
....................................................22
2.1.
Metode pentru determinarea sărăciei
.........................................24
2.2.
Stabilirea pragurilor de sărăcie în România
...............................27
2.3.
Metode de estimare a standardului subiectiv de viaţă
...............30
3.
Sărăcia în România. Statistici şi evaluări
...........................................35
3.1.
Grupuri cu grad crescut de vulnerabilitate la sărăcie
.................37
3.2.
Criza economiei româneşti
-
factor al sărăciei
...........,..............40
3.3.
Sărăcia ca efect al ineficientei transferurilor sociale
.................44
4.
Satele din România. Diagnoze ale sărăciei în rural
............................46
4.1.
Satul şi spaţiul rural
...................................................................46
4.2.
Diversitatea satelor din România
...............................................49
4.3.
Aspecte metodologice ale diagnozei spaţiului rural
..................55
Capitolul
П:
DIMENSIUNI ALE SĂRĂCIEI ÎN COMUNAPONOR
....61
1.
Premizele sărăciei în comuna Ponor
...............................................65
1.1.
Caracteristici generale ale satelor comunei
................................66
. 1.2.
Aspecte socio-demografice
........................................................67
1.3.
Specificul gospodăriilor
.............................................................74
1.4.
Ocupaţii de bază. Evoluţia producţiei agricole
..........................75
2.
Dimensiuni obiective ale sărăciei gospodăriilor din Ponor
................77
2.1.
Estimarea sărăciei în Ponor prin metode normative
..................77
2.2.
Calculul unui indice global al sărăciei obiective
......................82
2.3.
Aspecte particulare ale sărăciei obiective în Ponor
...................85
3.
Aspecte psihosociale al sărăciei în Ponor
.........................................95
3.1.
Autoetichetarea pe scala bunăstării
............................................96
3.2.
Standardul subiectiv de viaţă în satele comunei Ponor
..............96
3.3.
Structura reprezentărilor sărăciei
...............................................98
3.4.
Mulţumirea faţă de viaţă şi sentimentul sărăciei
........................99
3.5.
Sărăcia comunei în reprezentările localnicilor
.........................106
4.
Sărăcie, încredere şi relaţii utilitare în Ponor
...................................113
4.1.
Relaţii utilitare ale gospodarilor rurale
....................................114
4.2.
încrederea difuză şi instituţională
....................................,.......120
Capitolul
Ш:
O ABORDARE
SISTEMICA A
POTENŢIALULUI
DE DEZVOLTARE
A COMUNITÀpLOR
RURALE MONTANE
.... 129
1.
Dezvoltarea sistemelor sociale
.........................................................129
1.1.
Societăţi tradiţionale
—
societăţi moderne
................................129
1.2.
Sistemul comunitar. Conceptualizări ale dezvoltării
...............131
1.3.
Comunităţile- sisteme sociale descinse
.......... ........................136
1.4.
Evoluţial raporturilor sat-oraş
..................................................142
2.
Izolarea sistemelor sociale
-
condiţionări impuse de habitat
...........146
2.1.
Izolare şi deschidere din perspectiva teoriei sistemelor
...........147
2.2.
Spaţiu şi relaţii în sistemele sociale
.........................................150
3.
Izolare şi sărăcie în satele comunei Ponor
.......................................151
3.1.
Calculul indicelui de izolare a satului
.....................................152
3.2.
Rangul izolării satului şi proporţia gospodăriilor sărace
.........155
încheiere
.............................................................................................159
Summary
.......................................................................,.....................167
Anexe
................................................................................................181
Bibliografie
..........................................................................................191
The Romanian Village in The Social Space
of Poverty. Case Study in
Ponor
-
Alba County
SUMMARY
Approaching a theme that demonstrates its perennial character and
that sociologists, economists and politicians are equally concerned with,
we find ourselves standing in front of a mosaic of specialty literature in
which different concepts define one and the same reality now highly
experienced in Romania. As a negative phenomenon, stated, described,
explained or predicted, poverty takes many facets of a great diversity
conferred by the socio-political context; and what we are trying to
reveal in the present paper depends on the residence place.
The projects of World Bank, under which ample sociological
studies regarding the phenomena have been elaborated, are considered
to be the starting point in the documentation necessary for realizing the
work.
Conceptually, poverty
oñen
appears at the opposite side of
development when communities or collectivises are analyzed; poverty is
a state, a fact situation that, analyzed on its multiple dimensions, leads
to the concept of development level. In the construction of indexes of
communities development/poverty, one appeals to a complex set of
variables and, in one way or another, they consist of indicators that
surprise the main capital forms of households. In die specialty literature
it is reflected the preoccupation, intensified in the last years, of
elaborating distinct diagnoses regarding
Übe
families poverty in the rural
167
Călina Ana Buţiu
environment
and the Romanian rural communities , as well. Between
the two analysis levels there is a strong interdependence, so it is logical
to say that a community is poor
ifit
is preponderantly composed by poor
families and vice versa.
Identifying the poor families in the rural environment, by the aid of
objective methods, when knowing that these assure in a great part the
consumed goods from what they are producing within the household,
this raises quite serious methodological problems. Even quantifying
how much and what exactly it has been produced (or obtained) by each
family, we obtain a fragile information, from a few reasons. First, the
accentuated sub-declaring tendency (it is still persisting the dark
memory of those contributions that peasants had to provide to the
state ); secondly, it is known that different forms of social support are
granted according to the family total income which includes the
household production s ones. Much more eloquent may be, at a certain
point, how each person perceives his/her living standard (subjective
poverty), the level of aspiration playing here a fundamental role.
On the other hand, rural cannot be studied but at its two
dimensions: communities and their territory. Romanian village is a
double territorial reality materialized through the concentration place of
the residences and the production place. The two realities determine the
functional duality of the village: the residential one and the productive
one. Due to population agglomeration in the house (home, dwelling
place) and to its built parts, the village
defines
itself as a locality; and
concerning the working place, usually located outside and organized for
production, the village is the centre of the material production.
Population is the connection between these components and the
reproduction and labour source, as well. At the same time, it is the one
who made efforts from the beginning for active adaptation and
coordinate elements of nature in order to obtain the territory for
constructions and agricultural practices. That is why the village bears,
from the point of view of the poverty/development level, the stamp of
the territory that lies on.
168
Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei
Trying to render the interdependence between the individual and
the community levels (regarding the determinants of poverty degree in
the mountain rural) but also the relation between subjective and
objective dimension of poverty, we appealed to data and statistics which
reveal poverty in Romania; in order to illustrate the multiple facets of
poverty in the mountain villages, through empirical research in a
commune, the poorest in the county (Sandu,1999) we wish to bring into
relief the image of poverty under its multiple aspects.
Although at pragmatic level the unanimous aim of social policies
is to reduce poverty, when defining and conceptualizing the poverty, it
appears sensitive differences that induce diverse criteria and methods
for measuring the phenomenon. Considered now as pioneer s works in
defining and measuring poverty, but extremely valuable at that time,
Rowntree s writings, elaborated at the end of the 19th century and the
beginning of the 20th century, draw attention upon
a fondamental
aspect, namely: defining and measuring poverty is directly connected to
space where it manifests itself. That is why the sphere of preoccupations
regarding defining poverty includes: material aspects, aspects that refer
to social exclusion (another problematical concept) and social capital
(still hard to measure), with demonstrations specific to each society.
Beyond saying, in an oversimplified way, that poverty means a
state of deprivation, the generality of defining poverty is nowadays a
disputable issue. A unique, universal definition would presume the
possibility of transfer from a society to another, not only of the
measuring methodology but also of the poverty thresholds. But the
multidimensional character of poverty does not presume significant
demonstrations of all dimensions in all the societies. That is why, from
defining to making the operations and measuring, poverty experiences
more or less sensitive differences.
Distinct inteipretations of the same reality, in this case of poverty
lead to its different measuring methodologies. For establishing poverty
thresholds but also for identifying the poor, the monetary approach
169
Calina Ana
Buţiu
(with its alternatives) is dominant. The reason is given by the
standardization permitted by translating the individual s resources into
money. With all the progresses registered in point of methodological
aspect, as regards the obtained data objectivity aspect, there are still a lot
of doubtful (and debatable) sources. The consumption seems to
approximate better the poverty degree than the income that can register
considerable fluctuations on short term; and, in addition, it is susceptible
of under declaring or distorted declaring. On the other hand, while
individual consumption may be easier to estimate, the collective one is
harder to grasp through measuring methods of poverty at the level of the
individual
/
family, and easier to quantify if the analysis level is the
community.
bi
Romania, measuring poverty through normative method (of
goods and services basket that responds to individual needs) is the one
officially adopted for substantiation of social policies at national level.
Estimations regarding poverty at country level, performed by the
researchers
οι
Institute for Quality of Life Researches, are not based
only on this method but also on self-appreciation of the individuals
(subjective poverty).
From sociological surveys, official statistics and Human Development
Report ensure the aggravating situation of the individuals
/
families in
Romania regarding their welfare. Inhabitants in the rural register, on
certain dimensions, perform the most striking negative evolutions.
Further on, we will analyze the specific nature of poverty in the rural
communities and, especially of those in the mountain areas where
monetary approaches may be irrelevant for estimating poverty.
Poverty at individual/family level cannot be analyzed without
placing it in the larger frame of the community it belongs to. Stopping
on a few definitions of rural communities we emphasize their diversity.
Appealing only to the concept of territorial community, we find a
variety of typologies which make the diagnosis of poverty
/
development of rural communities a difficult but necessary approach
because the real evaluation of the poverty/development level of
170
Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei
communities has always a pragmatic goal: results to be set up as
groundwork of politics and development projects.
Throughout the diagnoses in view we have pursued to make
evident the following aspects: in order to establish the poverty
/
development degree in rural one can make use of diverse methodologies
which have as starting point the delimitation of analysis unit; villages in
Romania are hard to surprise in a single typology, defining being the
criteria used.
At regional level, poverty is determined by referring to three
macro-regions: Moldavia, Southern Regions
(Muntenia, Dobrogea,
Oltenia)
and Transylvania (which includes besides Transylvania
Banat,
Crişana
and
Maramureş
also). This way, a village is poor if its poverty
level, reported on a regional level, is placed in the first quartile.
From regional perspective, in Moldavia poverty is intense and
extended. Here the greatest number of villages with extreme poverty
(which are the poorest reported at national as well as regional level) lie.
Southern regions are situated between Moldavia and Transylvania
where the rural poverty is a minimum one (in relative terms).
Thus, one ascertains that there are significant regional
dependencies regarding poverty of villages. Poor villages are
preponderantly those that lie in little developed counties, isolated areas,
far away
ířom
the modernized roads. Very specific is also the regional
localization of human capital of the village measured as education
supply, participation rate and employment out of me agricultural sector.
Moldavia registers the lowest level of human capital in comparison with
the others macro-regions and at regional level, the index takes minimum
values for the villages that lie at the outskirts of the county, far away
from the modernized roads and towns. Getting closer to big towns
determinates an increase of the education supply, which influences
positively the value of development index.
Our survey from July
2001,
effected in a commune in
Apuseni
Mountains and based on some prior studies, was registered between the
poorest communes in Romania and the poorest in
Apuseni
Mountains; it
171
Calina Ana
Buţiu
pursued to consider thoroughly the investigations and to render the
multiple aspects that poverty state induces at the level of the household
and individual. Of great interest it is also identifying the factors that
generate the causal cycle of poverty.
The findings resulted after the diagnosis application of household
poverty classic {normative) methods show that, while at a national level
poverty determined strong polarizations and deepening the gape
between the poor and the non-poor
(Zamfir,
1995,1999,2000),
in
Ponor
the differences between households regarding poverty (with objective
and subjective aspects) are small in number. Determinants of poverty or
prosperity of a household are here given by the labour within the
household, the owned agricultural ground and the income sources,
others than the agricultural production ones. These are the ones that can
induce main differences and the survey revealed the fact that the poorest
households are those which do not have persons capable of work (in
order to obtain incomes as day workers), agricultural field or other
incomes, depending exclusively on social work transfers.
The poverty of
Ponor
commune, with the six component villages,
Ponor, După
Deal,
Macareşti,
Geogel, Vale
ín
Jos and
Valea Bucurului,
is strongly determined by the age of residents. Comparing the data with
the ones at national level, the demographic ageing of the commune by
23.3%
over-fulfillment of the group of seniors weight is obvious.
The data obtained in the survey carried out in
Ponor
confirms the
fact that the
infrastructure
of the households and the one of the
commune is showing a deficit. Although the majority of the people in
Ponor
live in old houses, which need to be repaired and don t have
modern facilities and endowments, declare themselves pretty satisfied
with what they have. Then it is natural to consider themselves not very
poor, because poverty is here often defined in terms of absolute
shortcomings. But who has at least a milk cow doesn t consider him to
be a poor man.
The household has, for the poor people here, the role to provide
him the necessary goods for subsistence: part of the food, sometimes
172
Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei
clothing and, from the little
surplus,
by selling, money for buying other
goods (sugar, edible oil, wheat for bread, footwear etc.). Material
shortcomings that the poor locals confront with, lead to the degradation
of the houses and connected annexes, to the restriction of the cattle
number and to usage of the same household utility goods for years or
decades. There are households, which don t have access to the
electricity network, so there is no question about buying goods which
use electric power (T.V., refrigerator etc). The young men migrate
towards regions with community facilities and because of the
demographic ageing, entire households are being abandoned.
Here it has been ascertained the preservation of a traditional life¬
style that is directly determined by the age mean of the population: the
minimal importance accorded to modern endowments and facilities
should be natural compensated by the one for endowments of family
works (at least for the households that are based almost exclusively on
this one); although the majority of agricultural tools are of olden type,
people are still satisfied with what they have. The mass media doesn t
manifest a remarkable interest, the information exchange-taking place in
a closed circuit where direct utility information is prior.
Thus, one can say that in
Ponor,
modernism, in which the capital
invested in properties belonging to domestic economy (agricultural land,
animals, buildings) or in other unproductive activities, progressively
disengaged and reinvested in technical equipment necessary for
production, is still in a rudimentary stage. In the villages of the
commune, characterized by limited productivity, essentially agricultural,
the attitude of population is marked by some kind of long
tenn,
as an
acceptance of a general situation.
But local people are dependent, on the one hand, on the technical
progress, on the accessibility of modern agricultural production means
and, on the other hand, the distance compared to the commodity market,
makes them dependent on the intermediary tradesmen.
Identifying the problems of the commune, made by local people
(pointed out in the survey) presumes a reference to the neighboring
173
Calina Ana
Buţiu
communes
and to a prosperity period that responders have experienced
in the commune.
Attitude towards poverty, although marked by the values of
Christian religion, owing again to the same values (mainly), leads to the
desire to be able to work accompanied by legitimate expectations
towards institutions of the public authority, as welfare actors. Trust
(reliance) in these institutions is eroded in the conditions in which the
compensations offered by institutions, on the basis of the principle of
social solidarity, are minimal.
Although the role of the government is to secure the infrastructure
and the health and education services necessary to all, the poor people
have the feeling that their life remains unchanged following the
measures and interventions of the state institutions. Their interaction
with the representatives of these institutions is marked by indifference.
In front of the inclemency of nature, relief conditions and risks
associated to the localization in a mountain area, the main support of the
people remains faith in God.
As, for many of the mountain localities of Romania, tourism
represents a chance for development, in
Ponor
-
at least now
-
because
of the
infrastructure
(roads and houses, mainly) and of the existing
human capital, even if the natural potential is high, these initiatives are
not foreseen. It is possible that a modernization of the access road
towards Aiud (the closest town) revitalizes the commune.
Searching for causal explanations of the maintenance of a low
living standard of the peasant, even in the conditions of consumption
society , super industrialized, sociologists give diverse answers among
which the most plausible seems to be the one that agriculturists of
industriai
societies support a double exploitation : that of the industry
and that of the commerce. They depend, on the one hand, on the
technical progress, on the accessibility of modern agricultural
production means; and, by purchasing the power of some, especially
those engaged in the industrial sector, the distance compared to the
commodity market makes them dependent on a great number of
174
Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei
mediators (merchants), on the other hand. Once the town came into
being, the village was reported and defined in comparison with this one.
The dichotomy rural
-
urban which appears frequently in the steps of
sociological researches prescribes studies distinctly orientated towards
two realities which, though can be separated with purposes purely
analytical, are deep and essentially connected.
As an opened social system, the village is relatively isolated and
the relativity can be determined only by comparison to the town, whose
connections with the exterior are more intense. This way, differences
rural
-
urban can be treated, from the systemic perspective, as being
determined by the isolation/opening degree of the two social systems.
Between economical-social development, problematic subject in
the contemporary sociological debates
(Costea,
1998)
and the ecological
one (Ionescu,
1991),
the connection link is the concept of sustainable
development, adopted following the Environment Conference from Rio
de
Janeiro
(1992).
Thus, the two system types, social and natural, are
not being analyzed apart anymore. A new approach in
,
which
eco-
centrism
substitutes anthropocentrism and openings towards social
systems analysis from eco-systemic perspective are offered
(Duţu,
1998;
Dumitrean,
2001).
Starting from the premise that there are no isolated natural
systems, the matter (M), energy (E) and information (I) flows are the
ones that can characterize the extent to what a system is more or less
isolated or opened. The isolation degree of the village, as reflection of
the connection with the exterior can only be determined in the
conditions in which spatial frontiers can be traced for the system under
discussion, which, for localities, as territorial
-
administrative units, is
pre-established. The transport and communication networks across
which M, E, I are moving in order to be stored or transformed, are, in
point of structure, components of the system (in case, communication
and transport infrastructure of the village) but are also the ones that
assure the exchanges with the other systems.
175
Călina Ana Buţiu
Surprising the differences between the villages of a commune with
regard to the development level, in the hypothesis of multiple
determination of isolation, shooting from the reality of poor rural in
Romania, confirms the direct relation between distances, as
geographical factors, and the poverty of the community.
If for the commune, the irradiation centre of modernism
/
development is represented by the closest city, for the component
villages
-
at least in the case of mountain rural
-
the village commune
centre, where there are the institutions that assure the
managerial/political function and that of planning and adaptation,
essential for the other two functions discharged by the community
system: production respectively support and maintenance (Katz and
Kahn, 1966),
is the next irradiation nucleus of modernism. There is the
problem of distance
—
measured all along the channel on which the
exchange is carried out
-
between the source and the receiver (village
commune centre
-
component village).
Calculating an index of village isolation, on the base of natural
systems theory and, searching links between other objective and
subjective variables which indicate the poverty of the community, we
obtain some results that we present further on, for each component
village of the commune.
Valea Bucurului
-according to the development level and to index
LEVEL
98
(Sandu,
2000) -
is the poorest village in the commune and,
according to the calculated isolation index, is the most isolated village.
But this is not where there are the majority of poor households. Indeed,
according to the socio-demographical, geographical and infrastructure
indicators, it can be quoted as the poorest village in the commune (it is
pointed out by the maximum weight of lonely persons
(40.9%),
solitary
seniors households and the least number of nuclear families with
children). Material poverty seems here to be less encountered and the
relational capital is maxim. Its placement on the lowest quote of the
development level is not reflected in the index of subjective poverty, as
the weight of those who consider themselves under the minimum
176
Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei
socially
decent
is more little that the average on the commune. We can
say that, from all the villages of
Ponor
commune,
Valea Bucuralui
is
situated on the lowest stage regarding community development although
it placed on a superior step as it concerns the welfare of households.
Vale
ín
Jos
-
having the lowest relational capital and big weight of
households constituted from incomplete nucleus
-
woman head of the
household, also registers the greatest number of auto-placements under
the social decency threshold (MD). Although me value of the village
isolation index
(4.8)
is close to the maximum one
(5.3 -
registered by
Valea Bucurului),
poverty in the two villages have some features and,
most likely, different determinants. Obviously, in
Ponor,
a direct
relation between the rank of isolation and the relational capital of the
household doesn t arise at all. On the other hand, isolation of village
could be a determinant of the great number of lonely persons, usually
seniors.
Macareşti
-
The village without institutions and for which the
school, the medical dispensary, a private store, the bus station and the
public phone in Geogel represent the „control points , that can
determine its development. Under demographic aspect is remarked by:
minimum inhabitants number:
54,
the highest average age
(53.8),
masculinity maximum report, maximum weight of households having
incomplete nucleus
-
man and the greatest weight of the households
„complete nucleus with children . As it concerns objective poverty, half
of the households are between the subsistence threshold and the socially
decent one and one third are „medium households, which show a
differentiation little pronounced under the material aspects. But here are
stated most of the helping relations in households, who backs up another
hypothesis: in rural communities relational capital increases inversely
proportional to the number of households.
După
Deal
-
Is distinguished from the other villages by the
masculinity sub-unitary report and by the maximum dependence reports.
Here we meet a big weight of elder women who live alone or not.
According to the values of the index of household s objective poverty,
І
77
Călina Ana Buţiu
the village can be quoted as the richest and having polarizations more
accentuated regarding welfare. The relational capital is however more
reduced than in the villages with poor households.
Geogel
-
A village which was, not long ago, in the history of the
place, the commune-centre, brought it plenty of facilities and
community infrastructure. Here the average of persons in the household
is maximum:
2.46
(compared to the minimum
1.89 -
the most isolated
village,
Valea Bucurului)
and the average age of inhabitants is minimum
(43.6).
Here there are the majority of objectively poor households
(23.9%)
situated under the minimum subsistence. As the relational
capital of households is concerned, the big weight of households with
many
(43.6%)
and so many relations
(38.5%)
is observed. In
comparison with the other villages of the commune, Geogel can be
characterized as the village which has intense connections with the
exterior, „young , poor because of the great number of households that
have material shortcomings but rich considering the relational capital
Ponor
-
The village commune centre, with minimum rank of
isolation, doesn t register, as we would have expected, a larger number
of inhabitants belonging to villages, but it is overtaken, in this respect,
by the villages Vale
ín
Jos, Geogel and
După
Deal. But the majority of
households from here are situated, considering the index of the objective
poverty, over MD („medium and „rich ) and regarding relational
capital of households, in
Ponor
village there have been observed the
maximum weights at the group „many relations and „few relations .
Differently speaking,
Ponor
is the least isolated village, with the richest
households and with a higher relational capital.
Therefore, within the very same commune we meet a diversity of
variables combinations, which indicate the poverty of the component
villages. That is why a typology of the Romanian rural, regarding also
community poverty
/
development, justifies itself.
From systemic perspective, the development of a village as social
system is function of me entries, which take place in the system, and of
the transformation processes that take place within the system,
178
Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei
following the
impact of respective
entrances and the existing elements
within the system. This can only develop if the social space of
community has a configuration that turns to good account the entrances.
A vicious circle of poverty, which can lead to the demise of the village,
comes into being because the entrances in the system, even if they are
determined by needs (requirements), depend on the capacity of
attracting them. Politics on national or regional level compensate the
possible capacity lack of the community only if they correspond to the
national development strategy.
At the analysis of poverty
/
development,
(eco)
systemic approach
of the village has justification from two reasons. First of all, rural
economy, predominantly agrarian still in lots of mountain areas in
Romania but with openings towards the development of the tourism and
services, is strictly conditioned by the environmental factors (natural
habitat). The type of soil, relief, climate, diversity of vegetal and animal
species etc. is a datum that human community exploit (anthropocentric
perspective,! or rationally administrate (eco-centric perspective) for
consumption (self-consumption) and selling (incomes acquiring). But,
introducing in the equation of village poverty /development the
socio
-
demographical valuables (that are those exploiting or administrating the
resources) and the variables which give the subjective dimension of
poverty, this is highly necessary because social systems are the ones
aimed in community development and not the natural ones for which
only their rational administration is pursued, without being
compromised the chances to be used by the future generations, as
wellfcccording
to the definition given to sustainable development at the
Conference from
Rio de
Janeiro,
1992).
Secondly, efficient environments (social and natural) of the
villages interact in different extent, according to isolation
/
opening
degree that every system taken as an entity has. The connection of the
village to the town confers the measure of intensity
οι
changes that take
place, implicitly transformations that accelerate or slow down the
development of the community.
179
Călina Ana Buţiu
However,
social
systems cannot be treated as ecosystems. The
laws, which govern them, are not totally applied, no matter how strong
the conditioning given by the natural environment would be. Unlike the
natural systems where their evolution is exclusively determined by
natural laws (as long as it is not perturbed by the human activity), social
systems have their own regularities, which are defining in approaching
community development. In this respect, we have illustrated how the
isolation degree of a village does not necessarily reflect in the poverty
level of households.
English version:
Cristina
Rahoveanu
Maria
Mureşan
180
|
| adam_txt |
CUPRINS
Prefaţă
.7
Introducere
.13
Capitolul
I:
SĂRĂCIA ŞI SPAŢIUL SOCIAL AL SĂRĂCIEI
.17
1.
Sărăcia
-
cadrul teoretic şi conceptual
.18
1.1.
Sărăcia ca lipsă a resurselor
.18
1.2.
Sărăcia şi standardul de viaţă
.19
2.
Metodologii de apreciere a sărăciei
.22
2.1.
Metode pentru determinarea sărăciei
.24
2.2.
Stabilirea pragurilor de sărăcie în România
.27
2.3.
Metode de estimare a standardului subiectiv de viaţă
.30
3.
Sărăcia în România. Statistici şi evaluări
.35
3.1.
Grupuri cu grad crescut de vulnerabilitate la sărăcie
.37
3.2.
Criza economiei româneşti
-
factor al sărăciei
.,.40
3.3.
Sărăcia ca efect al ineficientei transferurilor sociale
.44
4.
Satele din România. Diagnoze ale sărăciei în rural
.46
4.1.
Satul şi spaţiul rural
.46
4.2.
Diversitatea satelor din România
.49
4.3.
Aspecte metodologice ale diagnozei spaţiului rural
.55
Capitolul
П:
DIMENSIUNI ALE SĂRĂCIEI ÎN COMUNAPONOR
.61
1.
Premizele sărăciei în comuna Ponor
.65
1.1.
Caracteristici generale ale satelor comunei
.66
. 1.2.
Aspecte socio-demografice
.67
1.3.
Specificul gospodăriilor
.74
1.4.
Ocupaţii de bază. Evoluţia producţiei agricole
.75
2.
Dimensiuni obiective ale sărăciei gospodăriilor din Ponor
.77
2.1.
Estimarea sărăciei în Ponor prin metode normative
.77
2.2.
Calculul unui indice global al sărăciei obiective
.82
2.3.
Aspecte particulare ale sărăciei obiective în Ponor
.85
3.
Aspecte psihosociale al sărăciei în Ponor
.95
3.1.
Autoetichetarea pe scala bunăstării
.96
3.2.
Standardul subiectiv de viaţă în satele comunei Ponor
.96
3.3.
Structura reprezentărilor sărăciei
.98
3.4.
Mulţumirea faţă de viaţă şi sentimentul sărăciei
.99
3.5.
Sărăcia comunei în reprezentările localnicilor
.106
4.
Sărăcie, încredere şi relaţii utilitare în Ponor
.113
4.1.
Relaţii utilitare ale gospodarilor rurale
.114
4.2.
încrederea difuză şi instituţională
.,.120
Capitolul
Ш:
O ABORDARE
SISTEMICA A
POTENŢIALULUI
DE DEZVOLTARE
A COMUNITÀpLOR
RURALE MONTANE
. 129
1.
Dezvoltarea sistemelor sociale
.129
1.1.
Societăţi tradiţionale
—
societăţi moderne
.129
1.2.
Sistemul comunitar. Conceptualizări ale dezvoltării
.131
1.3.
Comunităţile- sisteme sociale descinse
.'.136
1.4.
Evoluţial raporturilor sat-oraş
.142
2.
Izolarea sistemelor sociale
-
condiţionări impuse de habitat
.146
2.1.
Izolare şi deschidere din perspectiva teoriei sistemelor
.147
2.2.
Spaţiu şi relaţii în sistemele sociale
.150
3.
Izolare şi sărăcie în satele comunei Ponor
.151
3.1.
Calculul indicelui de izolare a satului
.152
3.2.
Rangul izolării satului şi proporţia gospodăriilor sărace
.155
încheiere
.159
Summary
.,.167
Anexe
.181
Bibliografie
.191
The Romanian Village in The Social Space
of Poverty. Case Study in
Ponor
-
Alba County
SUMMARY
Approaching a theme that demonstrates its perennial character and
that sociologists, economists and politicians are equally concerned with,
we find ourselves standing in front of a mosaic of specialty literature in
which different concepts define one and the same reality now highly
experienced in Romania. As a negative phenomenon, stated, described,
explained or predicted, poverty takes many facets of a great diversity
conferred by the socio-political context; and what we are trying to
reveal in the present paper depends on the residence place.
The projects of World Bank, under which ample sociological
studies regarding the phenomena have been elaborated, are considered
to be the starting point in the documentation necessary for realizing the
work.
Conceptually, poverty
oñen
appears at the opposite side of
development when communities or collectivises are analyzed; poverty is
a state, a fact situation that, analyzed on its multiple dimensions, leads
to the concept of development level. In the construction of indexes of
communities' development/poverty, one appeals to a complex set of
variables and, in one way or another, they consist of indicators that
surprise the main capital forms of households. In die specialty literature
it is reflected the preoccupation, intensified in the last years, of
elaborating distinct diagnoses regarding
Übe
families 'poverty in the rural
167
Călina Ana Buţiu
environment
and the Romanian rural communities', as well. Between
the two analysis levels there is a strong interdependence, so it is logical
to say that a community is poor
ifit
is preponderantly composed by poor
families and vice versa.
Identifying the poor families in the rural environment, by the aid of
objective methods, when knowing that these assure in a great part the
consumed goods from what they are producing within the household,
this raises quite serious methodological problems. Even quantifying
how much and what exactly it has been produced (or obtained) by each
family, we obtain a fragile information, from a few reasons. First, the
accentuated sub-declaring tendency (it is still persisting the dark
memory of those "contributions" that peasants had to provide "to the
state"); secondly, it is known that different forms of social support are
granted according to the family total income which includes the
household production's ones. Much more eloquent may be, at a certain
point, how each person perceives his/her living standard (subjective
poverty), the level of aspiration playing here a fundamental role.
On the other hand, rural cannot be studied but at its two
dimensions: communities and their territory. Romanian village is a
double territorial reality materialized through the concentration place of
the residences and the production place. The two realities determine the
functional duality of the village: the residential one and the productive
one. Due to population agglomeration in the house (home, dwelling
place) and to its built parts, the village
defines
itself as a locality; and
concerning the working place, usually located outside and organized for
production, the village is the centre of the material production.
Population is the connection between these components and the
reproduction and labour source, as well. At the same time, it is the one
who made efforts from the beginning for active adaptation and
coordinate elements of nature in order to obtain the territory for
constructions and agricultural practices. That is why the village bears,
from the point of view of the poverty/development level, the stamp of
the territory that lies on.
168
Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei
Trying to render the interdependence between the individual and
the community levels (regarding the determinants of poverty degree in
the mountain rural) but also the relation between subjective and
objective dimension of poverty, we appealed to data and statistics which
reveal poverty in Romania; in order to illustrate the multiple facets of
poverty in the mountain villages, through empirical research in a
commune, the poorest in the county (Sandu,1999) we wish to bring into
relief the image of poverty under its multiple aspects.
Although at pragmatic level the unanimous aim of social policies
is to reduce poverty, when defining and conceptualizing the poverty, it
appears sensitive differences that induce diverse criteria and methods
for measuring the phenomenon. Considered now as pioneer's works in
defining and measuring poverty, but extremely valuable at that time,
Rowntree's writings, elaborated at the end of the 19th century and the
beginning of the 20th century, draw attention upon
a fondamental
aspect, namely: defining and measuring poverty is directly connected to
space where it manifests itself. That is why the sphere of preoccupations
regarding defining poverty includes: material aspects, aspects that refer
to social exclusion (another problematical concept) and social capital
(still hard to measure), with demonstrations specific to each society.
Beyond saying, in an oversimplified way, that poverty means a
state of deprivation, the generality of defining poverty is nowadays a
disputable issue. A unique, universal definition would presume the
possibility of transfer from a society to another, not only of the
measuring methodology but also of the poverty thresholds. But the
multidimensional character of poverty does not presume significant
demonstrations of all dimensions in all the societies. That is why, from
defining to making the operations and measuring, poverty experiences
more or less sensitive differences.
Distinct inteipretations of the same reality, in this case of poverty
lead to its different measuring methodologies. For establishing poverty
thresholds but also for identifying the poor, the monetary approach
169
Calina Ana
Buţiu
(with its alternatives) is dominant. The reason is given by the
standardization permitted by translating the individual's resources into
money. With all the progresses registered in point of methodological
aspect, as regards the obtained data objectivity aspect, there are still a lot
of doubtful (and debatable) sources. The consumption seems to
approximate better the poverty degree than the income that can register
considerable fluctuations on short term; and, in addition, it is susceptible
of under declaring or distorted declaring. On the other hand, while
individual consumption may be easier to estimate, the collective one is
harder to grasp through measuring methods of poverty at the level of the
individual
/
family, and easier to quantify if the analysis level is the
community.
bi
Romania, measuring poverty through normative method (of
goods and services basket that responds to individual needs) is the one
officially adopted for substantiation of social policies at national level.
Estimations regarding poverty at country level, performed by the
researchers
οι
Institute for Quality of Life Researches, are not based
only on this method but also on self-appreciation of the individuals
(subjective poverty).
From sociological surveys, official statistics and Human Development
Report ensure the aggravating situation of the individuals
/
families in
Romania regarding their welfare. Inhabitants in the rural register, on
certain dimensions, perform the most striking negative evolutions.
Further on, we will analyze the specific nature of poverty in the rural
communities and, especially of those in the mountain areas where
monetary approaches may be irrelevant for estimating poverty.
Poverty at individual/family level cannot be analyzed without
placing it in the larger frame of the community it belongs to. Stopping
on a few definitions of rural communities we emphasize their diversity.
Appealing only to the concept of territorial community, we find a
variety of typologies which make the diagnosis of poverty
/
development of rural communities a difficult but necessary approach
because the real evaluation of the poverty/development level of
170
Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei
communities has always a pragmatic goal: results to be set up as
groundwork of politics and development projects.
Throughout the diagnoses in view we have pursued to make
evident the following aspects: in order to establish the poverty
/
development degree in rural one can make use of diverse methodologies
which have as starting point the delimitation of analysis unit; villages in
Romania are hard to surprise in a single typology, defining being the
criteria used.
At regional level, poverty is determined by referring to three
macro-regions: Moldavia, Southern Regions
(Muntenia, Dobrogea,
Oltenia)
and Transylvania (which includes besides Transylvania
Banat,
Crişana
and
Maramureş
also). This way, a village is poor if its poverty
level, reported on a regional level, is placed in the first quartile.
From regional perspective, in Moldavia poverty is intense and
extended. Here the greatest number of villages with extreme poverty
(which are the poorest reported at national as well as regional level) lie.
Southern regions are situated between Moldavia and Transylvania
where the rural poverty is a minimum one (in relative terms).
Thus, one ascertains that there are significant regional
dependencies regarding poverty of villages. Poor villages are
preponderantly those that lie in little developed counties, isolated areas,
far away
ířom
the modernized roads. Very specific is also the regional
localization of human capital of the village measured as education
supply, participation rate and employment out of me agricultural sector.
Moldavia registers the lowest level of human capital in comparison with
the others macro-regions and at regional level, the index takes minimum
values for the villages that lie at the outskirts of the county, far away
from the modernized roads and towns. Getting closer to big towns
determinates an increase of the education supply, which influences
positively the value of development index.
Our survey from July
2001,
effected in a commune in
Apuseni
Mountains and based on some prior studies, was registered between the
poorest communes in Romania and the poorest in
Apuseni
Mountains; it
171
Calina Ana
Buţiu
pursued to consider thoroughly the investigations and to render the
multiple aspects that poverty state induces at the level of the household
and individual. Of great interest it is also identifying the factors that
generate the causal cycle of poverty.
The findings resulted after the diagnosis application of household
poverty classic {normative) methods show that, while at a national level
poverty determined strong polarizations and deepening the gape
between the poor and the non-poor
(Zamfir,
1995,1999,2000),
in
Ponor
the differences between households regarding poverty (with objective
and subjective aspects) are small in number. Determinants of poverty or
prosperity of a household are here given by the labour within the
household, the owned agricultural ground and the income sources,
others than the agricultural production ones. These are the ones that can
induce main differences and the survey revealed the fact that the poorest
households are those which do not have persons capable of work (in
order to obtain incomes as day workers), agricultural field or other
incomes, depending exclusively on social work transfers.
The poverty of
Ponor
commune, with the six component villages,
Ponor, După
Deal,
Macareşti,
Geogel, Vale
ín
Jos and
Valea Bucurului,
is strongly determined by the age of residents. Comparing the data with
the ones at national level, the demographic ageing of the commune by
23.3%
over-fulfillment of the group of seniors' weight is obvious.
The data obtained in the survey carried out in
Ponor
confirms the
fact that the
infrastructure
of the households and the one of the
commune is showing a deficit. Although the majority of the people in
Ponor
live in old houses, which need to be repaired and don't have
modern facilities and endowments, declare themselves pretty satisfied
with what they have. Then it is natural to consider themselves not very
poor, because poverty is here often defined in terms of absolute
shortcomings. But who has at least a milk cow doesn't consider him to
be a poor man.
The household has, for the poor people here, the role to provide
him the necessary goods for subsistence: part of the food, sometimes
172
Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei
clothing and, from the little
surplus,
by selling, money for buying other
goods (sugar, edible oil, wheat for bread, footwear etc.). Material
shortcomings that the poor locals confront with, lead to the degradation
of the houses and connected annexes, to the restriction of the cattle
number and to usage of the same household utility goods for years or
decades. There are households, which don't have access to the
electricity network, so there is no question about buying goods which
use electric power (T.V., refrigerator etc). The young men migrate
towards regions with community facilities and because of the
demographic ageing, entire households are being abandoned.
Here it has been ascertained the preservation of a traditional life¬
style that is directly determined by the age mean of the population: the
minimal importance accorded to modern endowments and facilities
should be natural compensated by the one for endowments of family
works (at least for the households that are based almost exclusively on
this one); although the majority of agricultural tools are of olden type,
people are still satisfied with what they have. The mass media doesn't
manifest a remarkable interest, the information exchange-taking place in
a closed circuit where direct utility information is prior.
Thus, one can say that in
Ponor,
modernism, in which the capital
invested in properties belonging to domestic economy (agricultural land,
animals, buildings) or in other unproductive activities, progressively
disengaged and reinvested in technical equipment necessary for
production, is still in a rudimentary stage. In the villages of the
commune, characterized by limited productivity, essentially agricultural,
the attitude of population is marked by some kind of long
tenn,
as an
acceptance of a general situation.
But local people are dependent, on the one hand, on the technical
progress, on the accessibility of modern agricultural production means
and, on the other hand, the distance compared to the commodity market,
makes them dependent on the intermediary tradesmen.
Identifying the problems of the commune, made by local people
(pointed out in the survey) presumes a reference to the neighboring
173
Calina Ana
Buţiu
communes
and to a prosperity period that responders have experienced
in the commune.
Attitude towards poverty, although marked by the values of
Christian religion, owing again to the same values (mainly), leads to the
desire to be able to work accompanied by legitimate expectations
towards institutions of the public authority, as welfare actors. Trust
(reliance) in these institutions is eroded in the conditions in which the
compensations offered by institutions, on the basis of the principle of
social solidarity, are minimal.
Although the role of the government is to secure the infrastructure
and the health and education services necessary to all, the poor people
have the feeling that their life remains unchanged following the
measures and interventions of the state institutions. Their interaction
with the representatives of these institutions is marked by indifference.
In front of the inclemency of nature, relief conditions and risks
associated to the localization in a mountain area, the main support of the
people remains faith in God.
As, for many of the mountain localities of Romania, tourism
represents a chance for development, in
Ponor
-
at least now
-
because
of the
infrastructure
(roads and houses, mainly) and of the existing
human capital, even if the natural potential is high, these initiatives are
not foreseen. It is possible that a modernization of the access road
towards Aiud (the closest town) revitalizes the commune.
Searching for causal explanations of the maintenance of a low
living standard of the peasant, even in the conditions of "consumption
society", super industrialized, sociologists give diverse answers among
which the most plausible seems to be the one that agriculturists of
industriai
societies support a double "exploitation": that of the industry
and that of the commerce. They depend, on the one hand, on the
technical progress, on the accessibility of modern agricultural
production means; and, by purchasing the power of some, especially
those engaged in the industrial sector, the distance compared to the
commodity market makes them dependent on a great number of
174
Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei
mediators (merchants), on the other hand. Once the town came into
being, the village was reported and defined in comparison with this one.
The dichotomy rural
-
urban which appears frequently in the steps of
sociological researches prescribes studies distinctly orientated towards
two realities which, though can be separated with purposes purely
analytical, are deep and essentially connected.
As an opened social system, the village is relatively isolated and
the relativity can be determined only by comparison to the town, whose
connections with the exterior are more intense. This way, differences
rural
-
urban can be treated, from the systemic perspective, as being
determined by the isolation/opening degree of the two social systems.
Between economical-social development, problematic subject in
the contemporary sociological debates
(Costea,
1998)
and the ecological
one (Ionescu,
1991),
the connection link is the concept of sustainable
development, adopted following the Environment Conference from Rio
de
Janeiro
(1992).
Thus, the two system types, social and natural, are
not being analyzed apart anymore. A new approach in
,
which
eco-
centrism
substitutes anthropocentrism and openings towards social
systems analysis from eco-systemic perspective are offered
(Duţu,
1998;
Dumitrean,
2001).
Starting from the premise that there are no isolated natural
systems, the matter (M), energy (E) and information (I) flows are the
ones that can characterize the extent to what a system is more or less
isolated or opened. The isolation degree of the village, as reflection of
the connection with the exterior can only be determined in the
conditions in which spatial frontiers can be traced for the system under
discussion, which, for localities, as territorial
-
administrative units, is
pre-established. The transport and communication networks across
which M, E, I are moving in order to be stored or transformed, are, in
point of structure, components of the system (in case, communication
and transport infrastructure of the village) but are also the ones that
assure the exchanges with the other systems.
175
Călina Ana Buţiu
Surprising the differences between the villages of a commune with
regard to the development level, in the hypothesis of multiple
determination of isolation, shooting from the reality of poor rural in
Romania, confirms the direct relation between distances, as
geographical factors, and the poverty of the community.
If for the commune, the irradiation centre of modernism
/
development is represented by the closest city, for the component
villages
-
at least in the case of mountain rural
-
the village commune
centre, where there are the institutions that assure the
managerial/political function and that of planning and adaptation,
essential for the other two functions discharged by the community
system: production respectively support and maintenance (Katz and
Kahn, 1966),
is the next irradiation nucleus of modernism. There is the
problem of distance
—
measured all along the channel on which the
exchange is carried out
-
between the source and the receiver (village
commune centre
-
component village).
Calculating an index of village isolation, on the base of natural
systems theory and, searching links between other objective and
subjective variables which indicate the poverty of the community, we
obtain some results that we present further on, for each component
village of the commune.
Valea Bucurului
-according to the development level and to index
LEVEL
98
(Sandu,
2000) -
is the poorest village in the commune and,
according to the calculated isolation index, is the most isolated village.
But this is not where there are the majority of poor households. Indeed,
according to the socio-demographical, geographical and infrastructure
indicators, it can be quoted as the poorest village in the commune (it is
pointed out by the maximum weight of lonely persons
(40.9%),
solitary
seniors' households and the least number of nuclear families with
children). Material poverty seems here to be less encountered and the
relational capital is maxim. Its placement on the lowest quote of the
development level is not reflected in the index of subjective poverty, as
the weight of those who consider themselves under the minimum
176
Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei
socially
decent
is more little that the average on the commune. We can
say that, from all the villages of
Ponor
commune,
Valea Bucuralui
is
situated on the lowest stage regarding community development although
it placed on a superior step as it concerns the welfare of households.
Vale
ín
Jos
-
having the lowest relational capital and big weight of
households constituted from incomplete nucleus
-
woman head of the
household, also registers the greatest number of auto-placements under
the social decency threshold (MD). Although me value of the village
isolation index
(4.8)
is close to the maximum one
(5.3 -
registered by
Valea Bucurului),
poverty in the two villages have some features and,
most likely, different determinants. Obviously, in
Ponor,
a direct
relation between the rank of isolation and the relational capital of the
household doesn't arise at all. On the other hand, isolation of village
could be a determinant of the great number of lonely persons, usually
seniors.
Macareşti
-
The village without institutions and for which the
school, the medical dispensary, a private store, the bus station and the
public phone in Geogel represent the „control points", that can
determine its development. Under demographic aspect is remarked by:
minimum inhabitants number:
54,
the highest average age
(53.8),
masculinity maximum report, maximum weight of households having
incomplete nucleus
-
man and the greatest weight of the households
„complete nucleus with children". As it concerns objective poverty, half
of the households are between the subsistence threshold and the socially
decent one and one third are „medium" households, which show a
differentiation little pronounced under the material aspects. But here are
stated most of the helping relations in households, who backs up another
hypothesis: in rural communities' relational capital increases inversely
proportional to the number of households.
După
Deal
-
Is distinguished from the other villages by the
masculinity sub-unitary report and by the maximum dependence reports.
Here we meet a big weight of elder women who live alone or not.
According to the values of the index of household's objective poverty,
І
77
Călina Ana Buţiu
the village can be quoted as the richest and having polarizations more
accentuated regarding welfare. The relational capital is however more
reduced than in the villages with poor households.
Geogel
-
A village which was, not long ago, in the history of the
place, the commune-centre, brought it plenty of facilities and
community infrastructure. Here the average of persons in the household
is maximum:
2.46
(compared to the minimum
1.89 -
the most isolated
village,
Valea Bucurului)
and the average age of inhabitants is minimum
(43.6).
Here there are the majority of objectively poor households
(23.9%)
situated under the minimum subsistence. As the relational
capital of households is concerned, the big weight of households with
many
(43.6%)
and so many relations
(38.5%)
is observed. In
comparison with the other villages of the commune, Geogel can be
characterized as the village which has intense connections with the
exterior, „young", poor because of the great number of households that
have material shortcomings but rich considering the relational capital
Ponor
-
The village commune centre, with minimum rank of
isolation, doesn't register, as we would have expected, a larger number
of inhabitants belonging to villages, but it is overtaken, in this respect,
by the villages Vale
ín
Jos, Geogel and
După
Deal. But the majority of
households from here are situated, considering the index of the objective
poverty, over MD („medium" and „rich") and regarding relational
capital of households, in
Ponor
village there have been observed the
maximum weights at the group „many relations" and „few relations".
Differently speaking,
Ponor
is the least isolated village, with the richest
households and with a higher relational capital.
Therefore, within the very same commune we meet a diversity of
variables combinations, which indicate the poverty of the component
villages. That is why a typology of the Romanian rural, regarding also
community poverty
/
development, justifies itself.
From systemic perspective, the development of a village as social
system is function of me entries, which take place in the system, and of
the transformation processes that take place within the system,
178
Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei
following the
impact of respective
entrances and the existing elements
within the system. This can only develop if the social space of
community has a configuration that turns to good account the entrances.
A vicious circle of poverty, which can lead to the demise of the village,
comes into being because the entrances in the system, even if they are
determined by needs (requirements), depend on the capacity of
attracting them. Politics on national or regional level compensate the
possible capacity lack of the community only if they correspond to the
national development strategy.
At the analysis of poverty
/
development,
(eco)
systemic approach
of the village has justification from two reasons. First of all, rural
economy, predominantly agrarian still in lots of mountain areas in
Romania but with openings towards the development of the tourism and
services, is strictly conditioned by the environmental factors (natural
habitat). The type of soil, relief, climate, diversity of vegetal and animal
species etc. is a datum that human community exploit (anthropocentric
perspective,! or rationally administrate (eco-centric perspective) for
consumption (self-consumption) and selling (incomes acquiring). But,
introducing in the equation of village poverty /development the
socio
-
demographical valuables (that are those exploiting or administrating the
resources) and the variables which give the subjective dimension of
poverty, this is highly necessary because social systems are the ones
aimed in community development and not the natural ones for which
only their rational administration is pursued, without being
compromised the chances to be used by the future generations, as
wellfcccording
to the definition given to sustainable development at the
Conference from
Rio de
Janeiro,
1992).
Secondly, efficient environments (social and natural) of the
villages interact in different extent, according to isolation
/
opening
degree that every system taken as an entity has. The connection of the
village to the town confers the measure of intensity
οι
changes that take
place, implicitly transformations that accelerate or slow down the
development of the community.
179
Călina Ana Buţiu
However,
social
systems cannot be treated as ecosystems. The
laws, which govern them, are not totally applied, no matter how strong
the conditioning given by the natural environment would be. Unlike the
natural systems where their evolution is exclusively determined by
natural laws (as long as it is not perturbed by the human activity), social
systems have their own regularities, which are defining in approaching
community development. In this respect, we have illustrated how the
isolation degree of a village does not necessarily reflect in the poverty
level of households.
English version:
Cristina
Rahoveanu
Maria
Mureşan
180 |
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| bvnumber | BV022587270 |
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| geographic | Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 gnd Ponor Alba, Rumänien (DE-588)7657729-6 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Rumänien Ponor Alba, Rumänien |
| id | DE-604.BV022587270 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T18:17:09Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:01:00Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9736104389 9789736104381 |
| language | Romanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-015793430 |
| oclc_num | 213638343 |
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| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 196 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2006 |
| publishDateSearch | 2006 |
| publishDateSort | 2006 |
| publisher | Presa Univ. Clujeană |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Buţiu, Călina Ana Verfasser aut Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei studiu de caz în comuna Ponor-Alba Călia Ana Buţiu Cluj-Napoca Presa Univ. Clujeană 2006 196 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The Romanian village in the social space of poverty Armut (DE-588)4002963-3 gnd rswk-swf Dorf (DE-588)4012775-8 gnd rswk-swf Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 gnd rswk-swf Ponor Alba, Rumänien (DE-588)7657729-6 gnd rswk-swf Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 g Dorf (DE-588)4012775-8 s Armut (DE-588)4002963-3 s DE-604 Ponor Alba, Rumänien (DE-588)7657729-6 g Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015793430&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015793430&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Buţiu, Călina Ana Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei studiu de caz în comuna Ponor-Alba Armut (DE-588)4002963-3 gnd Dorf (DE-588)4012775-8 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4002963-3 (DE-588)4012775-8 (DE-588)4050939-4 (DE-588)7657729-6 |
| title | Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei studiu de caz în comuna Ponor-Alba |
| title_auth | Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei studiu de caz în comuna Ponor-Alba |
| title_exact_search | Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei studiu de caz în comuna Ponor-Alba |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei studiu de caz în comuna Ponor-Alba |
| title_full | Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei studiu de caz în comuna Ponor-Alba Călia Ana Buţiu |
| title_fullStr | Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei studiu de caz în comuna Ponor-Alba Călia Ana Buţiu |
| title_full_unstemmed | Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei studiu de caz în comuna Ponor-Alba Călia Ana Buţiu |
| title_short | Satul românesc în spaţiul social al sărăciei |
| title_sort | satul romanesc in spatiul social al saraciei studiu de caz in comuna ponor alba |
| title_sub | studiu de caz în comuna Ponor-Alba |
| topic | Armut (DE-588)4002963-3 gnd Dorf (DE-588)4012775-8 gnd |
| topic_facet | Armut Dorf Rumänien Ponor Alba, Rumänien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015793430&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015793430&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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